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INTRODUCTION

In life human society quarrels always arose, with varying degrees of intensity and share of violence, sometimes developing into conflicts. People have always been looking for ways to prevent them and eliminate their causes - contradictions between themselves. The first attempts to comprehend this date back to the very moment of the birth of human civilization. War is the father of all things, and peace is their mother... a social conflict that is part of objective reality and a social process. Social conflict acts as a way to resolve significant contradictions that arise in the process of social interaction of various social subjects (personalities, groups, classes, nations, peoples, states, etc.) and manifests itself in their opposition to each other.

These are the general points, general remarks that can be found in the works of most philosophers (whose judgments are more often the artistic exploration of the world) and scientists.

Conflict situations, in which various social groups became participants, could not but play a very significant role in history, causing unrest, a change of the monarch and the reigning dynasty, wars and other troubles in the life of society. Arising about a particular resource distributed in society, as a result of the claims of the participants in the conflict, they gave rise to various kinds of interest groups that directly or indirectly influence the dynamics of the conflict, dividing society.

The foregoing allows us to turn to the study of the very concept of "social conflict", to identify its main characteristics. To solve this problem, the author turned to the epochs, as well as to specific personalities that personify those quarrels that took place in the period of the 16th - 17th centuries. in that particular historical situation.

In accordance with this goal, the author, based on some facts from the history of that period, the initial situation that developed as a result of the contradictions that led to the formation of the Russian centralized state, sought to substantiate the concept of "social conflict", explore the content of the semantic core of this concept, outline its contours, borders, find out their causes and foundations, as well as the factors that played a significant role in the process of their formation.

Based on the ideas of the most prominent historians, primarily Karamzin, Solovyov, R. Pipes and a number of other researchers, understanding their ideas about the ongoing processes in Russia in the 16th-17th centuries, one can both understand the phenomenon of social conflict to some extent and enrich its contents are facts from the life of the still young Russian state. The stated vision of what is happening, quite popular, figurative, in many respects anticipates the development of fundamental scientific theories.

The study of social conflict is a set of consistent research procedures aimed at studying the essence and characteristics of social conflicts, as well as a system of approaches, principles, and methods for studying social conflicts. Research procedures can be based on systemic, structural-functional, subject-activity, situational, structural and other diverse approaches.

The totality of such procedures can be defined as applied conflict analysis. The social level of the conflict, its scale, the level of claims of the participants in the conflict and their goals determine the depth and scope of the study. Applied conflict analysis, being integral part sociological study of social conflicts, aimed at studying and clarifying the following parameters conflict interaction - the causes of the conflict, the object and subjects of the conflict, their interests, goals and positions, the causes of the conflict, the balance of forces, methods and techniques of struggle, as well as the dynamic characteristics of the deployment of the conflict and its possible consequences.

The study of various social conflicts is one of the varieties sociological research, includes the same stages and characteristics - a preliminary study of the conflict situation and the development of a research plan; development of the research program; definition of a specific object of study; development of methodology and research tools; conducting a pilot study; collection of primary information; processing of the obtained data, analysis and interpretation of the results; formulation of conclusions and recommendations.

The well-known statement of Immanuel Kant that popular practical philosophy does not go further than what it can grope through examples, in the context of the study can be interpreted as an indication of the way the topic is disclosed.

An effective impact on social conflicts is possible only when the nature of the conflict is studied in sufficient depth, the true causes of its occurrence are understood, and patterns of development and resolution are identified. Prevention and diagnosis of social conflicts, their design resolution and regulation, while increasing the role of science is today one of the most important tasks of management in Russian society.

scientific system knowledge about various social conflicts, based on the scientific, theoretical and methodological foundations of the sociology of conflict, can become effective tool prevention and settlement of emerging social conflicts in Russian society. This is the practical significance of the work.

The methodological basis of the work is the idea of the inevitability of conflicts, the possibility of their prevention and elimination primarily through negotiations.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS IN RUSSIA XVI – XVII CENTURIES.

The question of the existing in Russia XVI - XVII centuries. social conflicts, the conflictogenicity of the situations that developed in that period of Russian history, it would be quite natural to start with the definition of social conflict, its essence and specifics.

Being the subject of study of a number of sciences, social conflicts in most works are usually endowed with such an essential feature as confrontation, a clash of participants in the conflict pursuing opposite goals that can only be achieved in counteraction, struggle by infringing on the interests of the other side.

The essence of social conflict lies not so much in the emergence of a contradiction, a clash of interests, but in the opposition of the subjects of social interaction and in the way of resolving the contradiction that has arisen.

The source of such confrontation is social contradictions, which have aggravated to the highest stage, when other ways of removing or eliminating them have been exhausted. As a rule, social interests act as contradictions, reflecting various value orientations and norms of social subjects - a conflict in this case acts as a means, a way of resolving social contradictions in the social interaction of subjects.

Varieties of those from various spheres of public life - politics, economics, law, military sphere etc. allows us to conclude that all types of conflicts have all the properties common to social conflicts and, along with this, contain some specific properties that distinguish them from other conflicts.

Consequently, social conflict is the most acute social process and a way to resolve significant contradictions that arise in the process of social interaction between various social subjects (personalities, groups, classes, ethnic groups, nations, peoples, states, etc.). Social conflict consists in the opposition of subjects to each other and, as a rule, is accompanied by negative emotions and feelings directed at the opposing side.

Not all conflicts of interest lead to social conflicts, but for the conflict to become inevitable, the contradictions must acquire an antagonistic character.

Social conflict acts as a kind of social mechanism that contributes to the development social community, moving forward, solving and removing the accumulated problems of social stagnation and the contradictions of social progress. Ultimately, social conflict leads to the establishment and achievement of (temporary) harmony and social order.

The question of social conflicts in Russia must be started by determining the conditions for their occurrence, i.e. it is necessary to form the image of Russia of that time. Describing it, we can talk about the formation of a single Russian state. It included the lands of the Great Vladimir reign, Novgorod, Pskov, Ryazan and Smolensk. Politically, one can speak of the existence of despotism. "Despotism", whose root is the Greek despotes, has more or less the same etymology as patrimonial, R. Pipes, characterizing it speaks of a deviation from a truly monarchical power (which, it is read, respects the property rights of its subjects) or its perversion ., calling it a patrimonial regime, an independent form of government. The patrimonial system, that's what he calls it.

“Here there are no conflicts between sovereignty and property, and there cannot be, for, as in the case of the primitive family, in which the pater familias predominates, they are one and the same. The despot infringes on the property rights of his subjects; the patrimonial ruler simply does not recognize this right for them at all.

The power of the Russian tsar is not limited by anything, according to foreigners, in its fullness none of their European monarchs could compare with the Moscow sovereign. He further writes, “Under a patrimonial system, there can be no clear distinction between the state and society, insofar as such a distinction presupposes that not only the sovereign, but also other persons have the right to exercise control over things and (where slavery exists) over people. In the patrimonial state there are no official restrictions on political power, no rule of law, no personal freedoms. Nevertheless, a rather sad fact is obvious to Pipes: “it can have a highly effective political, economic and military organization, resulting from the fact that all the human and material resources of the country are controlled by the same person or people - the king or bureaucrats.

The grandson of Ivan III, Ivan IV (the Terrible) assumed the new title "Tsar and Grand Duke of All Russia". The first period of the reign of Ivan IV was one of the bright pages of Russian history. At that time, the young king was influenced by the cultured and humane staff. With their help, a number of reforms were carried out: local self-government, participation of representatives of the population in court, etc.

Having completed the reforms, Ivan IV conquers the Kazan and Astrakhan Tatar khanates - the remnants of the Golden Horde on the Volga. It also successfully starts a fight with its Western neighbors for access to Baltic Sea.

The last 20 years of Ivan the Terrible's life, unlike the first period, were gloomy in Russian history. A sharp change for the worse in his character bordered on mental illness. He began to suspect all the boyars of treason. He sent his closest employees into exile. Some, fleeing from him, fled abroad.

To fight the opponents of the new brutal regime, Ivan the Terrible creates a military-police apparatus - the Oprichnina. Entire regions are transferred to them under the control of the oprichnina. The abuses and arbitrariness of the guardsmen, the execution of the innocent cause general discontent in the country. At the same time, the war with the western neighbors took an unfortunate turn.

At the end of the reign of Ivan the Terrible, a remarkable event took place: the wealthy Ural industrialists, the Stroganovs, organized a campaign against the remnants of the Horde beyond the Ural Mountains. A detachment of Cossacks led by Ataman Yermak defeated the troops of the Tatar Khan and captured his capital. Thus, the way was opened for the further development of Siberia by the Russians.

After Ivan the Terrible, his son Fyodor, a weak and incapable man, was the tsar. In fact, the smart and capable boyar Boris Godunov, whose sister Tsar Fedor was married to, ruled for him.

With the death of the childless Fyodor, the Rurik dynasty ended, and Boris Godunov was elected tsar. The first years of his reign were successful, but in 1600 difficulties arose: the intrigues of the boyars, who did not want to recognize him as king, lean years that caused famine, and peasant uprisings.

The symptoms of those social conflicts were the manifestation of discontent in the form of speeches, mass movements; occurrence social tension, social anxiety; polarization and mobilization of opposing forces and organizations; willingness to act in a certain (most often radical) way.

The social discontent of these groups was due to a number of circumstances, without finding out which it is impossible to understand the content and nature of the incipient conflict, let alone determine its intensity and consequences.

As a rule, awareness of the infringement of one's own interests and the choice of a way to counter the "rival" are carried out within society not by the entire social group directly, but by institutions (political leaders) that constantly (professionally) express its interests. Those at that time were Dmitry Otrepyev, known as False Dmitry the First, Boris Godunov, a number of courtiers, and others.

Any social conflict, one way or another, affects many social processes, and especially on the mass consciousness. It does not leave indifferent even passive observers, because it is most often perceived, if not as a threat, then at least as a warning, as a signal of possible danger. Social conflict evokes sympathy from some and condemnation from others, even when it does not directly affect the interests of groups not involved in it. In a society where conflicts are not hidden, not glossed over, they are perceived as something quite natural (unless, of course, the conflict threatens the existence of the system itself, does not undermine its foundations).

But even in this case, the fact of the conflict acts as a kind of evidence of social ill-being on one scale or another, at one level or another. public organization. Therefore, it also acts as a certain incentive for making changes to the current policy, legislation, management decisions, etc.

Emerging conflicts may indicate not only objective difficulties and unresolved issues, about certain social anomalies, but also about subjective reactions to what is happening. The latter is no less important. American researchers Roger Fisher and Williams Urey noted in this regard: Ultimately, however, the cause of the conflict is not objective reality, but what is happening in people's heads.

The socio-psychological component of the conflict can indeed have a self-contained value. Inadequate reflection by the mass consciousness of the changes taking place in society (for example, a change of ruler), the reaction to certain political decisions or controversial issues (for example, to whom to transfer the ruling powers when the monarch changes) can in themselves cause a conflict situation and even a large-scale conflict between active groups population and power. In this case, the conflict will act as a kind of warning, a demand, a call to make changes to the proposed actions, to prevent the implementation of those that are contrary to the national interests. The conflict itself does not yet fully express the causes that determined it, and the social sources that feed and support it. Conflict only encourages it. However, in the course of the conflict, the interests and value orientations of its participants are more clearly expressed, which in itself is extremely important for clarifying all the causes and circumstances that gave rise to the conflict. Social conflict, which has a significant scale, has a polarizing effect on society (social strata and groups), as if dividing it into those who participate in the conflict, sympathize with it, condemn it. For those who participate and sympathize with the conflict, the latter has a consolidating effect, rallying and uniting them. There is a deeper understanding of the goals in the name of which the confrontation is unfolding, new participants and supporters are "recruited". To the extent that the conflict carries a constructive or destructive beginning, contributes to the resolution of contradictions, it can be considered as progressive or regressive. Conflict, even if it has a positive impact, raises the question of the price of changes brought about by it. No matter what goals are proclaimed and no matter how important they are, but for their implementation human lives are sacrificed, the question arises about the morality of such a conflict, about its actual progressiveness.

This completes the theoretical review, it is possible to make the transition to the facts, to illustrate what has been said.

The year 1605, the death of Boris Godunov, with the death of this essentially formal leader, although he had family ties with the family of Ivan the Terrible, and yet did not have such support, support, which even his sick son had, or, rather, the rights to the kingdom, the right to be considered and be recognized as the king of the Moscow state. His many rivals (BG), and the very situation in the country, a bundle of accumulated contradictions, more and more realized among the broad masses of the population, the hardships of wars and oprichnina politics, obvious and implicit discontent could not but lead to a situation of open, mass confrontation. This period, the period of change of the ruling dynasty, accompanied by numerous conflicts, turmoil, and received such a name. A complex and difficult crisis that lasted 13 years until 1613 went down in history under the name "Time of Troubles".

What was that time? And what served him, drawing some analogy with chemistry, chemical processes, a catalyst for events, the development of a conflict. Interregnum. Anarchy. Anarchy. Power passed from hand to hand from the boyars and princes to impostor adventurers. Those. with the death of Boris Godunov, active actions to fill such a gap became inevitable,

Neighbors, especially the Poles, took advantage of this anarchy and chaos. Polish detachments penetrated deep into the country and in 1610 occupied Moscow. Moscow was controlled by them for a number of years. The question arose in full growth: to be or not to be the Russian state?

In 1612, an army was organized, after a week of bloody battles, Moscow was liberated.

It became clear that anarchy, the chaos generated by it, the lack of a strong government, would not be able to stop numerous conflicts and clashes with neighbors. The unity of Russia was under threat.

How was this conflict resolved? As usual, negotiations became the way to resolve it. In 1613, representatives from the people gathered in Moscow from all over the country to elect a tsar. This meeting was called the Zemsky Sobor.

After much debate, the Council elected a tsar, sixteen-year-old Mikhail Romanov, the son of the revered Metropolitan Philaret. Filaret himself was a prisoner of the Poles during the elections. He was the nephew of the first wives of Ivan the Terrible, Anastasia Romanova, which also played a well-known role in the election of Mikhail.

Not only the cathedral itself entered history, but the very election of Michael was overgrown with legends. The fact is that at that time the future Tsar Mikhail lived with his mother in a monastery near the city of Kostroma on the Volga. Gangs of Poles, according to legend, who planned to kill the new king, were, according to legend, stopped. A local resident, Ivan Susanin, who later became a national hero (a hero not only of historical literary works, Mikhail Glinka's opera is widely known, the original title of which was "Life for the Tsar" was, in order to avoid conflicts with the Soviet authorities, changed to "Ivan Susanin") accomplished a feat by donating own life he led them into difficult forests, warning the church of the danger. As the legend says, the Poles could not find the necessary detour routes on their own, did not overtake the future king and could not ascend the throne to him, the peasant himself - the guide was killed by them.

Tsar Mikhail, who ascended the throne, laid the foundation for a new dynasty - the Romanovs, the years of her reign stretched for hundreds of years. The tercentenary of the reign of this dynasty was loudly celebrated in Russia.

His father, Filaret, after returning from captivity, became the patriarch of "All Russia" and until his death helped his son run the state, in fact, it was he who ruled. The number of conflicts, wars, quarrels, clashes was reduced by the authorities to a permissible level.

As a legacy from the Time of Troubles, there were wars with Poland and Sweden. The country's economy fell into decay, discontent grew. In 1650, serious, albeit quickly suppressed, uprisings broke out in Novgorod, Pskov, and in Moscow itself.

The reign of Alexei Mikhailovich, who wanted only peace and silence, turned out to be difficult and difficult. In addition to the wars with Poland, he had to wage wars with Sweden and Turkey. And on the Volga at the end of his reign there was an uprising led by the Cossack Stepan Razin ("Stenka Razin"). Razin was caught and executed in Moscow. Many legends have been created around his name. The memory of him still lives in Russian folk songs.

Those. The external and internal position of the Muscovite state under the first Romanovs was extremely difficult.

In the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich, measures were taken to put in order the laws that were in force in the state, an attempt was made to bring order into the law. A new set of laws called "Cathedral Code" was published in 1649. It was this document that established serfdom Russia, thus laying the foundation for the emergence of new conflicts.

CONCLUSION

Historically, the system of knowledge about social conflicts began to take shape as an interdisciplinary branch of knowledge, a synthesis of many sciences, the main of which are military sciences, sociology, political science, psychology, law, history, philosophy, art history, pedagogy, and mathematics. Scientific interest in this socio-cultural phenomenon, which arose at a time period located before our era, taking shape in scientific theories only in the 19th century,

The complexity and versatility of the conflict phenomenon itself requires not only a thorough development of the conceptual apparatus, updating methodological positions, taking into account the results achieved in this research area by Western historiography, but also an effective combination of categories and methods of various scientific disciplines, such as history, sociology, philosophy, cultural studies, psychology, etc.
The study of conflict as part of the historical process (potential or inevitable) requires the researcher to raise new questions, both theoretical and concrete historical. The causes and factors that determine the nature of the conflict, the types of conflicts and their consequences, the subjects and functions of the conflict can be considered both within the framework of the logical-dialectical and event-dialogical models of the historical process. Different and often opposite research paradigms define both the appropriate assessment of the conflict and the ways of its analysis. The history of social conflicts is closely connected with the history of social groups, reflecting the processes of interaction between various groups in society, the state and social groups, certain ways of expressing group interests and clashes between them, transforming the social structure and political culture of society. The history of social conflicts includes the study of not only internal but also external conflicts, as well as their interrelationships, which greatly expands the research field. The 16th-17th centuries became decisive in the formation of a unified Russian state, which was associated with the strengthening of the central government. Having passed through the years of troubled times, which became the peak of the development of social conflicts of that period of Russian history, the era of conflicts, the emergence of which is associated with the weakening of the power of the monarch, the fall of the authority of the Rurik dynasty and the need for the accession of a new kind, the already united Russian state could not do without new conflicts, new quarrels and wars. Nevertheless, those of them that belong to the named period, having a fair amount of specificity, could not but become the subject of a separate study, a separate reflection. Being associated with unresolved contradictions of the time, they became a means of resolving them, the consequences of those conflicts were experienced by the society of the eighteenth century. The images of social conflicts of those centuries are an integral part of modern historical consciousness, exerting some influence on the formation public behavior in modern conditions.

LIST OF USED SOURCES

1. Legislation and official documents:

1.1. Cathedral Code of 1649

2. Special literature

2.1 Proshanov Sergey Leonidovich. Formation of the sociology of the Conflict in Russia (theoretical-methodological and institutional-organizational foundations) Specialty: 22.00.01 - Theory, methodology and history of sociology Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of doctor of sociological sciences. Moscow, 2007

2.2 Shalmin M.S. Norms of law in the system of socionormative regulation: problems of correlation and interaction. Dissertation for the degree of candidate of legal sciences. Abakan - 2006. P.10;

2.3 Conflict law: educational and scientific - practical guide / Yu.A. Tikhomirov. - M.: 2001. - p.43;

2.4 Lebedeva M.M. Political conflict resolution: Proc. allowance. - M.: Aspect Press, 1999. - 271 p.

2.5 Ozhegov S.I. Dictionary of the Russian language / Ed. N.Yu. Shvedova. - M., 1995. -

2.6 Encyclopedic sociological dictionary. - M., 1993.

2.7 R. Pipes. Russia under the old regime. M., "Nezavisimaya Gazeta", 1993

3. Internet resources

3.1 Server of the Open Russian Electronic Library (RSL project) orel.rsl.ru

3.2 www.history.ru

APPENDIX CONFLICT DYNAMICS

The hidden stage. At this stage, the conflict participants are not aware of the contradictions. There is only explicit or implicit dissatisfaction with the situation.

formation of conflict. At this stage, contradictions are formed, demands are put forward (formal leaders, a conflict group).

· Incident. An event that activates the actions of the participants in the conflict.

· Active actions of the parties.

end of the conflict. This is a process, the result of which depends on the efforts of all participants in the conflict. Possible models for the end of the conflict are:

Forms of regulation are various options for negotiations.

Artistry, as V.S. Khaziev notes, “plays the role of a teacher, a kind of “interpreter” of what is being discussed in the process of “thinking in concepts” ... Understanding means both “to decipher a new text in the language of those synonyms that are already in the mind of the cognizer, and to modify and “shake up” the new one so that it fits into the cells of the listener’s consciousness ...” // Khaziev B.C. On the language of philosophical texts // Philosophical sciences. - 1991. - No. P. -S. 115-116.

Funds were often used unproductively, they lived without thinking about tomorrow. TOPIC 48. INTERNAL POLICY OF RUSSIA IN THE II QUARTER OF THE XIX CENTURY. 1. The main political principles of Nicholas's reign. Second quarter of the 19th century. entered the history of Russia as the "Nikolaev era" or even "the era of the Nikolaev reaction." The most important slogan of Nicholas I, who was on...

Categories of peasants, at the same time created, to a certain extent, the legal protection of the estate-class integrity of the peasantry, trying to close it within the limits of estates. In connection with the general concept of serfdom as a legal expression of the production relations of feudal society, Soviet historians associated with the Code of 1649 a new step on the path to the final enslavement of the peasants. ...

devices and a significant change in their functions, the creation of a separate oprichnina troops(actually - the guards of the king), the redistribution of land holdings and a number of other important changes in the political system of the Moscow kingdom. But, perhaps, the oprichnina is most famous for its policy of terror (repressions against the closest environment, a campaign against Novgorod, etc.). In fact, oprichnina can be considered ...

The state found itself in ever-growing conflict with the central government. 2. The legal status of local self-government in Russia In the XVI - XVII centuries. 2.1 Reasons for the introduction of provincial and zemstvo administration topical issue about the need...

“The Russian man did everything he could in Siberia with extraordinary energy, and the result of his labors is worthy of surprise in its enormity,” wrote the historian of Siberia and public figure N.M. Yadrintsev.

During the 17th century, great changes took place in the history of Russia. They touched every aspect of her life. The territory of the Russian state expanded. In addition to Siberia, Russia included Left-Bank Ukraine with Kyiv and the Zaporozhye region. The limits of Russia came to the Pacific Ocean in the east, to the North Caucasus and Kazakhstan in the south.

The country was feudal, feudal ownership of land dominated, and a nationwide system of serfdom was taking shape. The increase in commodity production led to a sharp growth of cities. In the last quarter of the XVII century. trends in the design of absolutism are clearly manifested. With the departure from the political scene of the former "king" Siberian Khanate The Moscow government, in accordance with the then political views, now considers itself the full heir to the Siberian Khanate. From now on, the development of Siberia becomes a matter exclusively domestic policy Russian state, the cause of the Russian people.

In connection with the foregoing, the choice of the topic of the work "Social conflicts in Siberia in the 17th century" is relevant and justified.

The purpose and objectives of the work are to consider the features of social conflicts in Siberia in the 17th century.

The object of the study is Siberia in the 17th century.

The subject is social conflicts.

The work consists of an introduction, four paragraphs, a conclusion and a list of references.

Textbooks and articles of the following authors were used as sources: Alekseeva A.A., Minenko N.A., Pokrovsky N.N., Proshanova S.L. and others, as well as electronic resources.

1 Definition of social conflict, its essence and specifics

The question of existing in Russia XVI - XVII centuries. social conflicts, the conflictogenicity of the situations that developed in that period of Russian history, it would be quite natural to start with the definition of social conflict, its essence and specifics.

The source of such confrontation is social contradictions, which have aggravated to the highest stage, when other ways of removing or eliminating them have been exhausted. As a rule, social interests act as contradictions, reflecting various value orientations and norms of social subjects - the conflict in this case acts as a means, a way of resolving social contradictions in the social interaction of subjects.

Varieties of those from various spheres of public life - politics, economics, law, the military sphere, etc. allows us to conclude that all types of conflicts have all the properties common to social conflicts and, along with this, contain some specific properties that distinguish them from other conflicts
.

Not all conflicts of interest lead to social conflicts, but for the conflict to become inevitable, the contradictions must acquire an antagonistic character.

Social conflict acts as a kind of social mechanism that contributes to the development of social community, moving forward, solving and removing the accumulated problems of social stagnation and the contradictions of social progress. Ultimately, social conflict leads to the establishment and achievement of (temporary) harmony and social order.

The power of the Russian tsar is not limited by anything, according to foreigners, in its fullness none of their European monarchs could compare with the Moscow sovereign. He further writes, “Under a patrimonial system, there can be no clear distinction between the state and society, insofar as such a distinction presupposes that not only the sovereign, but also other persons have the right to exercise control over things and (where slavery exists) over people. In the patrimonial state there are no official restrictions on political power, no rule of law, no personal freedoms. Nevertheless, a rather sad fact is obvious to Pipes: “it can have a highly effective political, economic and military organization, which comes from the fact that all human and material resources countries are controlled by the same person or people - the king or bureaucrats.

Having completed the reforms, Ivan IV conquers the Kazan and Astrakhan Tatar khanates - the remnants of the Golden Horde on the Volga. He also successfully begins the struggle with his western neighbors for access to the Baltic Sea.

After Ivan the Terrible, his son Fyodor, a weak and incapable man, was the tsar. In fact, the smart and capable boyar Boris Godunov, whose sister Tsar Fedor was married to, ruled for him.

The symptoms of those social conflicts were the manifestation of discontent in the form of speeches, mass movements; the emergence of social tension, social anxiety; polarization and mobilization of opposing forces and organizations; willingness to act in a certain (most often radical) way.

Any social conflict, one way or another, affects many social processes, and especially mass consciousness. It does not leave indifferent even passive observers, because it is most often perceived, if not as a threat, then at least as a warning, as a signal of possible danger. Social conflict evokes sympathy from some and condemnation from others, even when it does not directly affect the interests of groups not involved in it. In a society where conflicts are not hidden, not glossed over, they are perceived as something quite natural (unless, of course, the conflict threatens the existence of the system itself, does not undermine its foundations).

But even in this case, the fact of the conflict acts as a kind of evidence of social ill-being on one scale or another, at one or another level of social organization. Therefore, it also acts as a certain incentive for making changes to the current policy, legislation, management decisions, etc.

Emerging conflicts can testify not only to objective difficulties and unresolved problems, to certain social anomalies, but also to subjective reactions to what is happening. The latter is no less important. American researchers Roger Fisher and Williams Urey noted in this regard: Ultimately, however, the cause of the conflict is not objective reality, but what is happening in people's heads.

2 The settlement of Siberia as a form of social protest

As you know, the settlement of Siberia by Russians took place in two stages. At the same time, it was the second wave of colonization of Siberia - the agricultural one - that had a decisive influence on the formation of the Siberian peasantry. In addition, one should take into account the growing since the beginning of the XVIII century. intra-Siberian migration, when the settlers of the first - commercial and fishing - waves left the taiga, which had become impoverished by that time for fur wealth, and settled in regions of Siberia suitable for agriculture.

The ancient connections of the Pomor counties with the Trans-Urals, stemming from the commercial entrepreneurship of the first Russian explorers in Siberia, continue to influence the process of settling Siberia in the 17th-18th centuries.

For centuries, the view of the Pomeranian peasants on the land as property, "patrimony", during the attempts of the government in the 17th century. limiting their right to dispose of their patrimonial lands gave rise to stubborn resistance.

It should be noted that the activity of the Russian resettlement movement in Siberia directly depended on the domestic political situation.

Most of the settlers in Siberia during the 17th-18th centuries were North Russian black-eared peasants, who sought liberation from heavy feudal oppression in resettlement. Since the 1660s, it was in Pomorie that there was a sharp increase in direct taxes, in particular, the doubling of the so-called archery money.

In the XVII-XVIII centuries. the desire of the peasants to preserve (or return) the black plow state was manifested in numerous acts of disobedience to the secular and spiritual (monastic) authorities, gave rise to numerous petitions to the supreme power with petitions to return them to the “black plows”.

The petitions of the Pomeranian peasants were saturated with numerous reasoned references to the relevant land documents, appeals to the precedents of previous proceedings. Undoubtedly, this vigorous activity in defending their own rights developed the legal awareness and law-making of the Pomor peasantry, contributed to the formation of the so-called free "Pomor" spirit, which left a significant imprint on the formation of the worldview of the Siberian peasantry.

Fighting for their status as a chernososhny, the northern peasant also defended the demands for the return of the lands seized by the feudal lords to the black lands. As the researchers point out, nowhere in Russia the peasants were more successful than in Pomorie, where the peasants managed to defend not only the borders of their lands, but also their non-enslaved status.

The black-haired peasant was a citizen of the state, in favor of which he paid taxes and carried duties, that is, serf relations, the basis of which was the property right of the serf-owner to the personality of the peasant, could not have a direct relation to the status of the black-haired peasant.

With the growth of feudal oppression, defending their own personal freedom, the peasants were still forced to leave their estates.

Despite the hesitations and attempts to prevent the spontaneous migration flow from Pomorie to Siberia, the government eventually became convinced of its own inability to overcome peasant resistance. It is interesting to note that in this way the government by no means neglected the serfdom provisions of the Council Code of 1649. According to the law, only those black-haired peasants who fled to the possessions of patrimonials and landowners were subject to investigation and return.

In the conditions of Siberia, this requirement became meaningless.

A.A. Preobrazhensky, citing a lot of data from the documents he studied (vacation letters, traveler or travel memories), came to the conclusion that in addition to illegal ones, there was also a significant group of peasants legally released by the "secular" authorities

A.A. Preobrazhensky names, among others, the high degree of social stratification of the Pomor village that developed during the 17th century. In his opinion, as a result of this process, the "worldly" authorities did not prevent the exit of the ruined peasants from the community, rightly finding in this benefit and relief for all its other members.

Pomeranian counties, due to the almost complete absence of patrimonial (except for church and palace) land tenure, developed in economic terms faster than neighboring areas.

In any case, the Pomeranian peasants, constituting the absolute majority among the settlers, brought to Siberia an extensive set of ideas about the state and social structure, which had developed over many decades on the basis of a conscious peasant struggle for their own rights.

In many ways, the process of formation of the Siberian peasantry was also influenced by the influx of fugitives from other regions of the country. At the same time, the central administration made practically no efforts to assist in their return to their owners, offering the owners themselves to organize a search for their peasants in the vast Siberian territories.

So, for example, when in 1699 the government of Peter I granted G.D. Stroganov new possessions in the Solikamsk district, the local population reacted sharply negatively to the transition to serfdom. At the beginning of 1700, “two hundred and more families from the Perm Chusovskie Evo estates moved from the Urals to Siberia, fighting off people in battle and shooting from a gun and from bows to the same Siberian cities on the agreement of the former fugitive Evo peasants”

The activity of the detective met not only active resistance from the fugitives themselves, but also a certain opposition from the Siberian administration, which was interested in the influx of the population. And if, at the cost of great effort and significant financial costs, Stroganov nevertheless managed to “find” a significant part of the peasants who left him for Siberia (which, by the way, took more than a decade), then the searches of the black-skinned peasants were obviously unsuccessful and were carried out on a much smaller scale. , turning into measures to account for the newcomer population.

The formation of the peasantry in Siberia was completed by the beginning of the 18th century, and the leading role in this process, as a result, belonged to the state peasants, whose direct exploiter was the feudal state.

A specific category of the feudally dependent population was made up of the assigned peasants of the Ural, Nerchinsk and Altai factories. By the nature of the main feudal duty (factory "corvée"), the ascribed village resembled a serf. However, the ascribed peasant, unlike the landowner, was recognized as a subject of civil and public law. The supreme power considered the ascribed peasantry as a special category within the state peasantry.

The absence in Siberia of any developed landownership, its remoteness from the center of the country, vast expanses determined both the special specificity of the consciousness of the local peasantry and the nature of the relationship between the peasant community and the authorities. The government and the Siberian administration were unable to keep the activities of the community under constant control, which was possible in the densely populated center of Russia.

By the end of the 18th century, the Siberian peasantry was represented by three groups. A group of "sovereign" - plowed and quitrent - peasants (96% of the total), a group of monastic peasants (3.5%) and personally dependent (absolute minority - 0.5%).

It is well known that landlord economy did not arise in Siberia, clearly defined strata of landed and serf peasants did not appear. Nevertheless, and this is easy to trace in the slogans of the anti-feudal movement, anti-serfdom sentiments were very close to the Siberian peasantry, and were actively supported. At the same time, by the end of the 18th century, there were only a few dozen small estates in all of Siberia, and the number of serfs was scanty.

In the XVIII - early XIX centuries. in the east of the country, the flow of free-colonization continued to flow from Pomorie.

Thus, a peasantry was formed in Siberia, feudally dependent on the state, and not on private owners. The researchers note that typologically, the Siberian peasantry is closer to the state (black-eared) peasantry of the European North of Russia, which, due to the described features of its formation, is not surprising. Like the black-mossed peasants of Pomor'e, they actually enjoy considerable ownership rights to their lands, the degree of their personal dependence is much weaker than in the landowner's village. There is also a significant closeness of the material and spiritual culture of the peasants on both sides of the Ural Range. All-Russian socio-utopian legends are widely used in Siberia, and the Russians' search for the fabulous Belovodye is connected with the real history of the Altai peasants.

At the same time, the 18th century was marked by the final formation of regional features of folk culture, which later determined the ethnographic and cultural image of the Siberian village.

Nevertheless, despite some features of development, the nature of existence, way of life and socio-political ideas of the peasant population of Siberia basically did not differ from the general Russian ones. This is explained by the fact that they were brought to the Siberian territory by Russian farmers, and did not form in the territories under consideration for many centuries, as was the case in the central part of the country.

The all-Russian patterns of the development of peasant consciousness were also characteristic of Siberia, and their effect was intensified not only by the constant transfer of relevant ideas and plots beyond the Urals, as in the course of peasant colonization, but also due to exile, since both impostors with their supporters and active distributors of various rumors and legends about monarchs.

The total mass of the exiles, however, was dominated by peasants who suffered for their anti-feudal sentiments from the Central part of Russia. In the 18th century, most of the exiles were landlord peasants. Only from 1760 to 1780. in Siberia (without the Irkutsk province) up to 40 thousand souls of m. and f. were placed. gender.

The researchers note that the process of free people's colonization, which was a reflection of the anti-feudal struggle of the masses, took place in an inseparable connection between the slogans of social and religious protest, creating a unified opposition to the church and the bureaucracy.

The practice of the absolutist state in using the results of popular colonization, which was carried out under demagogic slogans that promised an outpouring of "royal favors", contributed to the consolidation of socio-political illusions in the peasant consciousness.

3 Urban uprisings

A very common mistake is that the authors, speaking of Siberia, always replace it with Russia. So, they say (apparently, based on the text of the song about the unfortunate traveler through Baikal on the omul barrel) that "the gloomy image of Siberia-penal servitude eventually overshadowed everything else in the public mind." But this is in the Russian public consciousness, in the minds of convicts and migrants. Such songs were especially "unfortunate" among the Belarusian peasants-migrants. But not a single Cossack song that has come down to us, not a single fairy tale or song of local old-timers has despondency and “unhappiness” in sight. Take the famous cycle about Albazinsky "sitting": scope, prowess, sometimes cruelty, death, but no bitterness! It's like in a song about Stenka Razin, who throws the princess overboard - no one cries for the princess! The Siberian peasant is too pragmatic to grieve about some kind of freedom and will, he is interested in purely specific cases. An interesting case in this regard occurred in the villages of the Tobolsk governorship in 1786, where a certain Peter Purgin appeared, posing as Peter III. But he promised the peasants not land and freedom, like Emelyan Pugachev, but “that there would be no state taxes for nine years, and all the more embarrassed ordinary people.”

The Russian man and the aborigine had already known each other for quite a long time before the first "sovereign" cities were built in Siberia. The first contacts between Russians and the indigenous inhabitants of the Western Trans-Urals, and even the Mangazeya region, date back to the 11th century. After the annexation of Veliky Novgorod and "Great Perm" to the Moscow state, after a large campaign of the Moscow rati in 1499-1500. the grand dukes have already officially included in their titles the names of the kings of Yugorsky, Kondinsky, Obdorsky. From that time on, the peoples of the region were officially considered tributaries and vassals of Moscow and did not even systematically pay real tribute.

Some authors, discussing the commonality in the mentality of the colonists in the new lands, believe that "at the borders they were not afraid to rise up for freedom with weapons in their hands." And further they cite as evidence the words of the remarkable historian and publicist N. Ya. relatively free zones, and only then they are transferred from the Cossack places to the muzhik, enslaved provinces.

But this statement by N. Ya. Eidelman does not apply to Siberia. The whole paradox Russian history lies in the fact that in the 17th-18th centuries, when Siberia was relatively free from Moscow, this “main people’s war” was never “ignited” in it; moreover, neither Razin nor Pugachev found numerous and active supporters here.

In Siberia, everything was simpler and more difficult at the same time. Not even a year passed without Russian villages and prisons burning, the annual yasak gatherings of servicemen often turned into armed clashes, and the founding of Russian cities looked like a military expedition to a foreign country. Nevertheless, officially we did not have any wars with the then feudal rulers and aboriginal princelings of Siberia. Despite the fact that the degree of bitterness reached the limit on both sides. It can be recalled that when A. Voeikov finally defeated Kuchum in 1598, he ordered the execution of the captured prisoners, who no longer posed any danger. However, the opponents were also merciless, especially to their fellow tribesmen who had gone over to the side of the Russians. This is reminiscent of the fate of Bogdan Artybaev, who in 1648-1649. together with the Russian Cossacks "fought" with the Kirghiz in the Chulym volost. The Kirghiz caught his father and his family for this and boiled him alive in a cauldron.

In general, the conquest of the Siberian Khanate, Western Siberia in many ways resembles a military action to subjugate and punish a recalcitrant vassal, who previously swore allegiance to his overlord. It is also noteworthy that most of the Western Siberian cities - Tobolsk, Tyumen, Berezov, Surgut, Narym, Pelym, Tomsk - were founded near the ancestral centers of the Siberian princes, who had previously expressed their obedience to the Moscow sovereign, or the "free" » Russian trading towns.

The city then in Siberia is an outpost of multi-purpose value. Its functions
:

military and defensive

administrative,

tax and financial

transshipment and transport

trading,

industrial.

By the beginning of the XVIII century. out of about 150 fortresses in Siberia, only 20 became cities: Tyumen, Tobolsk, Surgut, Tara, Narym, Verkhoturye, Tomsk, Kuznetsk, Yakutsk, Irkutsk, Nerchinsk, etc.

Siberian city of the 17th century. distinguished by his managerial function. This determined the presence in the city of the administrative apparatus - various clerks and clerks. So, in Verkhoturye in 1645, there were 50 people (about 5.8% of the total population of the city, along with "walking" people who came here for a short time, and among the permanent population the Verkhoturskaya "bureaucracy" of the 17th century was about 21%).

Cities were also the basis of economic activity. The abundance of bread, salt, meat, fish in the Irkutsk district was noticed by the Western European traveler Isbrant Ides, who passed through the city in the 90s. 17th century He wrote:

“After several days of traveling among the Buryats, I arrived at the city of Irkutsk, located on the Angara River, which flows from Lake Baikal six miles from the city and flows from south to north. This city was built recently and is equipped with a powerful fortress and large settlements. Bread, salt, meat and fish are very cheap here, rye is the most and so plentiful that for seven stuivers you can buy another hundred German pounds. The reason for this is the fertility of this land. From Irkutsk to Verkholensk, many different kinds of cereals will be born; There are many Russian households there who make their fortune by farming and who, apart from this, do nothing else.

The budget of the Siberian city largely depended on the size of the collected yasak. The fact is that yasak from local peoples included skins not only of sable, but also of cheap types of “soft junk” - squirrels, wolves, as well as unshipped types of yasak: cattle, low-grade iron of local smelting.

This type of yasak was subject to exchange for sable skins from local peoples. The unsold and unexchanged part of the yasak remained in the local budget and was used to pay salaries, urban construction, local trade operations, etc. And at first, before the development of their own craft, arable farming, yasak revenues accounted for up to 75% of all county income.

And in history Siberia XVII in. only one case of the murder of a governor by an indignant population is known - the Ilim governor Lavrenty Obukhov in 1665: “Lavrenty, coming to them in the Ust-Kirensky volost, raped their wives ...”

Our progress in Eastern Siberia. Please note that here the most important cities, such as Yeniseisk, Krasnoyarsk, Irkutsk, Yakutsk, Nerchinsk, were founded without any connection with any settlements of the natives and sometimes even without special royal letters, but simply due to the circumstances of the military campaign: where they met resistance, there and founded a Russian city. And the political situation here was completely different. If in Western Siberia there was still an opportunity to negotiate with some one ruler - Ediger, Kuchum, Altyn Khan - then in Eastern Siberia there was simply no one to conduct such negotiations with: the native society was a kaleidoscope of various peoples and tribes that were in constant fight with each other. And it was more like North America, where the British had to conclude agreements with every major tribe. In Eastern Siberia, we entered a territory that had never even indirectly been subordinated or vassal to the Muscovite princes. But in any case - both in Western and Eastern Siberia - it was not a pure conquest: the advance of the Russian detachments was accompanied by the movement of the peasant, industrial, "walking" Russian population. This is the essence of the colonization process as an ambiguous, contradictory historical event.

4 Siberia and serfdom

In Siberia, in contrast to central Russia, in the 17th century. there was no serfdom. From the very beginning of the accession, all of Siberia was declared a "state patrimony", the Siberian land was considered state. The state sought to single-handedly extract income from the rich outskirts. The enslavement of the Siberian peasants was also impossible because the vast expanses and weakness of the local administration left the opportunity for the peasant to leave "wherever his eyes look."

The need to interact with the state authorities, to enter into contacts with the natives forced the Russian settlers to reproduce in Siberia the norms of secular (communal) self-government - the peasant community.

Siberia in the 17th century social conflicts arose, and urban uprisings took place. Their reasons were the reduction of salaries, covetousness, etc. The relations between the Russian authorities and the natives were of particular importance (the Siberian natives were then called "foreigners"). In the policy of the Russian authorities in relation to the aboriginal population there were fundamental principles
:

1. peaceful ways interact, seek alliance with them and support;

2. protection of yasak payers from harassment by the Russians, treat them with "kindness" and "hello";

3. yasak people were in the same legal field as Russians, the difference to subjects was determined only by their property and official status; sometimes they turned to the courts and law enforcement agencies to protest the actions of their “best people” and the Russian administration regarding extortion;

4. forced and mass Christianization of the Siberian population was not allowed;

5. non-interference in intra-tribal relations; during this period, the central and local authorities very rarely intervened in the affairs of the yasak volosts, where local feudal lords and representatives of the patriarchal tribal elite continued to operate.

These principles were the main condition for both the accession and the “obedience” of the natives to Moscow. The formal annexation of the peoples of Siberia was supplemented by obligatory subjugation and their transformation into subjects of the "white king". The main form of submission and "acceptance of citizenship" was the taxation and collection of yasak. Yasak volosts were special administrative units.

Yasak, as a form of taxation of the local population, was borrowed by the Russian authorities from the Tatar khanates in the Volga region and in Siberia. Literally translated into Russian, yasak is a tribute that was paid as a sign of citizenship.

At first, the yasak collected by the tsarist administration in Siberia did not differ from the tribute paid by the local population to stronger tribes or state formations before the arrival of the Russians. Its size was not fixed, they took as much as they gave, with the distribution of gifts ( metal products, fabrics, mirrors, vodka, etc.), in the form of barter. It was practiced to take noble people hostage, which guaranteed the payment of yasak by their relatives.

Since the 17th century yasak tax turned into a rent paid by the local population in favor of the feudal state for the use of land and other yasak lands. With the strengthening of Russian power, yasak turned into a kind of state tax.

The collection of yasak had two forms
:

Salary yasak - a constant, fixed amount of collection from the volost ("earth land");

unsalary - uncertain - how much will be taken.

Salary yasak was levied on groups of the yasak population, which had already established themselves in Russian citizenship and were taken into account in the census yasak books. Residents who were not firmly fixed in Russian citizenship paid an unpaid yasak, often in the amount that they themselves found necessary to maintain friendly relations with the Russian authorities. In this case, the yasak was often in the nature of an ordinary trade exchange, it was necessarily accompanied by "sovereign gifts". Yasak people were given cloth, fabrics, cauldrons, bread, vodka, cheap jewelry (beads, etc.).

The yasak contribution consisted of the actual yasak - a mandatory payment - and voluntary offerings ("commemoration"). Over time, "commemoration" also became mandatory. Yasak was accepted mainly with furs, sometimes fish, cattle, deer skins. As the extermination of sables began to accept the furs of foxes, beavers, other fur-bearing animals, as well as money. But in the main fur-trading regions (Yakutsk, Mangazeya, Yenisei districts), the government allowed the replacement of fur yasak with money only rarely.

In managing the non-Russian population, the tsarist administration tried to rely on the tribal nobility of the indigenous peoples. Kuchumovsky "Murzas and Murzichis" were exempted from yasak, they retained all the old privileges. For the most part, they were accepted into the royal service and constituted a special group of "serving Yurt Tatars."

In the management of Siberia, a prominent place was occupied by the regulation of trade. The tsarist government, interested in the normalization of the economic life of Siberia, until the end of the 16th century. exempted both Russian and Central Asian (Nogai and Bukhara) merchants from customs duties here. But since 1597, Russian merchants paid a tithe duty on Siberian goods, "a tenth of every beast from nine." Taking care of the regular flow of yasak and that the yasak people “are not hardened and not beaten off from the sovereign,” the government exempted them from paying customs duties.

Conclusion

In conclusion, I would like to say that certain difficulties arose in the selection of materials for this topic. From the sources I analyzed, it is clear that there were no huge social conflicts in Siberia. The Siberian peasant is too pragmatic to grieve about some kind of freedom and will, he is interested in purely specific matters, for example: the amount of taxes, "so that the clerks do not do arbitrariness."

And the whole paradox of Russian history lies in the fact that in the 17th-18th centuries, when Siberia was relatively free from Moscow, this “main people’s war” was never “ignited” in it; moreover, neither Razin nor Pugachev found numerous and active supporters here.

Indeed, in the history of Siberia in the 17th century, almost a year did not pass in which “riots and disorder”, “disturbances and vacillations” did not break out in one or another area, ending with the murder of the governor or clerks, “knocking out” them from the cities. All classes and strata of Siberian society took part in these movements. Of course, it cannot be denied that they manifested the property stratification of Siberian society.

In comparison with the situation of the natives in the colonies of the European powers, the dependence of the Siberian natives on the Russian authorities was mild. The formula of royal letters and orders in relations with yasak people prescribed to act "with kindness, not cruelty." The yasaks, like the Russians, were the same subjects.

Quite quickly, peaceful good-neighborly relations were established between the Russians and the bulk of foreigners. Inter-ethnic marriages were common. There was no neglect of children from such marriages. The Russians did not even invent words to designate them, as the Europeans did in their colonies, introducing the words "mestizo", "mulatto" into circulation.

Bibliography

1. Alekseev A.A. The course of lectures on the history of Siberia covers the period of the XIII - XVII centuries, reflects the modern scientific concept national history and history of Siberia. - Novosibirsk: SSGA, 2003.

2. The peasantry of Siberia in the era of feudalism. Novosibirsk: Nauka, 1992

3. Minenko N.A. The history of the culture of the Russian peasantry of Siberia during the period of feudalism (Study manual). Novosibirsk: NSU Publishing House, 1986.

4. Poberezhnikov I.V. Rumors in social history: typology and functions, Yekaterinburg: Bank of Cultural Information, 1995.

5. Pokrovsky N.N. Review of information from forensic and investigative sources on the political views of Siberian peasants at the end of the 17th-19th centuries. // Sources on culture and class struggle feudal period. Novosibirsk: Nauka, 1982, pp. 48-79.

6. Preobrazhensky A.A. Urals and Western Siberia in the late 16th-early 18th centuries. Moscow: Nauka, 1972

7. Proshanov S.L. Formation of the sociology of the Conflict in Russia (theoretical-methodological and institutional-organizational foundations) Specialty: 22.00.01 - Theory, methodology and history of sociology Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of doctor of sociological sciences. Moscow, 2007

8. Russian old-timers of Siberia M.: Nauka, 1973

Proshanov S.L. Formation of the sociology of the Conflict in Russia (theoretical-methodological and institutional-organizational foundations) Specialty: 22.00.01 - Theory, methodology and history of sociology Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of doctor of sociological sciences. Moscow, 2007

Kopanev A.I. Peasants of the Russian North in the 17th century ... S. 17

Russian old-timers of Siberia. M., 1993, p. 30

Kopanev A.I. Peasants of the Russian North in the 17th century... P.41

Ibid., p. 227

The peasantry of Siberia in the era of feudalism ... S. 45

Preobrazhensky A.A. Ural and Western Siberia at the end of the 16th - beginning of the 18th centuries ... S. 58

Ibid., p. 57

Preobrazhensky A.A. Ural and Western Siberia at the end of the 16th - beginning of the 18th centuries ... S. 42.

Minenko N.A. Living antiquity: weekdays and holidays of the Siberian village in the 18th - first half of the 19th century. - Novosibirsk, Science, 1989 P.3

There. S. 8.

The peasantry of Siberia in the era of feudalism. P.225.

The peasantry of Siberia in the era of feudalism. S. 478.

Pokrovsky N.N. Overview of information from forensic sources ... S. 50.

The peasantry of Siberia in the era of feudalism ... S. 161

Ibid., p. 455

Alekseev A.A. The course of lectures on the history of Siberia covers the period of the 13th - 17th centuries, reflects the modern scientific concept of Russian history and the history of Siberia. - Novosibirsk: SSGA, 2003.

Absence of serfdom in Siberia. Serf relations, which did not take shape in Siberia in the 17th century, were absent here in the subsequent period as well. Availability by the middle of the XIX century. in all of Siberia, only 3.7 thousand serfs did not change the overall picture. Siberia remained a zone free from serfdom, which was primarily the result of government policy that resolutely forbade the spread of landownership in Siberia. When in 1839 the Ministry of the Interior proposed to allocate land to landowners in Siberia and settle serfs on them, Emperor Nicholas I imposed a resolution: “In no case should the settlement of landlord peasants be allowed.”

True, the state, for the convenience of collecting taxes, tried in every possible way to limit the free movement of the population and attach it to a permanent place of residence. It was possible to leave the place of residence at a distance of more than 30-50 versts only after the consent of the community (peasant or urban) and receipt - from the local administration of a written certificate - of a passport, which was issued for a certain period. Leaving without such a document or its delay was considered as flight, and the perpetrators were subject to forcible return and punishment. Ascribed peasants in general could only move within their mountain district.

But, as in the 17th century, the authorities did not really hamper the free, "without the sovereign's decree," resettlement of peasants and townspeople inside Siberia. It was only important that the settlers did not “fall out” of the tax - they continued to perform all state duties in the new place. A change in social status was also possible: a peasant could sign up as a city dweller and vice versa. Despite the severity of the laws, in practice, many issues were resolved in the traditional "racist" way - by giving a bribe to the relevant official. In the first half of the XIX century. in order to provide workers for industry and gold mines, the authorities go to a significant expansion of official opportunities for the movement of the population.

Causes and forms of social protest. The stability of the material and social situation of the overwhelming majority of Siberian peasants and townspeople, who had personal freedom and economic independence, the transformation of the Siberian Cossacks from a self-willed army - the initiator of all urban riots of the 17th century. - into an obedient military-police tool of tsarism, the improvement of organs state power which made it possible to improve supervision and control over the population - all this led to the absence in Siberia XVIII- the first half of the 19th century acute and prolonged social conflicts, comparable in scale to the peasant, Cossack and urban uprisings in European Russia. However, Siberia was not an ideal "island" of peace and prosperity, since its population also experienced an increase in taxation and an increase in duties. Poorly prepared and often ill-conceived state measures (such as forced planting of potatoes or the organization of so-called “reserve” bread shops), as well as the arbitrariness and abuse of officials, negatively affected the situation of Siberians.

Reportpeasants of Maslensky prison and Barnevskaya settlement about refusing to work Demidov factories. 28th of February 1761

This February 27th day of the Decree announced from you from the State Berg Collegium E. I. V. on exhorting all the Maslensky and Barnevsky peasants and on expelling them to Demidov’s hardest factory unbearable work on the speedy about those from Demidov’s clerks in unbearable peasant beatings, and for some even deathly murder and desolation of the investigation and about the protcho, which we, Maslensky and Barnevsky all peasants, heard the decree with interpretation and, by virtue of that, we are satisfied with the decree in that hearing, only to go to those Demidov factories the hardest and unbearable work now and henceforth we no longer wish for the fact that behind the most difficult, unbearably unbearable works, in which tyrannical and tormenting works, many of our peasants were mortally beaten, and many others were killed to death ...

The case of the impostor F. I. Kamenshchikov-Sludnikov. Materials on the history of imposture and peasant protest in the Urals in the middle of the 18th century. // Sat. doc. Ekaterinburg, 1992. S. 35.

The most common form of protest remained the legal appeal to the authorities with complaints. Peasants, townspeople, Cossacks protested against the increase in cash collections, natural duties and official duties, constraint in land, arbitrariness of the authorities, registration with factories. If this did not give the desired effect, sometimes they took more radical measures, in particular, they refused to fulfill their obligations. Peasants assigned to factories resorted to this especially often.

Refusal of factory work often took on a mass character, as in the early 1780s. at the Kolyvano-Voskresensky factories, when about 4 thousand peasants of Tomsk, Sosnovskaya, Krasnoyarsk, Chausskaya, Kainskaya and other settlements refused to go to work. This time, the factory authorities made concessions, but the performance in 1797-1798. the peasants of the Pachinskaya settlement, Ubinskaya, Krutoberezovskaya, Ust-Kamenogorsk volosts, who refused to recognize themselves as assigned to factories, were suppressed with the help of military force. The unrest of the peasants of the Chausy (1813), Bachatskaya (1816), Oyashinsky (1831) volosts was associated with refusals to perform factory work. In the 1820s mass unrest was observed among the state peasants of the Turin, Tyumen and Yalutorovsky districts, who refused to pay increased zemstvo dues.

Workers are also beginning to resort to refusals to work (strike). In the 1830-1840s. they became common in private gold mines. Unrest at the gold mines in the Yenisei region in 1837 forced the government to conduct a special investigation, which revealed a lot of abuses on the part of the owners. As a result of the investigation, not only the instigators from among the workers were punished, but the owners of the mines were also brought to justice.

1705-1706 Popular uprising in Astrakhan.

1707 -1708 The uprising of the Don Cossacks under the leadership of Kondraty Bulavin.

Flight was another form of protest. True, the peasants, who were sitting on the ground and bound by their household, fled very rarely. On the other hand, working people and artisans from state and cabinet factories, workers from gold mines, as well as soldiers and exiles, who did not have their own court and often even families, often went on the run in search of a better life. Most of them were caught, someone managed to get a job “for bread and water” in the farms of wealthy peasants and hide in distant places of residence, someone hid in the forests and engaged in robbery “on the high road”, someone even went abroad. Throughout Siberia, there were rumors about the "promised country" - "Belovodie", where everyone lives freely, there is no boss and no taxes and duties. Belovodye was associated with Gorny Altai and attracted all the fugitives. In the early 1790s. The authorities were surprised to find in the depths of the Altai Mountains on the Bukhtarma River entire settlements made up of "runaway people of various ranks" - artisans, soldiers, peasants, mainly from Altai factories.

The peak of the indignation of the Siberians was open disobedience to the authorities, sometimes pouring out into armed uprisings. In 1714, the peasants of the Ishim settlements in the south of Western Siberia, outraged by the increase in taxes, refused to pay them. Military teams were sent to pacify the peasants, but the rebels managed to unite, created a movement control body - a “judicial hut” and for 9 months offered stubborn resistance, reaching armed clashes.

Unrest in the cities. In 1722, the last urban uprising in the history of Siberia took place. It broke out in Tara, where among the population and the Cossack garrison there were a large number of schismatics, very dissatisfied with Peter's innovations (double taxes on the Old Believers, shaving beards, wearing European clothes, etc.) and believing that the Antichrist in the image of Peter reigned in Russia I. The Old Believers became the initiators and the driving force of the action, which began with the refusal of the Tara residents to swear allegiance to the nameless heir to the throne (according to the decree on succession to the throne in 1722). Refusal of the oath was qualified by the authorities as high treason, a strong military team was sent against the recalcitrant. "The search for the Tara rebellion" was distinguished by cruelty and covered almost the whole of Siberia. Malicious "traitors" were quartered, hanged or impaled, other participants were beaten with a whip: "a man's half a hundred, and a woman's sex fifty blows each." Throughout Siberia, the hunt for schismatics began, many secret shelters of the Old Believers - sketes - were defeated. Driven to despair by Raskolnik's terror, the authorities responded with mass self-immolations. Historians have counted more than 50 "fires" caused by the Tara manhunt. Sometimes the fires claimed hundreds of lives at once, as, for example, in Beloyarskaya Sloboda, where in March 1723 up to 600 people burned down.

Self-immolation as an act of protest against religious persecution was also used by the Old Believers in the future: in the Kuznetsk district in 1745, 124 people were burned, in 1746 almost all residents of the village of Ust-Charyshskaya set themselves on fire, in 1756 - 172 people of the village of Maltseva, Oyash volost and 175 people from the village of Mamurova, Chausy volost.

In 1718-1722. there were serious unrest in Krasnoyarsk, where the inhabitants "refused" the power of the commandant D. B. Zubov. Similar events took place in the spring of 1733 in Irkutsk, where part of the bureaucracy, the clergy and the top of the Cossack garrison under the leadership of the clerk P. Tatarinov, the Cossack head S. Lisovsky and Bishop Innokenty tried to remove the embezzler and bribe-taker A. Zholobov from the post of vice-governor.

peasant movement. In 1759, the performance of the assigned peasants of the Shadrinsk district began, who refused to build the Azyash-Ufimsky plant. The peasants created the headquarters of the movement - the "insurgent camp" and armed detachments. 500 Don Cossacks and 300 soldiers were thrown to suppress the unrest. On December 8, 1761, a bloody battle between peasants and government troops took place in Maslyaninsky prison. But they were finally able to suppress the indignation only in March 1762.

In 1760, in Western Siberia, there were cases of open clashes between state peasants and the administration, caused by attempts by the provincial authorities to expand the "sovereign's tithe arable land." Having suppressed the peasant protest, the government nevertheless went for the elimination in 1762 of the "state corvée", transferring the peasants to a cash quitrent.

The secularization of the monastic lands, which began in 1762, and then the rejection of it, caused mass demonstrations of monastic peasants throughout the country, eager to free themselves from serfdom. Siberia was no exception. In 1762-1764. in the possessions of the Dalmatov Monastery in the Shadrinsk district, a wave of armed peasant uprisings, known as "Dubinshchina", swept. By May 1764, the forces of the Dragoon Regiment had suppressed the Dubinism, 198 of its participants were publicly punished with whips.

The role of parental committees in Western Siberia in resolving social conflicts (beginning of the 20th century)

In Russia, for a long time, there was an unspoken division of spheres of influence - the school was engaged in teaching, and the family and the church in educating the younger generation. Therefore, the cooperation between the family and the school, which is typical for the Western education system, did not work out in the conditions of the Russian school. For the first time, Catherine II tried to change the traditional course of things by setting the school the task of “educating a new breed of people,” but it turned out that there were no teachers who knew how to educate without intimidation and punishment, who knew the nature of children at that time. Throughout the 19th century, with some transformations, the relationship between the family and the school developed within the framework of the familiar model.

For the first time, parents came to school during the years of the First Russian Revolution. Against the backdrop of a rise in public activity, first spontaneously, and later with the permission of the liberal minister, parents' committees began to be created in different cities of the country. The state, attracting parents to secondary educational institutions, pursued, first of all, protective goals. According to the Highest approved resolution of the Council of Ministers of 01.01.01, and the later circulars of the MNP of August 5, 1906 and June 4, 1907 No. 000, 13775, the formation of parent committees should have been aimed at assisting society in the correct formulation of educational affairs, removal from it of abnormal phenomena of life. In most medium educational institutions In Western Siberia, despite the harsh conditions for holding elections (the presence of 2/3 of the parents of the city was necessary), parental committees were created. Four periods can be seen in the history of the activities of the parent committees of Western Siberia:

1. 1905-06 spontaneous emergence and active political position.

2. 1907-11 period of engaging in charitable and economic activities.

3. 1912-15 time of suspension of committees

4. 1915-17 the revival of the committees during the reform.

In the first period, the parent committees of large cities of Western Siberia, where public outcry was the strongest, were especially active. In the Tomsk Men's Gymnasium at the end of 1905, a parent committee was created in the amount of 32 members, Justice of the Peace Hattenberger was elected chairman. For several months of legal work, the committee came to a complete opposition to the teaching staff, taking the position of supporting all the requirements of students. In particular, the committee collected signatures from high school students against one of the teachers, who sharply criticized the participation of pupils in political campaigns. A short period of democratization of all aspects of life had a negative impact on the course of the educational process, the age-old foundations of the gymnasium broke down: students began to ignore the rules, leave the classroom during the lesson, smoke in the dining room, sing songs loudly, etc. [GATO. F.126. Op.2. D.2323. L.30]. This feature of the process of democratization of society was later pointed out by the teacher - Rosinsky "democratization is not cheap for society, you have to pay for it with a private and temporary decrease in culture, coarsening and vulgarization of tastes, an increase in crime" [Karpova situation in Russia in the paragraph of the twentieth century, Rostov on Don. 1994. P.39]. In the Tomsk gymnasium, as a sign of protest at the meetings of the parent committee, 8 members left the committee, including the rector and three university professors, a medical and prison inspector. The rest of the parent committee supported 12 demands of students (on freedom of assembly, the return of three students who were dismissed for political reasons, on the removal of a teacher, etc.), passing them to the Pedagogical Council. Many demands were voiced at the pedagogical congresses of 1905-06, others were later included in the programs of state events, but during a period of decline in public activity, they led to the closure of the committee of the Tomsk gymnasium on July 1, 1906.

In the Tomsk Alekseevsky real school, the parent committee also supported the demands of students, often unfounded and ridiculous, for example, speaking out against specific teachers. In the Tomsk Mariinsky Women's Gymnasium, the parent committee stood up for the dismissed 29 students, which, in the opinion of the Director, "brought confusion into the work of the gymnasium." In the Omsk male gymnasium in 1905, parent-teacher meetings were held, a commission was elected to consider a petition on the reform of the secondary school, she openly stood up against the administration of the gymnasium, inviting representatives of students to a meeting to consider the report of the Director. Following the example of other cities, in the summer of 1906 the committee was closed and until 1912, at the urgent request of the Director of the gymnasium, it was not established.

In the Omsk Teachers' Seminary, which did not fall into the category of secondary educational institutions, they were looking for their own ways of rapprochement with the family, with the same goal - to establish a normal life of the educational institution in the new conditions. In January 1905, talks began to be regularly organized with the parents of students in the 2nd grade school at the seminary. Meetings with parents were supposed to help prevent misconduct and learning problems. The teachers agreed that the conversations should not be formal, be friendly, family in nature, and take place under the guidance of school teachers. It is necessary to try to bring parents closer to the school on the basis of protecting children from harmful "street" influences and dangers. [GAOO. F.115.Op.1.D.70.L.34-35]. In the same period, contact began with the parents of seminary students. It was decided to start a relationship with parents about behavior and success, for which they started a special book for recording the addresses of parents [GAOO. F.115. Op.1. D.74. L.39].

The ambiguity of the events of 1905-07 confirm the eccentricity of the majority of the Chairmen of the parent committees. In the Tomsk Mariinsky Gymnasium, Chairman Vvedenskaya, as the Trustee noted, having her own ill-mannered children, allowed herself to interfere in the course of the lesson, she could start teaching instead of a mentor. Members of the committee in the Tyumen real school and the women's gymnasium were participants in the revolutionary events - Matusevich and Mikhailov, who were dismissed from service for revolutionary activities. Panfilova, who had not previously been approved as a member of the Board of Trustees of the gymnasium, was elected chairman of the committee of the Tyumen Women's Gymnasium. In the Omsk Men's Gymnasium, the committee included even the childless, who, in the opinion of the administration, carried out the most radical decisions.

In the second period, parental committees in a significant part of educational institutions were not created due to the lack of a quorum, including: at the Omsk male and two female gymnasiums, at the Petropavlovsk, Barnaul, Biysk women's gymnasiums, the Tomsk male gymnasium, at the Pavlodar, Kainskaya, Mariinsky, Turin, Tara women's gymnasiums. The created committees basically solved material problems. In the Kurgan women's gymnasium, to raise funds for the legal education of unsecured students of the gymnasium, a performance was staged and a subscription was held among parents. collected money enough to pay for the education of several girls and help individual families. Another area of work was the organization of Sunday readings, in which members of the committee also took part. Thanks to the Chairman, this committee "brought teachers out of a state of constant self-defense, created more gratifying conditions for existence." [GATO. F.126. Op.2. D.2323. L.20] In the Semipalatinsk Women's Gymnasium, the committee organized two charity evenings at the beginning of the 1907-08 academic year, money was raised for insufficient students. The Committee of the Ishim Women's Progymnasium for the same purpose organized a collection of money by subscription.

The exception was the committee in the Tobolsk male gymnasium, chaired by the Director of public schools Malyarevsky, made an attempt to influence the educational process and passed a resolution: to take measures so that the teaching of natural history was accompanied by a demonstration visual pictures and experiments, improve ventilation, change the arrangement of desks, in accordance with hygiene standards.

Some parent committees during this period existed formally, their activities were not effective, for example, in the Yalutorovsk progymnasium, during the two years of its existence, the Chairman of the committee only attended several meetings of the Pedagogical Council. In the private Tomsk gymnasium Mirkovich, members of the parent committee did not attend meetings, and its activities soon ceased. At the Peter and Paul Real School, although the committee was created in 1905, only two meetings took place in a few years.

In the Barnaul Men's Gymnasium, the parent committee tried to deal with household issues, improve the conditions of education (developing breakfasts, a skating rink, a club). But most of the proposals were either rejected by the educational authorities or by life itself (due to lack of funds). Realizing the futility of their efforts, the committee went into conflict with the administration and during the riots in the gymnasium in the winter of 1907 openly sided with the students, for which it was closed.

In the third period, the ministry further complicated the rules for creating parents' committees, legitimately fearing that their poorly educated members could easily fall under the influence of "frivolous intellectuals." For which, according to the order of the MNP dated 01.01.01 No. 000, the Chairman and a certain number of members of the committee had to have higher education. In Siberian cities, even among the parents of students of secondary educational institutions, there were few such, naturally, in 1912, in none of the secondary educational institutions of the district, a parent committee was formed. Only in 1913-14. out of 37 secondary educational institutions of the West Siberian educational district: in 8 a committee was formed, in the remaining 18 it was not formed, although meetings were held, but there was no quorum, in 11 different reasons meetings were not held” [GATO. F.126. Op.2. D.2323.L.120].

The fourth period in the activities of the parents' committees begins in the period of the education reform of 1915-16. The general foundations of the secondary school in the reform program consisted of nine points. One of them sounds banal today: “rapprochement of the family and school” [Tsirulnikov of education in portraits and documents, M., 2000, p. 111]. The attitude of parents to the school has changed after the status of the committees, which received wide powers in all areas of the activities of educational institutions, was raised. In addition, the election procedure was simplified - now the presence of one third of the parents living in the city was required, the mandatory educational qualification of the chairman and members of the committees was abolished, as well as the coordination of the election results with the Trustee. At that time, many notes appeared in the periodical press about the activities of individual committees, judging by the publications, many committees took control of such parts of the educational process as adjusting curricula, developing a healthy class regimen, and changing the knowledge control system together with teachers. Parents participated in the organization of extracurricular activities, circles, excursions. Of course, the activity of the committees did not always meet with the support of educators, who considered parents to be incompetent on many important issues. The activities of the parents' committees were one of the points of accusation, and after his resignation, the reform was curtailed. But the started flywheel of public initiative could no longer be stopped, therefore, when in February 1917 a change of power took place in Russia, parents first of all began to resume the work of parent committees, which were involved in the restructuring of the entire education system.

In the short legal period of their existence, parent committees have taken various positions in resolving social conflicts in educational institutions - from open opposition to the teaching staff to its full support. But in the history of their activity there are many examples when parents contributed to the peaceful resolution of difficult situations, protecting their children and supporting teachers when necessary. Today, the experience of the past shows a possible way to attract parents to school: at the beginning of the 20th century, this was facilitated by state educational policy and social activity against the backdrop of the democratization of many aspects of life.

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infringement of the interests of the other party.

The source of such confrontation is social contradictions, which have aggravated to the highest stage, when other ways of removing or eliminating them have been exhausted. As a rule, social interests act as contradictions, reflecting various value orientations and norms of social subjects - the conflict in this case acts as a means, a way of resolving social contradictions in the social interaction of subjects.

Not all conflicts of interest lead to social conflicts, but for the conflict to become inevitable, the contradictions must acquire an antagonistic character.