"The woman is created for a man, not a man for a woman" - such a postulate ...
Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation
Federal State Autonomous Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education
"Ural Federal University
name of the first president of Russia B.N. Yeltsin "
Institute of Humanities and Arts
Department of History of Russia
Religious factor in the politics of the Russian Empire in the Turkestan Territory (1867 - 1917)
Course work
Yekaterinburg
Introduction
Religious factor in the socio-economic policies of the authorities (1860s - 1890s.).
The influence of ideas of panturicism, panislamism and jadidism on the population of Turkestan.
Politics of the Russian authorities in the Turkestan Governor-General in Con. XIX - NCH. XX century In the context of the religious factor.
Conclusion.
List of sources and literature.
Introduction
Incusted and accelerated interaction and partnership between Russia and the countries of Central Asia in recent decades, requires a deep and comprehensive study of the relationship between the above countries in all areas of life, to acquire the intensive nature of development in return for extensive. Thus, the relevance of this work is confirmed by the thesis on the need to use historical experience in understanding the modern reality in the relationship between Central Asia and Russia.
Despite the obvious and important contribution to the pre-revolutionary and Soviet historical science in the development of this topic, the number of unused and unpublished sources, directly or indirectly related to this issue, is quite large. Therefore, it is quite reasonable to say that in front of historians is an important task in processing and studying new data. Of all this we can conclude: the analysis of the relationship between tsarist Russia and residents of Central Asia is relevant to modern stage development of historical science.
The object of the study is the policy of the Russian authorities against the Muslims of the Turkestan Governor-General.
The subject of research is a religious factor, its development and influence on the actions of the authorities of the region.
After completing the conquest of most Central Asia, the interest of pre-revolutionary historians to the history, culture and life of the population of this region is naturally increased. This is due, first of all, with the opportunity that appeared is relatively safely moving around at attached areas. This topic was reflected in the works of V. P. Navivkina, V. V. Bartold, N. P. Ostrumova, A. N. Haruzina. Many authors, in addition to retrospective analysis, tried to give an analytical assessment of the policies of the authorities. Assessments of historians during this period were different, but most often the authors conveted in the opinion that the authorities should pay attention to culture and everyday life, try to understand the people themselves living in Central Asian regions, and act on the principle of a flexible approach. In the late XIX - early XX centuries. There was a remarkable Pleiad of Orientalists, who made a significant contribution to the study of Central Asia as a whole.
Separately, it should be noted the outstanding work of the historian of the military case M. A. Terentieva, who summarized the huge reservoir of archival materials on the conquest of the Turkestan region. This work has not yet been exceeded by the completeness of the description of the events. The author, in a sense, summed up in the official assessment of the accession of Turkestan and the further policies of the Russian authorities.
Historians of this period eventually gave a generally a positive assessment of the policies of the empire, although they did not diminish the missing power. However, the obvious disadvantage of many works of that time can be considered an insufficient number of generalizing and analytical information, which could give deeper and developed lighting, and not just a description of the events and its assessment. However, it cannot be used as reproaches of historians of that time, since they went hand in hand with the European history methodology, which at that time had not yet got rid of positivism and his characteristic of his attention to political history.
For Soviet historiography, especially on initial stage Its development is characterized by a negative assessment in the whole of Russia's activities in this region.
Some changes in the assessments began to occur in the 1960s 1960, when the reasons for the accession of Central Asia cease to reduce only economic outlook. The authors of the work began to talk about the need, and, to some extent, the inevitability of the accession of this region by virtue of objective reasons. However, most of the events were illuminated from the point of view of Marxism-Leninism, in which, the policy of Russia at the time was determined by imperialist motivations. The personal factor was often ignored as such, which led to throwing in estimates. But this, however, does not detract from all the merits of Soviet scientists who continued to develop this topic.
Historiography at the turn of the 1980-90s. Significant changes related to the formation of national historiography of independent states of Central Asia has undergone.
The imperial period began to be considered in the works of Central Asia historians after 1991, as the era of all sorts of oppressions of the indigenous population and the heroic national liberation struggle of the peoples of Turkestan, which was reflected in the work of N. A. Abdurahimova and G. K. Rustamova. N. I. Alimova occupies a similar position. In general, this situation can be characterized as a tendency for the entire national historiography of Central Asia. Also, the situation is exacerbated by the cultivation of the conclusions of these authors in the works (including training) of such historians as J. Rakhimov and F. Ishakov, where fundamentally unilateral facts and their interpretations are given.
The emergence of a collective monograph "Central Asia as part of the Russian Empire" was a completely natural response to the anti-Russian attacks of the historians of the neighboring countries, in particular Uzbekistan. It gives an attempt to cover all directions of the life of the Turkestan society and give the most objective assessment of the actions of the Russian authorities based on a variety of material. It is necessary to note another work of a consolidated nature, namely the monograph E. A. Glushchenko "Russia in Central Asia. Conquest and transformation. "
From modern Russian historians dealing with this problem, D. Yu. Arapova and P. P. Litvinova should be highlighted. Both author are concentrated on religious policy. tsarist Russia In the Turkestan region, and as many modern Russian historians are trying to spend a thorough revision of many of the previously considered views on this issue.
Based on the analysis of historiography, it can be concluded that there is an insufficient study of the stated issues. Although B. last years Attempts to understand the religious policy of the Turkestan administration, they often take place only in the overall context of studying the courses of the royal government at the Muslim outskirts of the Russian Empire. At the same time, in addition to more specialized and in-depth study of this problem, it is necessary to study it not only by the authorities, but also by the very religious factor, which formed the situation.
The source base of the study is represented by the following types of written sources: office work documentation, legislative acts, sources of personal origin. The work used materials of the state archive of the Orenburg region (GOO).
The purpose of the study: the study of the internal and foreign policy of the Russian authorities in Turkestan in the context of the religious factor.
Research tasks:
· determine the influence of the religious factor on the socio-economic policy of the authorities; · trace the evolution of the degree of influence of the Muslim clergy on the minds of the population, including novometer schools; · determine the nature of the dependence between the religious factor and the conducted course of the regional administration in the context of changes in the Russian state at the beginning of the XX century. The chronological framework of the study is limited to the period of the existence of the Turkestan Governor General (1867-1917). Territorial framework for research is limited to the limits of the Turkestan Governorship General. The main historical method used in this study is T. N. Historical and genetic method. The main purpose of this method is to explain the facts, identifying the reasons for their appearance and consequences, building a logical chain of events, i.e., ultimately, it is associated with the understanding of the deep mechanisms of the evolution of the object being studied or phenomenon. Speaking otherwise, the historical and genetic method allows you to trace the genesis and the further development of the object on the basis of causal analysis. By virtue of the above characteristics, this method was selected, since it fully meets the purpose of the study. Chapter 1. Religious factor in the socio-economic policy of the authorities (1860s - 1890s.) From the very beginning of the arrival of Russia in the Turkestan region, the authorities made it possible to understand the locals that it is not going to commit to the root breaking of customs and defend, but requires them to fulfill the laws that, in her opinion, go to the benefit of the entire Governor-General. The administrative practice of local authorities was based on the system t. N. "Military-folk" management, which included two approaches: 1) almost unlimited rights of the first persons of the administration; 2) the use of traditional local institutions. Due to the specifics of this region, traditional management institutions were closely connected with Islam. In this regard, despite the proclaimed K. P. Kaufman politics of "non-interference", the authorities had to often contact with Muslim institutions. One of the first tasks that the Kaufman had to solve the problem of land use: many types of land suggestions and complex internal relations of owners and tenants prevented economic Development Region. Already in 1868, a commission headed by M. N. Nikolaev was created on the initiative of the Governor General. She was entrusted to understand the traditional land use system. It was found that locals (in this caseWe are talking about "Kirgiz") consider the land for nomads as the general property of one or another, however, the landowners who had worker lives and inventory were independently independently from each other. The fields were sometimes produced. However, sales were subject to only areas planted with fruit trees, considered personal real estate. In places of settling land use, the following situation was revealed. The Commission was able to allocate three main types of land tenures. Milk-Hur - the tax-free land owned by the owner of the property rights. Usually such lands complained by Khan (or Emir) for the faithful service and other merits. But it was given only for a certain period, depending on the will of the ruler; To the coming of Russian authorities this species Awards did not evolve into something inalienable, so it should not be carried out parallels with Russian estates. Such lands usually surrendered to small parts to various groups of the population in the rights of lease. The second type is vacufa. These are lands that, with the permission of the ruler, were tested by milk-holders to religious organizations (mosques, madrasas, etc.). When land tenure was translated into the category of vacuum, they were fixed in possession of the offspring of the former holder, which gave them the opportunity to get part of the vacuum income. Many milk holders who had reasons to fear repressions from Khan were resorted to this loophole. Given the nature of the eastern despotic power with its some instability in this regard, it becomes clear that the number of vacuum land grew. Such transfers increased the power of the Muslim clergy, focusing in their hands more and more sources of income and reduced potential tax revenues. The third type is Avenk, the land of the state that landpashers surrendered for rental rights. The owners of these lands paid all the established taxes. Commission M. N. Nikolaev came to the conclusion that "all land owners, according to such a general start, were legally always delivered in the immediate dependence on the ownership of the state state." Given the above conclusion, as well as the fact that the authorities of the region regarded themselves as the successors of the Hannai authorities, the administration of Turkestan considered themselves in full rule to control land tenure in new lands. However, the nature of further transformations caused disagreements in government circles. K. P. von Kaufman stood on two principles: the land should be in state ownership, but the nature of the use of community or at least a resident. In his opinion, such a system answered the interests of Russia and was in harmony with Sharia and Adat. The central ministries, however, have disagree with such a position. Liberal circles believed that it was necessary to promote "Private property" as future foundation and the foundation of the "progressive" Turkestan. Despite these disagreements, at the initial stage of transformation were carried out within the framework of the Kaufman concept, although this issue was not resolved at the legislative level until the adoption of the "Regulations on the Management of the Turkestan Territory" 1886 The current situation when huge land complexes focused in the hands of religious individuals or Milkdarov and were not subject to taxation extremely delicately affected the lives of Dehkan (the general name of the peasants-landpashers) and put them in a dependent position at all. And from Muslim priests. The transformations began from 1867 K. P. von Kaufman issues a disposal for which the right of life and hereditary ownership was fixed for all tenants of Milkov Land. This step, of course, attracted the population of Turkestan for a while on the side of the new administration. Such a policy was beneficial from several sides: a large number of taxable land was introduced; This increased the number of satisfied dehkans. The complex of Vacufny lands, as already noted, before the arrival of the Russian authorities grew quite stable. Muslim clergy, as it is known, by virtue of its conservatism and the dominant position (which it did not want to lose), in particular, in Turkestan, were to a certain extent, they are configured against the Russian authorities. Despite the accepted course of religious policy, based on "non-interference" into religious affairs, the administration of Turkestan could not not interfere with the influence of the clergy on the minds of the population. As it seems, in many respects, it is a large vacuum land tenure that reinforced the influence of the clergy forced the authorities to disagree these land complexes. Obviously, the administration of Turkestan pursued not only economic goals, but also political. Kaufman demanded that the holders of the Milk and Vacuished Land provide documents confirming the right of ownership of them. In 1873, an examination of land acts was carried out. "Of the 9203 tits of Vacufne and Milk Land, the Commission recognized only 587 tents of Vacufne and 1210 tits of Milkov." However, such sharp changes in land use were perceived in the central departments as "harmful and dangerous". However, in the end, most of the events held were preserved, although it was named with other names. Vacuished land tenure was still preserved, but in a strongly trimmed form. The owners of these lands were invited until June 1, 1887 to provide documents confirming the rights to them. Only those papers where Khan or Emir was stood. At some point, the Muslim clergy of Turkestan really turned out to be threatened to lose most of their income, since most of the documents were invalid. However, later, pursuing various benefits, the authorities decided that some parts of Vakufov should be left. In addition land plotsFor example, Madrasa had urban vacuisy: shops, caravan sheds, mills, baths, etc. According to 1894, all of Turkestan's madrasas belonged 2208 shops. According to P. P. Litvinova, the Russian authorities retained vacufted land tenure, since it was aware of the fundamental role of vacuum revenues in the role of providing institutions of education and religious infrastructure. P.P. Litvinov believes that by confiscating Vakufa, the state could not even provide half of the needs of madrasa, memories, mosques and clergy even in their pre-reform. The Muslim clergy and the Hanskaya power always "went side by side", supporting each other: religious figures were constantly reminded of legitimacy of power, and Khan, in turn, in every way supported the influence of the clergy on the minds of the population. With the arrival of a new government, such a bundle disappeared. Moreover, seeing the current situation, the administration of Turkestan came to the thought that it is even necessary in a sense to isolate the clergy from power. Despite the official assurances of non-interference, the authorities actively interfered into cases, which, in their opinion, could harm government interests. For example, the highest Muslim judicial position "Kazi-Kalyan" was abolished, as well as Raisov observing the execution of the Rules of Sharia (according to the "Regulation of 1867 on the management of the Turkestan Territory"), was also canceled. Thus, the following situation was evolved: Islamic institutions were ignored as political force, but state control was established behind them; In the religious life of a simple population, the state did not interfere. Moreover, there were quite frequent examples of the faithful service of the natives (obviously loyal authorities due to the provision of their position), which in turn quite often was awarded. The mass of documents testifying to such awards has been preserved. A network of religious educational institutions existed to the arrival of Russia in the states of Central Asia. This traditional Islamic education system consisted of two steps. The first - Mectess. This is a school of primary education, which usually opened with a mosque. In it, students usually received a standard course: Arabic alphabet, reading and learning by heart a haftyak containing excerpts from the Quran and basic prayers. There were also lower educational institutions - Kara Khan and Dalail-Khan. Mectebov, however, was much more. In the pre-revolutionary years in Turkestan there were about 7 thousand such institutions. Despite the prevalence and involvement of large masses of the population in the learning process, the level of illiteracy was high. People came out essentially after having learned a couple of prayers (of course there were exceptions). The second step is a madrasa. Most often, they were positioned as educational institutions of secondary and higher. In contrast to the Mectess, the madrasa was almost completely kept for funds from vacuum revenues. The training curriculum included the study of Arab grammar, theological legal literature, as well as books in metaphysics, cosmography, astrology, geography, history, medicine and mathematics. The course of study lasted from 8 to 20 years. At the end, students could become imams or continue their studies in Egypt, port or India. Through the above-mentioned education system, the clergy with ease spread the ideas of the struggle against the wrong, non-acceptance of the Russian authorities, and others. Forms of secular education in Central Asia did not exist, and it extremely difficult to integrate Turkestan into a general-ampical educational network. It was obvious that the introduction of secular began. Mecteps were decided in no way touch, since it would be perceived much painful with all the segments of the population. Madrasa became an adequate purpose for change. It was assumed that students of the madrasa will be able to adapt to the introduction of certain changes to the introduction of some changes, and graduates will be able to instill them in Mectess already using traditional tools. It was originally decided to introduce the study of the Russian language. K. P. von Kaufman believed that this would allow to reach students and limit the influence of the clergy in the perception of Russian culture as a whole. Attempts were also carried out to introduce the study of Russian history. Innovations sabotaged in places. Disappointed in its endeavors and efforts, K. P. von Kaufman stated in 1882 that Madrasa in Turkestan are the main "seating clubs of Muslim fanaticism." However, still some students showed interest in the Russian language, although this trend did not carry a permanent character, and their goals, sometimes were narrow mercenary. Later, M. G. Chernyaev again tried to "organize an offensive", but, like his predecessor, did not achieve anything. Up to the Andijan uprising, this topic was not affected by the authorities. There were projects for creating educational institutions that would exist outside traditional system, so on. Urgently, it was necessary to organize the training of Russian-speaking children. In 1870 - 1873 In Tashkent, the Commission was working, the purpose of which was to develop measures to create a network of non-confessional educational institutions in Turkestan. In such establishments, classes could operate for the native population, while the non-confessional nature, on which the authorities insisted, allowed Muslim parents to children not to study the law of God, who was taught by the program. The project provided for the creation of gymnasiums, county national schools, primary schools for the Kazakhs. In 1875, he was approved, but introduced gradually. In 1884, the first Russian-native school was opened. By 1896, their number in Turkestan reached 28, by 1911 - to 89. Russian-Native schools were intended only for indigenous inhabitants of the region and included Mectebov programs, but on a Cyrillic basis. It was believed that through such schools the native population will be able to join Russian culture. But these expectations were not justified. M. M. Wesky wrote 6 "None of the Russian ... schools ... did not release any native of the native of the native of the right to read, not to say - to write in Russian." In the Turkestan region there were many Muslim religious structures. At the beginning of the XX century. Functioned 12733 mosques, including 1503 of the Cathedral. Naturally, many of them gradually come into disrepair and collapsed, sometimes the parishioners are buried. With the arrival of a new government, the clergy began to deftly use such cases in order to blame "unrighteous, incorrect power" in all troubles. Leave a similar on Samotek, the Turkestan administration could not completely could not, because the mosques wreck was frequent: many of them were not repaired due to lack of funds, while others stood in seismic zones or were originally laid out inappropriately. However, the desire to stop the wreck of mosques was to conflict with the general policy of non-interference. The administration, however, considered that the inaction would only strengthen the negative from the natives. In addition, many facilities were scientific interest for rapidly developing Russian oriental studies. Construction of mosques, as well as Mazars not prohibited, but was required to confirm the seismic safety of the district and compliance with technical standards. Moreover, funds were distinguished for fixing cult facilities, since it was still in the interests of the authorities. The Russian government from the very beginning of the conquest of the region recommended that it takes care of the objects of Islamic antiquity; It was strictly proceeded to show whatever destructive activity in relation to Mazars. After analyzing the main actions of the authorities in the socio-economic sphere of life of the region, it can be concluded that the religious factor in a lot has become decisive in the vector of action, although, naturally, it is impossible to reduce everything only to it alone. In addition, in addition to other factors, some actions of the authorities associated, in particular, with the religious life of the natives, were initiated regardless of the Muslim factor as such. Chapter 2. Influence of ideas of pantyurkism, panislamism and jadidism on the population of Turkestan turkestan Religious Pantyurkism Panislamism Various changes in all spheres of life at the turn of the XIX - XX centuries. The central Asian lands of Russia were touched upon. The voltage among the human masses increased, which was often poured into protests, manifestations and even uprisings. In addition to social and political contradictions, which were the causes of discontent, there was no doubt that there was an ideological preproe, which, however, was often, if not a root cause, but a powerful factor. The Russian authorities stood up new problems, namely, the dissemination of the Turkestan population of the ideas of jadidism, pantyurkism and panislamism, penetrating Central Asia at the end of the XIX century. It is necessary to identify how the influence of the data of ideas could affect the policies of the authorities of the Turkestan Governorship General. Panislamism - arising in the last quarter of the XIX century. The religious and political ideology, which is based on the idea that Islam should be used to form a supranational and assistant community under the primacy of the Khalifa. The doctrine of panislamism was nominated in the early 70s of the XIX century by Turkish scientists by Kamalham in order to unity Muslims in the face of colonial danger. However, it should be emphasized that Panislamism was a supranational ideology that manifested itself as a reaction to the crisis of the Ottoman Empire. National minorities began to be separated, and in some cases speak out for independence. The former methods of suppressing such rebellion of force were now ineffective and by virtue of national weakening. This ideological system was to re-give the unity of at least Muslim lands of the ports. Subsequently, theses were developed about the need for cohesion for the sake of conservation of general independence. It was the adaptation of panislamism to anticolonial struggle, as seen, contributed to its distribution in Central Asia, where the orthodox clergy easily learned it. The idea of \u200b\u200bspiritual unity could be freely operated by various political parties, spontaneously emerging after 1905, as well as close, in their nature, for example, jadidism, which will be discussed a little later. In essence, the idea of \u200b\u200bthe United States of the state was not new, but it did not receive broad support earlier, since such conditions It did not exist for this. Initially, the young curves were actively exploited by panislamism as the last attempt to restore the greatness of the Ottoman Empire. Chimeric ideas were not uncommon for that revolutionary port. However, in the future, in the Ottoman Empire, they began to fix the ideas of Turkism, and in later pantyurkism, and the ideas of panislamism began to move into the background. The ruling circles considered that the national sign would allow to achieve a greater in the association of the country. Muslim countries were not isolated from each other, and, of course, the ideas arising in one gradually fell into others through various channels. So happened with panislamism, which is by the end of the XIX century. began to influence the minds of the population of Central Asia. The specifics of Turkestan is that these ideas were used mainly by orthodox clergy to strengthen their positions. They ratified for the combination of all the faithful to combat Kafirs, in this case, with the Russian authorities. Although it was often said at all about the West, as an enemy Islam. Pantürkism is a more complex concept, in contrast to the above Panislamism. The fact is that Pantyurkism performed as a concentrated expression of a wider and more vague pantultanism. Pantyurkism stands for the combination of all Turkic peoples under the leadership of Turkey, and also proclaims the superiority of Turkic-speaking peoples over the rest. Its roots, given the current in a more general form, i.e. Panutorunism leads from the Crimea, where the ideas of exit from under the Russian authorities and an association with the Ottoman Empire appeared. The founders of the Paturbanism and distributors of his ideas among the Anatolian Turks were Russian Muslims. The napper of the pantulanism in its narrower form, i.e., pantuukrism, consider the Tatar publicist Ismail Gasrinsky. However, by contacting one of his works, for example, "Russian Muslims", it can be noted that this publicist does not speak about any national superiority, on the contrary, he advocates for the unity of Russian and Turks for the benefit of both parties: "Breeding and living in Russia , under the protection and patronage of national laws, carrying, on a par with everyone, common responsibilities and means, Russian Muslims fulfill their duty as loyal citizens of Russia. But this is not enough. It is desirable that this still external, official communication acquired more and more moral nature; So that it is tirelessly strengthened and revived by consciousness not only its political necessity, but also the consciousness of its internal historical significance and utility; It is desirable that Russian Muslims make a conviction that Providence, combining his fate with the fate of the Great Russia, discovered the comfortable paths to civilization, education and progress. " Chauvinistic trends appeared later when in Turkey began to attach this idea for their own goals. It is worth noting that at the beginning, Pantürkism had a fairly large Islamic foundation, and the national sign for the unification was not critical, although important. Panislamic aspirations found support in the rest of the Muslim world. This ideology was more traditional, while Pantyurkism at the end of the XIX century was considered a certain ideological innovation. This is quite natural, as Zeravanda believes, the author of one of the most important works on pantoons, as the religious moment also prevailed in the minds of Muslims. In addition, in the conditions of undeveloped national self-consciousness, "approach the peasant, in which the national identity has not yet been developed, it would be very difficult with the ideas of pure aetua." At the heart of Pantürkism, Gasprinsky saw the unity of culture and language. Muslim religious, cultural and moral origin, he considered the most important, cementing substance of the Turkic community. However, the Turkism itself, as he did not say. He was worried only the issue of further progress and the release of Russian Muslims in the face of Turkic peoples from the state of stagnation through the association and reform of education and education as a whole. The ideas of pantyurkism in its radical and moderate form are quite widely distributed in Central Asia. First of all, through relations with the Ottoman Empire and through various Tatar enlighteners. Pantyurkism is associated with panislamism as a union factor with a touch of confrontation. In this case, the Russian authorities. T. K. The question of Muslim education for the above I. Gasprinsky was an extremely important element of its program to associate and modernize the Turkic-Islamic world, he paid special attention to him. They were developed " new method»Education (" USUL-I CEDED ", in Russian transcription: Usul-and-Jadid). It was the last word that gave the name to this "novometer" schools, and the whole movement as a whole: jadidism and jadid. At the heart of this "new" method lay a meaningful learning of the educational material, instead of mechanical memorization, so much widely used, for example, in Mectess, the use of native languages \u200b\u200bfor training (along with the study of foreign). Began as a reform of traditional Islamic education, jadidism overgrowth into a wide movement of Islamic intellectuals, mainly representatives of the Turkic peoples of the Russian Empire for the modernization of traditional Muslim societies and the activation of the role of Muslims in the public political life Russia. Thus, jadidism at the initial stage of its development essentially was rather not a separate course or ideology, but as if only the method of enlightening the Turkic peoples to achieve the goals of Panislamism, which in turn contains elements of panislamism. Consequently, the named ideological systems must be considered as closely related. Ultimately, they became the ideological basis of various political, religious and social movements among the Muslims of Russia. Naturally, the situation in Central Asia had its own specifics and in this case (which was repeatedly indicated). Panislamism and Panisurkism found support among the population of Central Asia. However, in Central Asia, jadidism began to grow and put it out no longer as simply method, but as a separate bourgeois-liberal movement of the entire Turkestan Governor-General, as well as Khiva and Bukhara. In Wednesday, Jadidov was part of the clergy, the local intelligentsia, trade and industrial bourgeoisie. They demanded reforms in Islam, demanded the reorganization of schools for learning on the "new" method (i.e., the introduction of secular general educational items in the Muslim school - geography, natural science, Russian, etc.), and also required to abolish some obligatory ceremonies in Islam. Radically customized circles, exposed to the Ottoman influence and the ideas of panturkism in their radical form, ratified for the separation from Russia and the formation of a sovereign Turkic state. Jadidism in Central Asia passed in its development several stages. Initially, supporters of movement performed only for cultural changes. The most famous jadids of the end of the XIX century. There were Mahmud-Khoja Bekhbudi (1874-1919) and Manyanvar Kari Abdurachidkhanov (1878-1931). Both were leaving aristocratic families. Had enough a good education. Mahmoud Hodya, for example, traveled to Muslim centers for the formation of that time. Both, which is quite natural, were supporters of changes and modernization in Central Asian society. They criticized not only the official authorities, but also the traditional elite for inaction and cosiness in the field of enlightenment. Gradually, jadida proceeded from the promotion of cultural changes to political requirements. With this stage, the name of Ubaidulla Khodzhaev is connected (1886-1942). In 1914, he was elected a member of the Tashkent City Duma, where he was able to show his speoral talent. He condemned the restrictions on the rights of the indigenous population, gentity, etc., but at the same time declared his loyalty. In general, during this period, Dzhadidov's requirements were associated with political reforms that would fully implement the main tasks and goals of jadidism. In the face of the formation of jadidism as a real political force, which could modernize Islam for the conditions of that time and make it an opponent of imperial ideology as a translator of all the most important ideas and carriers of education on an independent basis, the Russian authorities began to pay more attention to this issue. However, it is not necessary to talk about some kind of fundamental reorientation of the authorities of the authorities to speak at least because many of the problems that jadides were compared at the beginning of the 20th century, by 1917, for the most part were not solved, although some steps were still undertaken. Such an abundance of consolidating ideas, which appeared relatively simultaneously became a problem for the edge administration. Although most of the adherents of jadidism or pantyurkism adhered to moderate positions, groups of people with radical glances inevitably appeared among them: from radically theocratic to liberal bourgeois (with claims for the separation of the region and complete independence). It is worth noting separately that initially, followers of jadidism were not focused on Turkey. Their views themselves were quite beneficial to the authorities: the development of education would allow to create a layer of educated minority officialhood from local residents. It would increase the performance of the entire bureaucratic apparatus, as well as the confidence of the inhabitants of Turkestan to power. The ideas of Panislamism and Panyurkism, however, were the kernel of jadidism. Turkey's emissary period "Zulyum" often visited the land of Central Asia. Gradually, Jadida Turkestan began to make up their eyes on the Ottoman Empire. After 1905, Jadidism could no longer correlate with a general government course. The weakening of power was notified by the intellectual medium, which caused open cooperation with Ottoman emissors. The idea of \u200b\u200buniting Muslim world somehow attracted many. However, the moderate part of the followers of jadidism was open to the conflict, but on the contrary, showed loyalty. When they were attacked by Cadimists or other traditionalists, they did not consider to resort to the patronage of the authorities. In general, the situation was inconvenient from all sides: neither the cadimists in the face of the traditional clergy, nor jadidists and other more radical elements could not be a support for the authorities, while the population had ever more influenced the influence of the labeled circles. To go to any repressions was already late, and the authorities understood that it was possible to emphasize from the correspondence of the departments. However, it is no longer anyone else to interfere in the rapid development of public life, which threatened the loss and so weak influence on the population, the Turkestan Governors General could no longer. Panturyurkism, Panislamism and jadidism became a kind of reflection of all-Russian and global changes in the public, religious and political spheres of the life of the world society, including the Asian (t. N. "Awakening Asia"). It is quite natural that the Muslims of Russia, in particular, the Turkestan Territory, could not remain aside of these changes, despite the traditional worldview. As already mentioned, the clergy of the region found in Panislamism and, partly in panturicism, support for anti-Russian agitation. The emerging layer of "indigenous" intelligentsia addressed the ideas of jadidism, sometimes exposing their creative processing. These movements largely became catalysts for the further development of the transformation processes of all areas of the lives of the inhabitants of the region. Panislamism, Pantürkism and jadidism complemented each other, and were a significant factor affecting the life of the Muslims of Central Asia at the beginning of the XX century. When considering the remaining factors of the policies of the authorities of the Russian Empire in the Turkestan region in the conditions of revolutionary tension, it is always necessary to remember the ideological confrontation that unfolded at this time. Chapter 3. Policy of the Russian authorities in the Turkestan Governor-General in Con. XIX - NCH. XX century In the context of the religious factor The measures taken by the authorities in the region most often did not bring the expected result, but to go for some rapprochement with the clergy or vice versa to aggressive confrontation, the regional managers could not. Partly due to misinterpretation, partly due to the fear of destroying the current equilibrium system. However, in administrative circles of Turkestan, they became increasingly talking about Islam as defining factor. The experts of the life of Muslims and Islam in general, such as, for example, V. P. Navivkin or N. P. Ostrumov become indispensable advisers in policies. Despite the manifested flaws of "non-interference", both central and local authorities were interested in preserving it. M. G. Chernyaev, however, tried to take some changes. However, it seems that it is not worth writing off this for some progressiveness and the foresight of thinking of the above leader. First, it is known that M. G. Chernyaev was an enemy opponent of K. P. von Kaufman. Any undertaking of the "Builder's Organizer" was perceived by him in the bayonets. Obviously, this is due to the ambitions of Chernyeva, who saw himself on the site of Kaufman. However, the essence remains the same: becoming the Governor-General of the Turkestan Territory in 1882, M. G. Chernyaev tried to fully change the policy, in particular with regard to Islam. In the religious factor, Chernyev saw opportunities to strengthen power, considering that rapprochement with the clergy would allow you to start controlling it. But, as you know, such sharp changes were not considered necessary in the central departments and Chernyeva displaced. Nikolay Otrtonovich von Rosenbach in 1884, who replaced him in 1884, paid more attention to the improvement of the region as a whole, rather than a religious issue. You can refer to the memories of Fedorov, the head of the office of the Turkestan Governor General. "Carefully swam in his memories, I strongly can not find anything that might characterize the management of Rosenbach. The administrative car was complete, i.e., officials wrote endless papers, the governor generally signed them in a timely manner. " With the arrival of A. B. Vyrevsky through in 1889, the crisis began to put up. The relationship with the clergy began to spoil after the Governor-General demanded the ubiquitous utterance of the "prayer for the king" in 1892. Naturally, intensified confrontation of the power to the increase in "Press". With the second floor. 1880s. National outskirts began to be converted, however, in Turkestan such measures were applied for the most part in education. In the summer of 1892, during the cholera epidemic in Tashkent, the Muslim rebellion broke out. It was suppressed, however, local managers, although they were extremely surprised by such a reaction of "sleeved" residents, lessons did not remove. The authorities at this stage have not yet seen the need for the study of the psychology of Muslim, his life and customs. Tashkent cholera riot was a generation of ill-conceived solutions of the Russian administration, which operated on a template developed during the XVIII-XIX centuries in Central Russia. In cases of occurrence of a plaque or cholera epidemic in Russia, quarantine measures were introduced: it was limited to entry into places generated by the epidemic, as well as departure from these places. The authorities were also received in Tashkent, and this is a restriction in the movement of citizens and residents of others. settlements Muslim dissatisfaction caused. For the burial of the dead from the epidemic disease in Russia, a special cemetery was assigned, which was made in 1892 in Tashkent. But in this case, the authorities did not have another exit: they were caught by surprise, but the situation did not tolerate delay: the inhabitants were buried dead in the courtyards. In May 1898, the Andijan uprising occurred, which was a consequence of the inconsistent policy of the Russian authorities in the Turkestan Territory. The reasons for this uprising were economic and social, but at the same time, and religious. The inspiration and organizer of the rebellion in Andijan was someone Mohammed-Ali (Madali-Halfa, Madali-Ishhan) on nicknamed Dukchi-Ishan, born in 1856 in Kokand Khanate. According to M. A. Terentyev, Dukchi-Ishan took place from the poor family and did not receive any education - to read, I did not know how to write. In 1874, at the age of 18, he became a follower of Isaana Sulthanhan, a prominent Sufia who lived in a village near Andijan. Mohammed-Ali admirated from his teacher Islamic wisdom and at the same time worked for him, working out the table and shelter. He and his colleagues settled in Kislak Ming Tube, located near the city of Andijan (Fergana region). The plans of the leaders of the uprising were simple enough and prosaic. It was assumed at night to attack the soldiers' barracks at the same time in several cities - in Margilan, Osh and Andijan, then capture these cities and restore Kokand Khanate. And Khan to proclaim the fourteen nephew of Ishant. It was believed that then everything would be simple: the people will support the rebels, will rise, capture Samarkand and Tashkent and will vomit Russian from Turkestan. Dukchi-Ishan managed to attract about 2 thousand people to his side. Already on May 17, all this mass gathered in Ming Tyube and its surroundings, and headed against Andijan. The rebels unexpectedly attacked the barracks and killed 22 soldiers, but they were scattered shortly after the first firearms. Dukchi Ishanta grabbed a day, 19 May 1898; One after another was arrested by his closest associates, 777 people were arrested from two thousand metering participants. The news of the failure of the enterprise of Isan very quickly spread around the district and stopped those who were still preparing to make attacks on the Russians. At the interrogation, Dukchi-Ishan called the reasons for his speech: after the regional conquest, the Russians began a damage to the Russians; New authorities did not care about maintaining morality and family began; there was a retreat from the Norm Sharia; Russian power, although he applied to the people gently, but forbade pilgrimage; The authority canceled stamped; The government canceled vacufted laws. General MA Terentyev, a reputable author, who served in Turkestan, forty years later, saw the reasons for the weakening of the role of the military in the direction of the edge; Insufficiency of control over the activities of Muslim Clear; Local residents are chosen in older and casa; Bad knowledge of Russian authorities of local customs and languages. Russian authorities deeply thought about the religious and political situation in Turkestan. S. M. Okovsky was instructed to develop a program of transformation in terms of managing spiritual affairs of Muslims of the region. Already by 1899, S. M. Okrugsky issued a report "Islam in Turkestan", in which, in reality, a program of action was developed. In particular, new principles of confessional policy in the region were formulated: 1) eliminating the dependence of the local clergy from the foreign and Russian foci of Islam; 2) the weakening of the influence of Sufism on the spiritual life of Turkestan Muslims; 3) eliminating the possibility of using vacuum products for anti-government propaganda; 4) the introduction of the European start in the Muslim Schools Program. S. M. The Spiritsky offered, like M. G. Chernyaev, to create a separate Turkestan coupling, however, the authorities, as before, feared that it would become the center of anti-Russian propaganda. Such is the traditional point of view. However, S. B. Mohammedov based on memoir materials of Fedorov gives a different point of view. According to Fedorov: "The Okrug was not stupid and, perhaps, very useful at one time, but when he was appointed to Turkestan, it was already ruins and in mental, and physical relationship. It is not clear how such a ruin could be appointed by the head of the huge edge, to which two more areas have just joined. He was not capable of any work and, having dormitated all the burden of office on the newly appointed for the newly established post of Assistant General Governor General Ivanov, he himself literally did nothing, or drove with a big pump around the edge, or lived in Petersburg, where repeatedly Leaving, as if on the affairs of the service. " Based on these data, as well as information that Navivkin and Ivanov were still at the previous Governor-General with influential persons in developing a course of relationships with the Muslim population, it can be stated that S. M. Okrugskaya hardly participated in the creation of a reform project . However, it is necessary to leave the tempting conclusions on the role of V. P. Navivkina. It should be remembered that as a time, this oriental was one of the most sophisticated opponents of harsh measures against Islam. On the contrary, he spoke for an increase in the state of scientists to study the life of the native population, insisted on the course of politics aimed at mutual understanding of the parties. In the same project, we see a set of "spinning of nuts". In general, there was a contradictory situation. It seems that the opinion will be really fair: this project was preparing not by one person and became the result of creative activities of several personalities. This time, the authorities removed the desired lesson. The spiritual administration of Muslims edge was created. Active publishing work began; Orientalists conducted many studies. However, in general, the course did not change, and the governor-generals acted as "firefighters": they did not seek to work on ahead. However, work on the study of population sentiment did not stop. In 1909, the Office of the Turkestan Governor General, led by V. A. Mustafin, develops a questionnaire for military governors of the regions. This instruction was raised a number of issues related to the mood of the local population living there. The instruction compiled by the Office consisted of the following questions: "one. Which tribe belongs to the population of this area or district, its numerical composition on tribes, lifestyle (the main occupation and degree of economic welfare of the population). Spiritual development of the population. The number of memories and madrasa. Where they received the formation of Mudarisians and heads of mektebami. Set of students with division on local and eliminal. Study books. Vacuishes and profitability of them. Isaans, Dervishi, Muddahi. Areas of activity of Izanov, the number of their Murides in different locations. What is the influence of the Isaans. Places of traveling. The number of mosques and mazars. Since the population has retained the memory of its independence, whether the sympathetic memory of the lost days of independence is not noticed, for example, in private conversations, in local legends and various songs that may have and told the native singers and narratives in the bazaars and squares, in the shade of the casuals of Madrasa and Mosques, and finally, just in the villages and aulah. The degree of influence on the population of the local clergy and what this influence is expressed. Lee appear among the population, from somewhere from or from the abrade, secular and spiritual faces, as well as narrator, dervos, magicians and whites. What was their goal of the appearance among the local population. There are no aliens among other areas of the region or immigrants from Turkey, Persia or Caucasus infect with revolutionary ideas. Does not appear among the local populations of Tatars-missionaries, in particular, the followers of the "Waisov of God's Regiment", the basis of the teachings of which is the non-recognition of the Earth authorities and the denial of the need to pay for the filings. Do there exist in this area "new meter" schools. " As can be seen from the questions of the instructions, the regional administration was worried about changes in the sentiments of the local population, and main role This was played by an Islamic factor. Military governors of the regions and the chief inspector of educational institutions of the region were prescribed annually to submit reports on the issues in the Office of the Turkestan Governor General. The instructions and reports had a vulture "completely secret." In February 1909, the Military Governor of the Fergana Region, Major Susanin, reflecting on the mood of the local population, wrote: "So far, the whole huge areas of the spiritual life of the people remain without observation on our part; What is done in numerous Madrass, which evolution takes place in the beliefs and the views of the people and how it is reflected in the Muslim extensive literature, the works of which make up a lively trade subject in the bazaars - we are aware of all this very little, and we will not have this awareness, as long as The organization will be appropriate in achieving this goal. " However, such an organization until 1917 did not create. The given example is that at the beginning of the twentieth century. The Tsarist Administration is trying to use the method of oral polling of public opinion of the local population to develop a new policy against Islam, as a whole, says that the old policy, conducted from the moment of the conquest of the Russian Empire of Central Asia, did not justify himself. However, this does not mean that the concept of further transformations has been developed. The outskirts of Russia, in particular, the Turkestan Governorship General often became places of links of "unreliable elements". Justifying in a new place, the revolutionary (most often) people did not change their ideas and ideals, but on the contrary, they sought to spread them among the local population. Such a policy of forced references to the remote parts of the country, ultimately led to the fact that anti-state ideas were distributed in remote corners of the country. The increase in tension in the country, including and about the issue of the religious policy of the Empire, made the authority to publish a number of decrees that promise to expand the policy of violence (Manifest on February 26, 1903 and Decree December 12, 1904). Later, on April 17, 1905, a decree was issued, which was made and promised in the future a number of serious concessions to the uninosty, especially Muslim, subjects of the empire. These concessions were hoping to pacify the national displeasure, which by 1905 resulted in a widespread revolutionary movement. Published on October 17, 1905, the manifesto about civil liberties, finally, completely "disbanded" people. The expectations of people were most often overestimated and did not coincide with the current reality. The country was in widespread unclean. Not left aside and the Turkestan Governor-General. The cities held rallies and manifestations, which sometimes accelerate the power, which in turn, only strengthened the desires of people to deal with the authorities. However, of course, given the contradictory and discussion nature of the PRP itself, it is impossible to talk about some similarity of the requirements throughout Russia. Since 1905, the All-Russian Congresses of Muslims began to be held in connection with an extremely active social life. In August 1905, the I All-Russian Congress of Muslims were held in Nizhny Novgorod, which was attended by 120 representatives of Turkestan and the Caucasus. It was formed by the All-Russian Union of Muslims. At the second congress, held in St. Petersburg in January 1906. Delegates expressed a protest to Muslim's refusal in the right to meet meetings and congresses. In August 1906, a program close to the Cadet Party was developed at the III Congress. It has expressed requirements for the equality of all Russian citizens, regardless of gender, religion, race and nationality. Undoubtedly, after 1905, unresolved problems of the edge began to be exacerbated, and the religious factor was fixed: in addition to traditional circles in the face of the clergy, the aforementioned jadeids were connected, as well as figures from, for example, Turkey. If earlier, many suited such a state of affairs, now the non-interference created the situation of deterrence. The very policy of the authorities in the region became now more "dependent" from the religious factor; I had to still look around at the Muslim worldview of culture as a mandatory and component of the life of the inhabitants of Turkestan. Now the authorities did not believed that Islam "Missed himself." However, the development of a new course has been significantly dragging. It is possible that this is due to the famous leaser of the regional governors of the region at the beginning of the XX century., And also with the fact that the authorities had enough problems in other regions. Such a delay caused a decrease in power authority. More often, there were cases of non-obstinate (on the domestic and administrative level) of local residents. Neon understanding between the authorities and residents, despite the awareness of the need for change, remained, as before. Almost all Governor-General, replaced by S. M. Okrugov, did not consider it possible to start serious transformation at this moment. But, as already, it was said, the religious factor itself constantly appears in various reports and circulars. According to many researchers, the last world war brought Russia a few victories and significantly more defeats, she exhausted her not a very strong economy and limited financial resources. By 1916, the military burdens were felt everywhere, including in the Turkestan Governor-General. It was clear that a turning point should soon come, the truth was not clear, in whose favor. In 1916, the uprising began in the Central Asian possessions of Russia, the reason for which was a decree on forced involvement on rear work in the front-line areas of the male foreign population aged 19 to 43 years old. The uprising began on July 4, 1916 in Hodgeny, located in the Samarkand region. Anti-government speeches quickly embraced a huge territory - from Amudarya to the Urals with a multinational, mostly Muslim population of about 10 million. Already in July 1916, 25 performances occurred in the Samarkand region, 20 and 86 in the Syrdarya and Fergana regions, respectively. Their forms were different - from mass leaving from enterprises and flights in the steppe, mountains and abroad to armed attacks on officials, troops and the police. During the uprising, local spiritual leaders (areaisan) were intensified, which contributed to the attachment of a religious tint in the minds of the population. Such a development of events is quite natural for this region, where the traditional forces of Islam never weakened. The clergy at any time was ready to accuse the Russian authorities in a particular sin against Muslims and Islam, giving an uprising a religious shade. However, justice for the sake of, it is worth saying that some of them were adherents of the official authorities. At the end of July 1916, Alexey Nikolaevich Kuropatkina, Alexey Nikolayevich Kuropatkina, was appointed General-Governor of the Turkestan Territory, which was pinned with high hopes as a connoisseur of Asia. By the beginning of the new 1917, the uprising was suppressed almost everywhere, which allowed A.N. Kuropatkin to analyze the causes of this uprising. The emperor was sent two fairly extensive reports. Causes, according to A.N. Kuropatkina, were the following: 1) the inconsistent policy of the authorities and its unshakiness in the region; 2) a frequent change of the personnel of the highest regional authority, the frames that were most often not familiar with the specifics of the region; 3) small material support of the personnel of officials who are designed to manage the native population; 4) Enhanced alienation of the Kyrgyz land for Russian villages without compliance in many cases of the interests of the population. It seems that Kuropatkin believed that the emperor decree on the mobilization of the population on front-line work became the main reason, but only served as a catalyst, the true causes, in his opinion they were much deeper and are named above. Some researchers still emphasize that this decree played its important role in itself. It is known that the conditions of the decree were acceptable. However, in this case, the not established relations of power with the Muslim clergy played their fateful role. It began to spread rumors that people along the way will be baptized, and it will not be possible to return home, etc. Such rumors tried to refute, for example, the persons of the spiritual title that had close relationships with the Russian authorities. Obviously, this problem would not be so acute if the authorities belonged to a religious factor with great attention. N. P. Ostrumov in 1917 Summing up the Russian Board in Turkestan, calls a number of reasons for the failure of imperial policy. "Russian scientists patronized by Kaufman were engaged in the external nature of Turkestan, but they did not pay attention to the spiritual warehouse of the native population, they didn't pay attention to his psychology ... Many administrators in Turkestan even considered it necessary to give the Quran, Sharia and Muslim school in the cultural life of the native population .. . ". According to Ostrumov, Kaufman became mistaken, not giving the greatest value to Muslim culture, and therefore ignored it, whereas after 50 years of Russian rule in Turkestan, "we will not see any weakening in the edge of Muslim culture, nor the convergence of Turkestan's natives with Russia." It is important to note that, despite the existing data, today it is not possible to estimate the actions of the Russian authorities definitely. From the point of view of a simple manual, in many (but not in all) cases, this approach of the authorities was acceptable, and even more profitable. The presented "freedom" was from the point of view of secular humanism was a blessing for the natives. However, if you recall the initial goals of the entire policy course, and look at the results, you can confidently talk about the ineffectiveness of the measures taken. Conclusion In the course of work it was found that the religious factor was one of the key in the policies of the Russian authorities in the Turkestan Governor-General. He permeated almost all spheres of the life of the native population, and therefore had a significant impact on the actions of the local administration. Considering the conclusions of the work, it can be stated that in many cases the authorities were guided in their actions with a long-term history of Islam in the region. However, it would be unfounded to assert that this factor was the only one - no doubt, and other determining nature of the causes were also present in the region. But it was precisely the established neglect to the enormous influence of Muslim as a lifeline of the life of the native population of the region (or sometimes even the emergencyness of such a situation) reduced all the results of the policy pursued. By itself, the religious factor is not a single one. On the contrary, it is a polychakteric phenomenon consisting of a variety of layers: from determining the life of the population of dogmas, to developing in these beginnings of specific currents that have secular orientation. Therefore, speaking of a religious factor, it is necessary to understand that it includes many phenomena. The tasks set at the beginning of work were successfully solved that in the end made it possible to achieve the goal. However, during the study, it was revealed that this topic is extremely rich in sources, including a little studied. This gives reason to believe that it is necessary to continue working in the same line, since some conclusions in the light of new sources can be adjusted, so it is necessary to approach the results of the study with caution. List of sources and literature .Temporary regime on management in the Ural, Turgay, Akmola and Semipalatinsk regions of October 21, 1868: at 3 t. T. 1 // materials on the history of the political system of Kazakhstan. Alma-Ata. 1960. .The Allgenous Report of the Turkestan Governor General General from the infanteria of the Governor "Islam in Turkestan" // Muslim Central Asia. Traditionalism and XX century. M., 2004. .Gasprinsky I. B. Russian Muslims. - Simferopol, 1881. .Report by A. N. Kurophatkina January 4, 1917, Military Minister D. S. Shuvayev // Rebellion of 1916 in Central Asia and Kazakhstan: Collection of Documents. - M., 1960. .Kaufman K. P. Project of the All-Valid Report General Adjutant K.P. Background of Kaufman 1st in civil administration and device in the regions of the Turkestan Governorship General. November 7, 1867 - March 25, 1881 - St. Petersburg., 1885. .Regulation on the management of Akmola, Semipalatinskaya, Semirechenskaya, Ural and Turgai regions of March 25, 1891: at 3 t. T. 1 // materials on the history of the political system of Kazakhstan. - Alma-Ata. 1960. .State Archive of the Orenburg Region - GOO. F. 6. OP. 10. D. 8101. .GOO. F. 6. OP. 10. D. 8224/2. .GOO. F. 6. OP. 10. D. 8101. L. 1-2B; 31-31B; 70; 196-198B; 833-833B. Research. 1. Abduragimov G. A. Caucasian Albania-Lezgistan: history and modernity. St. Petersburg., 1995. [ Electronic resource] - URL:<#"justify">2.Abdurahimova N., Rustamova G. The colonial system of power in Turkestan in the 2nd half of the XIX - 1st quarter of the twentieth century. - Tashkent, 1999. .Agadzhanov S.G., Trepavlov V.V. National outskirts of the Russian Empire. - M., 1998. .Arapov D. Yu. Russia and Central Asia in XVIII. XX centuries. // Collection of Russian Historical Society. T. 5 (153). - M, 2002. .Araphov D. Yu. The system of state regulation of Islam in the Russian Empire (last third of the XVIII - the beginning of the XX century). - M., 2004. .Bartold V. V. Culture of Muslim. - M., 1998. .Bartold V.V. Work on the history of Islam and Arab Caliphate // Barthold V. V. Writings. - M., 1966. T. 6. .Barthold. V. V. History of the cultural life of Turkestan // Bartold V. V. Writings. - M., 1963. T. 2. Part 1. .Beningssen A. Muslims in the USSR. Paris, 1983. .Gasprinsky I. B. Russian Muslims. Simferopol, 1881. .Glushchenko E. A. Russia in Central Asia. Conquest and transformation. - M., 2010 .Zerawanda. Turkey and pantulsmism. - Yerevan, 1991. .Ivanov P. P. Essays on the history of Central Asia (XVI-Mid-XIX century). - M., 1958. .Islam in the Russian Empire (Legislative Acts, Descriptions, Statistics) / Sost. D. Yu. Arapov. - M., 2001. .Islam and Muslim culture on average Volga region: history and modernity. Essays. - Kazan, 2002. - P. 218. - [Electronic resource] - URL: # "Justify"\u003e. Landa R. G. Islam in the history of Russia. - M., 1995. .Landa R. G. Russia and the world of Russian Islam. Nizhny Novgorod, 2011. 18.Muhamedov Sh. B. Islamic question in Russian Turkestan. Whether an alternative to ignoring policies. [Electronic resource] - URL:<#"justify">24.Ostrumov N. P. Islamovia. Introduction to Islamism. - Tashkent, 1914. .Salkov V.P. Andijan uprising of 1898 - Kazan, 1901. .Halfin N. A. Russia and the Khanation of Central Asia (first half of the XIX century). - M., 1974. .Central Asia as part of the Russian Empire. - M., 2008. 28. Higher S. A. Pantürkism and Panislamism in Russian history // Patriotic notes. M., 2003. №3. [Electronic resource] - URL: Yuldashev A. Agrarian relations in Turkestan ( end XIX. - The beginning of the XX centuries). - Tashkent, 1969.
armed presentation (rebellion, in Soviet historiography - the uprising) of the population of Turkestan and the steppe edge against bringing to the labor service in the rear of Russian troops, as well as against the Russian administration and the population. The reasons for the uprising were national, religious and economic.
On June 25, 1916, the Emperor Nikolai II signed a decree on attracting the men's foreign economic population of the Russian Empire aged 19 to 43 years to work on the device of defensive structures and military communications in the area of \u200b\u200bthe Army. Further development Events showed the fallacy of this measure, especially in the height of summer agricultural and procurement work (cotton, hay). On the same day (June 25), a meeting of a special meeting was held at the Military Governor of Turkestan on this issue. On July 8, an order was issued in the Turkestan Territory about mobilization. First of all, the first stage was mobilized (from 19 to 31 years). Mobilization on rear work for some exceptions was subject to foreigners of Siberia, the Steppe region (Kazakhstan), Turkestan and the Caucasus. A decisive armed protest against this measure arose only in the steppe Territory and Turkestan. Unrest in other regions (for example, in Tomsk province) did not differ in scale.
By 1917, Russians in Turkestan had 542,509 people or 9.1% of the population. The native population was 3,332,200 male shower (only about 7 million people of both sexes), of which it was assumed to call 8%. The initial and subsequent expansion of the call contingent in Turkestan differed. In particular, it was decided to reduce the number of conscripts in the Fergana region, leaving workers for cleaning cotton, for this reason, without reducing the total number of mobilizable, the load on other regions was strengthened, then, taking into account the protest strength of the local population, the authorities had to be reduced Dresses in almost all areas.
In the steppe region, it was originally intended to call 230,000 people. The Russian administration understood the moral and actual severity of the sudden call on the foreigners. On July 2, 1916, the meeting at the Turkestan Governor General requested by I.D. The main chief of the edge of the general from infanteria M.R. Erofeev on the reduction of the outfit from 250,000 to 200,000 people. It was decided to reduce to 220,000 people. Finally, the reduction of up to 200,000 people took place in August. Even initially the category of persons not subject to call was quite extensive. The appeal was exempted by nobles, representatives of the native (non-Russian) administration, clergy, teachers and students of secondary and higher educational institutions, paramedics, translators, precipitators, pisari, elected persons, civil servants, tobuchiks and livestock challenges hired by military-horse meal. If necessary, delayed from the call. The work of foreigners should have been paid by the treasury. In addition to government food, workers received a salary of 1 rub. per day. Persons who did not have the opportunity to go on work with their clothes and shoes, issued a manual in the amount of up to 30 rubles.
The attitude of the native population to the service in the Russian army and to call for rear work was not only negative. For example, the population of the Customic Region was equipped with a Tekinsky Equestrian Regiment, perfectly proven himself in battles on the south-western front. Tekinsy, unlike the andyudov, unquestionedly obeyed the order for the mobilization of workers. In 1914-1915 Some indigenous people of the Semirechensk region voluntarily expressed the desire to go to the front. In the aulium-ata district of the Syrdarya region, the Military Engineering Organization, before the announcement of the mobilization of the summer of 1916, about 10,000 people were scored for rear work.
It was almost immediately spread by a rumor that the call will be made to the front - the natives will force the digs of the trenches between the two opposing armies and all will turn. The recording of the ages was carried out arbitrarily, there was no differentiated approach to the timing of the call, depending on the distance of the distance to the collection point, the position of the decrease was not clarified by the population, it was rumored that the decree was generally invention of local authorities, and the semi-arrest translators really gave reason to consider that mobilization is preparing to the front. Young people began to gather in the gang of deserters. Due to the difficulty of mobilization, its term was postponed to September 15, with the emperor himself considered the measure previously approved by him on the call of foreigner and hasty. On July 10, at the meeting of the indigenous population of the Jarkent County of the Semirechensk region, it was decided not to obey the order. On July 13, the flight of the Donggan was sent to Western China. Fucking threats tried to lure the remaining tribesmen to themselves. Strong unrests were observed in the Syrdarya region, where the locals were agitation against the call.
In different parts of Turkestan and the steppe region, discontent of the local population had several different reasons. In Semiruche, who was actively mastered Russian migrants, the most pronounced was hatred for them, including in connection with the land issue. In the steppe region, where there was extremely few Russian population outside the cities, the anti-Russian nature of the rebellion manifested itself in the smallest. Among other reasons are the small number of the Russian administration, the police (for example, in the huge Turgai region there were only 13 police officers) and troops with the numerous of administratively exile and prisoners of war; abuse; Direction to the refugee Turkestan in a deplorable state. A certain role in the emergence of the insurrection was played by an element of chance, the psychology of the crowd.
Gradually, the native population began to move from passive to the active protest, originally expressed in the requirements of issuing post-member lists or attempts to be destroyed. The crowds of local residents participated in these promotions. The small Russian administration could not effectively deal with the mass riots that took place in a huge territory.
On July 17, the Turkestan Military District was translated into martial law, the Commander of the Northern Front General Adjutant A.N. was appointed Turkestan Governor General Kuropatkin is a brilliant connoisseur of the edge and a veteran of Turkestan's joining to Russia. No later than July 21, a plan for strengthening garrisons of national teams was adopted. To combat the started unrest, local forces were not enough. Then, by order of the Military Minister, 14.5 battalions were sent to Turkestan, 33 hundreds, 42 guns and 69 machine guns.
In the case of active armed resistance, the chiefs of detachments were allowed to apply any measures, up to executions and the destruction of the resisted Aules. In the Samarkand and Fergana regions, the deeper roots allowed Islamic fundamentalism. Here, the speech was obviously pronounced religious character. In the Jizzakh district, the railway was destroyed, bridges were burned on the Jizzakh site - the bridges are burned, the telegraph is cut. On July 13, the rebellion began in Jizzak, where the county chief Colonel B.N. Hands and attracting headquarters-captain P.D. Zotoglov, who tried to calm the crowd. The speech here was headed by Nazir Khoja Izhan (proclaimed Beck) and Mukhtar Khoja Izhan, the rebels had a secular leader - the major landowner Abdurakhman Khoja Abdujabarova (Jewachi). Thus, there were representatives of both spiritual and secular hereditary elite at the head of the rebellion, but there are no people from a simple people. The rebellion was not directed to the reorganization or destruction of the previously established hierarchy. On the contrary, the speech was ethno-confessional and separatist. One of the slogans of the rebels was the idea of \u200b\u200b"Gazavat" - the Holy War against the wrong, in practice, expressed in the desire to exterminate the Russians. A feature of the speech in the Samarkand region was his religious nature and exclusive cruelty of rebels. In total, 76 Russians died in the Jizzakh district (according to other data - 88), including women and children. As written by A.N. Kuropatkin Military Minister General from Infanteria D.S. Shuvayev on January 4, 1917, "Wild and Izzling Crowd felt outside the danger, and only the arrival of the punitive detachment laid the end of this bloody massacre with any innocent Russian people ...".
On July 14, two batteries and a detachment of Colonel Vladislavleva arrived in Samarkand (2 companies of the 732th Saratov squad of state militia, 4 guns of the 32nd light artillery battery of the Quashnin lieutenant colonel and a sperm platoon). The squad was directed to Jizzak. On the same day, a hundred of the 4th Orenburg Cossack regiment was held on Jizzak through Kerkov to Jizzak through Samarkand. July 15 in Samarkand arrived half-and-noise Orenburg and 3 spare companies (210 bayonets). On July 16, the punitive detachment of Colonel P.P. arrived in Jizzakh from Tashkent. Ivanova (Rota Infantry), called the opposition press for decisiveness when the Ivanov-Jizaksky's reservoir is suppressed (in the future, he became a major worker of white traffic, the military attack of the Siberian Cossack troops, more famous for the name of Ivanov Rinov). Soon, the Jizzakh squad was subordinate to the Colonel Krasnoyarshtsev, Ivanov also headed all the troops in the district of Jizzak, and Lieutenant Colonel D.N. became the headquarters of the detachment from July 22 Watercraft from the Tashkent Heir to Cesarevich Cadet Corps. Two squads and four Cossack hundreds were removed from the border points and the four Cossack hundreds and are aimed at strengthening the garrisons of large items. Total with rebels fought 12 mouth, 3 hundreds and 3/4 sper companies at 6 guns. The position of the Russian population was facilitated. Government troops began to pursue the rebels, drove them into the mountains. July 19 at a large Mitan road (Kata-Kurgan - Mitan) 12 lower ranks of the 7th Siberian Rifle Spare Shelf (apparently, led by the assistant of the county chief by Lieutenant Colonel Shirokov) were attacked by 1,500 rebels, the attack began to pursue the opponent, killing Native and horse.
The local population in July was forbidden to use the railway to avoid coordination of rebel actions. Significant difficulties caused the small number of the cavalry, which was at the disposal of the authorities. It was the cavalry that was most effective for suppressing the rebellion on a huge territory. To accelerate the movements, the driving infantry was even formed. By July 25, the rebellion in the Samarkand region was depressed. Lockers in the mountainous areas were saved by 56 women and children led by invil. In the future, the mass performances of the native population did not notice, and on September 19, the sending of the first echelons with workers from the region was appointed.
In the Syrdarya region, the unrest began on July 11 in Tashkent. The locals attacked the police department of the city's patrimonial part of the city, the police officers beat the attack with the help of revolvers, and after half an hour, the profit of the Tashkent school of ensigns was deposited. As a result, 11 locals were killed. The leaders of Tashkent rebels offered to the Afghan Emir to oppose Russia, but this proposal from Emir's support did not meet. At the end of July, the battalion of the 2nd Siberian Rifle Spare Shelf arrived at the suppression, equipped with young soldiers. In the Syrdarya region successfully acted a detachment of Assistant Tashkent district chief of lieutenant colonel A.I. Afanasyev. The success of the squad was directly connected with the severity of his chief, who ordered to burn the construction of the rebellion. German and Turkish agents were detained in the Alule-Ata. On September 16, a detachment of 65 people at 3 officers in 70 versts north of Auli Ata, in the Amandalku Valley, met approximately 3,000 Kazakhs. The rebels attacked the squad three times, but were repulsed by volley. Soon the county was rapidly, insurgents were issued. September 18 from Tashkent, and on October 9 - the first echelon with workers went from Auli-Ata County.
In the Fergana region, the rebellion due to the presence of a sufficient number of Russian troops here has become insignificant scope. The 6th Orenburg Cossack Regiment of Colonel K.V. was deployed in the region. Bobrova and 4th Ural Separate Cossack Spare Sota. However, here in July 1916 there was a number of cases of murder of representatives of the native (i.e. non-Russian) administration. The rebels killed their pro-Russian configuration fees, robbed rich, despite nationality.
The greatest cruelty events of the insurrection was different in the Semirechen region. There was a significant number of Russian people. However, the troops, as in other areas, was little. In general, in Semiruchery, a large negative role was played by mutual panic and their deceiversalization on both sides. About 200,000 Russians lived in Semiruche. In 1915, the disarmament of the settlers was carried out, and 7,500 Berdanok sent to the operating army. Migrants were defenseless before the steppes. Already on July 10, two days after the order of mobilization, the collection of the Kazakhs of the Jarkent County took place, which made the decision not to obey this order. On July 13, Dungan began to go to Western China (Xinjiang). From the end of July, attacks on local authorities began. On August 2, it was proposed for self-defense of the Russian population in rural areas to organize squadded squads. On August 8, the authorities issued a decision on the mandatory formation of such a friend. Fucked (300 people) and equestrian (100 people) squads were formed (300 people), put on a gun 160 Cossack-seven-sequences of a spare discharge, who have been equipped with two fifth. The population was armed at the calculation of the rifle by 8-12 yards. In fact, a local civil war began in seven studies on ethnic soil. The position of the Russian residents was aggravated in connection with the lack of Russian male population in the region, mobilized to the front. Rumors have become a powerful catalyst for mutual hatred, repeatedly exaggerated the true scale of events. Among the causes of the insurrection in Semirchye had the desire of the Kazakhs to bodies of Russians, land disputes in connection with the active migrating policies in the region, the tax burden. Active propaganda led Mullah. In addition, it was repeatedly stated on participation in the preparation of the rebellion of German officers. In Przhevalsky, the religious fanaticism of nomads was added to these reasons. On August 6, the ATEKINSKAYA and Batbaev parish of Pishpekskiy county, the next day, Sarybaguyshevskaya parish and the Tokmak district, August 9 - Carkecian, Jumbalskaya, Kormanzhodzhinskaya, Kochaksky and Abyildin parish. On this day, Kazakhs attacked the village of Grigorievka, which as a result was burned and looted, and the residents were forced to run. Telegraph was spoiled. At the head of the speeches in the Chui Valley stood Khan M. Shabdanov. Other detachments were commanded by two brothers. As in other places, the movement in Semirchye was headed by the native generic elite - Khan and Manpa. Known such Kazakh leaders like K. Abukin, B. Negoev, K. Sinin. The rebellion was relatively organized: Askerov had banners, monotonous metal blahs, an alarm system was used to transfer information about the movement of government troops, weapons workshops were equipped in mountainous areas. Antipodeal this insurgency was not - the tribal foundations in the native population were unshakable. This is evidenced by the fact that in all seminar was not killed by any volost ruler or manap.
The rebels were armed with a variety of weapons. Here were trophies captured from solitary Russian soldiers and homemade weapons. On August 6-7, Kazakhs managed to capture weakly protected transport with weapons. They searched with 200 rifles and 3000 cartridges (according to other data 170 Berdankas and 4000 cartridges, by another version of the most reliable, 178 Berdankas and 35,000 rounds). Killed 3 lower ranks. The capture of the seizure of a relatively large-scale batch of weapons was a powerful incentive to enhancing the fight against Russians. Most of the rebels were in service with flint and even wicking rifles, bardonants, peaks, axes, plated on long sticks. Manpa received a part of the money from the sale of weapons, and thus the rebellion brought their profits. In general, Kazakhs did not stand the clashes with regular troops, despite the numerical superiority in dozens, and sometimes hundreds of times. Initially, the rebels destroyed only those who resisted them, but they soon began to destroy Russians at all.
In total, from their hands, at least 1342 Russian men and 1300 women (mainly immigrants) were killed here, 684 people were injured, not less than 1105 were missing or dealt with Kazakhs, 969 yard burned. On the county, the distribution of victims in accordance with the available incomplete data was as follows: Pishpec County - 98 people were killed, it was missing - 65. Przhevalsky County (there was almost no Russian troops here) - 2179 people were killed, disappeared - 1299, Jarkent County - 32 people were killed, without missing 20, Vernensky county - 16 people were killed. 2 officials were killed, 12 ranks of various departments, 3 officers, 53 lower ranks, 41 wounded, 75 lower ranks were missing. Cases of the mass death of soldiers and officers were somewhat: In the Narynsky district, an ensign was killed with 9 Cossacks and 8 soldiers; In the village of Karcara Jarkent County in August 1916, 24 Cossacks of the Naryankol-Charyn district police station of Rothmista M. Kravchenko were killed and 6 Cossacks were killed in the vicinity of Jalanas. Among those killed were seven monks of the Secular Monastery, many representatives of the rural intelligentsia. Victims of rebels, as a rule, were tortured. The economic welfare of the Russian population of the region was undermined, 15,000 tents of Pashnya destroyed in the amount of 20 724 087 rubles. In another Tokmak district, 72 Russian settlers were killed, 12 wounded 65, 600 houses were burned, 356 borrowed, 12,000 ten crops were destroyed, the total amount of damages amounted to about 500,000 rubles. On August 10, the Kyrgyz of the Belovodsky Pischpec County, Jamanzartovskaya, Tleuberdinskaya, Baku and Taldybulaksky volosts rebelled. The next day, Dungan was rebuilt in the village of Mariinsky Przhevalsky County. On August 11, Dungan killed most of the peasants of the village of Ivanitsky. The population of the village of the village is interrupted. The surviving residents flew to Przhevalsk. On August 12, two officers died at the hands of Kyrgyz at once - Sotnik Great and Ensign Kiselev. Bodies of the Sotnika Velikko and 7 Cossacks were disfigured.
On August 8, General A.N. arrived in Tashkent Kuropatkin is a major military figure and administrator who has experienced participation in the conquest of Turkestan and perfectly knew local realities. His appointment took place on July 22. Knowledge of Turkey Turkestan was that he sometimes even rightly corrected local officials who were preparing reports on the position of the region. In a letter to Military Minister D.S. Shuvayev dated August 18, 1916 Kuropatkin wrote about the local population: "For a period of 40 years, we have not brought the hearts of these simple, but more primitive people." Kuropatkin negatively treated the extent on the call on the rear work, but in the established setting of the path of the way back were cut off and remained only to decisively suppress the rebellion. It was in such a spirit that an experienced general was configured, which offered to representatives of power to look for examples in the actions of General G.A. Kolpakovsky, which brought in the XIX century. A great contribution to the accession of seven-year to Russia. Kuropatkin petitioned about the sending of the Cossack brigade in the semirechye, two machine guns and an equestrian battery from the current army, the benefit of such a reinforcement did not affect the position of the front, where the root of the big role did not play. Total of other areas of Turkestan in Semirechye, 3.5 squads were sent, 7 mouth from the spare rifle regiments, 5 hundred, 14 guns. The troops were expelled in three directions: Andijan - Naryn fortification; Chernyaev is the postal tract of Pishpec - Tokmak and by rail to Semipalatinsk and further on Sergiopol - Lepsinsk - faithful. The operating army allocated 2 Cossack shelf (7th Orenburg and 9th Siberian Cossack shelves), Cossack battery and two machine guns with colts machine guns. By order of the partridge, Semirechye was divided into 17 military sections, within which suppressions were carried out. From August 11, with detachments and in the county cities of the Semirechensk region, military field courts were established. On August 17, Kuropatkin at 17,000 people cut out the outfit mobilized by seminine. Soon the shipment of workers began, families sent to work were provided by the rank committees.
In July-August 1916, the mechanism of ethnic cooobilization worked in Semirchye. In addition to the organization of Druzhin Samo-Man, brought to despair, the Russian population arranged in Przhevalsky E Kyrgyz pogrom in which women participated. On August 12, prisoners-Kyrgyz were shot in prison when trying to escape. About 80 people died. In the village of Belovodskoy, on August 13, the peasants in response to the increasingness of indigenous residents (mass murders and securing of women in captivity) were killed 517 arrested Kyrgyz - meter participants. Frightened and outraged Russian population answered violence on violence. "Beyond the lack of weapons beat with sticks and stones, pokoli vilails, gutted with sulfur and braids," reported in one of the documents. Mrauding manifested on both sides. The native population did not know that their work was expected. Having received this information, many have changed their attitude to mobilization. When transferring arrested Kyrgyz from Belovodsk to Pishpec 138 of them were killed by the warriors when trying to escape.
Fights unfolded in the region, and parts of punitive troops were sent even to Western China for the capture of rebels. In the 20s of August, the rebellion was ascended. Up to 60,000 Kazakhs left for cheese - alpine plateau, from where they were trying to knock out the detachments of government troops. Those pushed into mountain areas, the nodders suffered hunger, lost their lives and, as a rule, passed. In total, about 3,000 natives were destroyed in the suppressions in Pishpec and Przhevalsky counties. In all seven studies, according to some reports, 4,000 natives died and another 12,000 killed during flights to China, including the drowned and those who died from the fire of Chinese border guards. 164,000 people ran to China, to May 1917 there were about 70,000 refugees. On October 16, according to the results of suppressing the insurgency in Semiruche, Kuropatkin held a meeting on which the decision was made to evict Kyrgyz from Pishpeksky and Przhevalsky counties, in which the Russian population and education suffered in connection with this Naryn County. Such a decision was due to the general intent of Kuropatkina to evict the natives from the territories on which Russian blood sheds. During the Civil War in Semirchye, former migrants, mostly supported the Reds; Cossacks and nomads performed on the side of the White.
The situation in the Custinian region in 1916 had a number of features. The teins in their own way were monarchists and fully supported Russians. Relations between the Russians and the teccins were trustful. Another nature had a relationship with the most militant tribe of Turkmen-andomudov. Iomada paid tribute to both Russian and the Persian government. Any complications with Iomuda acquired international importance. Iomada raised the rebellion against the Russian authorities in early 1916. To combat them, the Khivinsky detachment was formed in the composition of 3 druzes and 4 lung batteries. The fight against uommensus with varying success flowed throughout 1916 by the leader of the Andudov, the leader of Basmacha Khan Junaid was known later. Iomada was armed with Berdankas and three years old. In July 1916, in the region was restless. According to some reports, the Turkish intelligence organization Teschild-I-Makhsus worked here. The birth of nomads Turkmen - Jafarbayev, Athabis joined the umomads. The riots acquired the nature of robber attacks on Russian villages in the Gurgen River. By the fall of 1916, four settlements were completely destroyed, others were very affected. The Russian population was taken under the protection of the Cossacks. Moreover, it was forced to retreat one of the small columns of Russian troops. The use of discontinuous bullets by Turkmen was recorded. In the second half of August - September 1916, the tribe convened to Persia. The care of the Iomuds in Persia The Russian administration decided to use for mastering the fertile Astrabad province of a neighboring state. In fact, a significant part of the province was not populated by the Persian population, but was actually a neutral territory on which Turkmen nomaded. Since 1898, there was a Russian commissariat, whose authorities submitted to the Russian settlements arising in the region. In November, an increase in the activity of andomudov was noted. They took control of the Caspian coast. The most powerful groups under the command under the command of Baba-Klysch, Shihi-Khan Dejeji and Essen Khan. The Arexian district was detained by the Austrian spy Magyar Sabo, who had documents and a card with him. Only at the end of October - November 1916, the Gurgen Expeditionary Council under the command of the Military Governor of the Cheese Daryia region, a hero, was formed to subordinate a disprobed tribe. russian-Japanese war, General Lieutenant General Staff A.S. Madrite (by November 24 - 8162 people and 3937 horses). In fact, the fighting took place in the Persian territory. The action plan was as follows: the simultaneous movement of detachments from three sides to surround the core of the core of the andyudes between the Rivers of Atrek and Gurgen in the North and the South and the expensive Chikishwill - Astrabad and the heights of the Karakir in the West and East. After suppressing the rebellion, the troops were supposed to be used to enhance the Caucasian army, the position of which was extremely uncertain. At the end of March 1917, due to the soothe, the Turkmen Madrites passed the command of General Major M.K. Marging, the conclusion of troops began. The 2nd Turkestan Rifle Brigade was formed from the detachment. The February events of 1917 brought amnesty to the meter participants, and the Madrithov expedition began to call the robbery. In August-September 1917, Junaid-Khan returned to Russia from Afghanistan with arms transport, proclaiming the struggle for the liberation of Turkmen. Against the background of the weakening of the demoralized Russian army, Turkestan again became the arena of the armed struggle. Meeting meter 1916-1917. Steel bass.
In the period from September 18 to December 18, 1916, 92,423 workers were sent from Turkestan, in addition, 9,500 people are directed directly to work in Central Asia. Thus, about 100,000 workers or half of the planned quantity were mobilized.
In total, by January 1, 1917, 7 officers and 79 lower ranks were killed in Turkestan, 3 officers and 64 lower ranks were injured and 77 people were missing. By January 25, 1917, losses were 97 killed, 86 wounded and 76 missing. For comparison, with the conquest of Turkestan, the Russian army lost 105 people in the Semirechensk region, in the Syrdarya region with the Amur Diarian department - 744 people, in the Fergana region - 134 people, in the Samarkand region - 811 people and in the Custinian region of 1582 people. Total - 3376 people.
The most strongly Russian population suffered where there was little troops - in Semirchye. The least strong where there was almost no Russian population - in the steppe region. These realities allowed Soviet historians to call movement in the steppe region progressive, and performances in Central Asia reactionary, whereas in fact the anti-Russian nature of the rebellion was the same. In some areas, the religious fanaticism of the Muslim population was mixed.
As a result of the insurgency in Turkestan, more than 9,000 farms were ruined, several temples and hospitals were destroyed. 14.5 battalions, 33 hundreds, 42 guns and 69 machine guns were used to hand over the rebels in Turkestan. The fighting was carried out from July 13, 1916 to January 25, 1917
In the Akmola region, special equestrian teams were formed in all the villagers of the Siberian Cossack troops, mainly from retired, incapable or not reaching 20 years of Cossacks. From July 20, the teams carried the service on the suppression of the inside. In total, 6 Cossack hundreds and 7 polisheen were sent to Akmola and Semipalatinsk regions of the authorities, 8 local military teams. By November 1, the Akmolin region had already given 12,500 people to work on defense, the set continued. By January 1917, the region was, in general, Zamaren. As of January 10, 1917, from 45,000 Kazakhs were taken to serving a message in various forms of 43,098 (8570, 43,91, 10,241 operate on defense, 16 314 were organized in artel at the age of treated bread for the army, 7973 people were accepted for Work and handed over to the military department).
From all regions covered by the insurgency, the longest (due to the nature of the terrain and winter time) and large-scale was struggle in the Turgay region, where the speech was headed by Soviet historians, A.U. Imanov. In fact, as in other places, there were not popular leaders from the poor, but a generic or clerical elite - Bai and Khans. So, at the head of the insurgency in the Turgay region, it was not an imanov, but a major cattle breeder, Khan A. Janboshov. The rebels needed organizers and military leaders. It was to this category of Imanov. An important role in the organization of the rebellion was played by the local Bolshevik A.T. Dzhangildin. The total number of rebels, called themselves sarbazami, is estimated at 50,000 people in the area. Unlike the seven, where Shabdanov had a general mobilization (which was not assumed even by decree of the emperor), volunteers acted in the Turgay region.
The news about the appeal of foreigners became a surprise for the local administration, right up to the governor. Already in July, here, as in other regions, the murders of representatives of the native administration began, attempting to destroy lists of mobilized. The organizers of the riots in the Kustanay district were local Mullah. Here it is important that the Kustanai Kazakhs occupied the dominant position in relation to the Kazakhs of other counties. Due to the acute shortage of the police, it was decided in accordance with the "Rules for the call of troops to promote civil authorities" to bring the rebellion in the embryo with the help of an army. Commander of the Troops of the Kazan Military District, General from infanteria A.G. Sandecsky commanded the 97th Don Special Cossack Economy Morgunov from Chelyabinsk in Kustanai from Chelyabinsk. A hundred in fireproof was weak. In service with the Cossacks stood outdated borders with a small margin of cartridges. After the news of the enhancement of unrest reported by the governor M.M. Eversman, who was constantly staying in Orenburg, on July 17, two Orenburg Cossack Spare Hundreds were sent to the area. The detachments were completed and armed from different parts All that was at hand. All this weakened the preparation of replenishment for the front.
The Turgasy Governor during the period of temporary calm conducted an explanatory job among the local population. The Congress of Aksakalov (honorary elders) was arranged, who supported the imperial decree, but the invited young people ceased to reckon with the old men. Thanks to the loyalty of the elders, the authorities managed to make the mobilization of workers in Kustanai and Aktyubinsky counties. The call for work in the Irgiz and Turgai counties was postponed until October 15 in the hope of calming and a positive example of the northern counties. Kazakhs from the front wrote letters about their good position.
Kazakhs of the southern counties of the region decided not to obey the call. Having gathered in the scope and armed, they began to fight the authorities. The first collision occurred in the Irgiz district on October 19, 50 Cossacks of the 1st Orenburg Cossack Spare Spare hundreds faced approximately with 2500 Kazakhs, including 600, armed peaks, checkers and guns. After a two-hour battle, the rebels retreated, losing a few dozen people killed and wounded. On October 21, the attack was subjected to the 97th Don Special Council, which went to the Turkha and attacked for 21 hours a few thousand armed Kazakhs. Losing three Cossacks killed and three wounded, a hundred reached Turgas. The rebels were destroyed up to 400 people.
From October 22, 1916, the regional center, the city of Turgay (the population - 2500 people), turned out to be deposited 15,000 rebels and cut off from the outside world, the population remained without food. The postal tract was destroyed, the wells on the IRGIS tract - Turgai rebels were abandoned with pylons, uncleanness or poisoned with pills with strikhnin, used for the extermination of wolves. In Turgas, by October 26, there were only 196 Cossacks and 100 soldiers. A military council was convened in the city with the participation of the military chief of Captain K.P. Zagayny, county chief, the peasant chief, commander hundreds, 4 officers. Due to the lack of people and cartridges, it was decided to defend themselves within the city. The city and the adjacent area were announced in the military.
In the Turgay and Irgiz county, the authorities had only two support points - Turgay and IRGIS, the rest of the territory was an extensive steppe with a rare population. When the insufficiency of the sent troops became obvious, to combat the stunned insurgent, in November 1916 a strong expeditionary squad of the head of the 13th Infantry Spare Brigade (Kazan) General Lieutenant General A.D. was formed Lavrentiev composed of 17 mouth, 19 hundred and squadrons, 14 guns and 17 machine guns. The formation of the detachment was authorized by the military minister. The detachment was supposed to focus on Chelkar Station. In the region, the Multi-Layer did the case: Governor M.M. Eversman and Associated Ataman of the Orenburg Cossack Troops General Staff General Lieutenant MS TULINA, who was temporarily subordinated to the Turgasian and Irgiz district and the commanded by the detachment General Lavrentiev.
November 2, a detachment, without waiting for the arrival of all parts, spoke to the revenue of Turgas. The absence in the area of \u200b\u200bthe railway network significantly complicated the suppression of the rebellion. Under the enhanced security, a strategically important line of the Tashkent Railway was taken. Since the summer of 1916, she was guarded by the profit of infantry. Now special trains were organized with soldiers on them, patrolling the road with basing at Emba and Saksaulskaya station.
November 6, garrison and residents of Turgas under the leadership of the head of the garrison captain K.P. Zagayin, despite the lack of help from the side, beat up an assault attempt. On the eve of the city Kazakhs set fire to the reserves of the hay, who had grown all night. At dawn, rebels four columns attacked the city. The number of attackers was determined approximately 12,000 riders. From 5.30 am to 16 hours, the garrison reflected the attack. Barricades did not allow to capture the city. It was burned to one hundred stained dwellings. Material damage amounted to about a million rubles. Part of the attackers died when barricades were detected, others - when on the bridge, the flooring was disassembled and when escape through the river. In total, according to some data, at least 1000 rebels died. Three warriors were killed, 3 women and 3 children were missing. On October 27, Sarbaz came to Irgizu in order to surround and defeat it, but it was not possible, and on November 4, the avant-garde of Lavrentyeva's troops approached the revenue of Irgiz. Finally, on November 16, Turgay was released.
The expedition detachment was occupied by key points of the region, strong garrisons were established. During November, columns in various points were sent from Lavrentyev's squad and had repeated clashes with significant saarbaz copies. The collisions were the character of battle with an organized opponent. Despite the losses from the fire, the rebels were attached stubbornly, sometimes approaching 100-300 steps to infantry chains, individual riders counted almost to chains. Cossacks organized a guard and intelligence service - doses were sent out, the connectors for 25 miles, there were alarm with flags. The Kazakh population was terrorized by the rebels - from every kibititis in the gang, the leaders of the rebellion were taken across Askew, which was not only a warrior, but also a hostage.
The complexity for the suppression was the high mobility of the Kazakh calendon, the absence of a binding to any database. The ranks of the expeditionary squad tried to prevent cruelty to the local population. Meanwhile, a group of deputies State Duma headed by A.F. Kerensky distributed false data on mass repression against civilians, the extermination of men and women, provocative police activities. In reality, the troops acted under the law. For all the local population, money was paid to the local population. When putting the rebellion of the woman and the children were considered inviolable, wintering and aules were not destroyed. The unique exception was the burning of Aul Kyzyl-Kul, in battle under which the rebels were killed, are dismantled, eight Cossacks with peaks.
By the beginning of December 1916, several thousand rebels were defeated in the Turgay region, the remains fled to the Syrdarya region. On December 21, the highest decree of the Turgasy, Irgiz and Kustanay district of the Turgay region were translated into martial law. The fights in the Turgay region continued until the end of February 1917. Only in June 1917, the Lavrentyev detachment was disbanded.
By February 1917, about 123,000 people were sent to the rear works. By December 20, 1916, for participation in the mate in Turkestan, 201 people were sentenced to death. Total by February 1, 1917, 347 people were sentenced to the death penalty for participating in the mate in Turkestan. The punishment was softened and executed 51 people. On February 22, 1917, Kuropatkin wrote the emperor Nicholas II: "It is believed that the main perpetrators are the leaders and the natives, the direct participation of which in the murder of Russian people has been proved, I recognized it possible to mitigate punishments for the dark mass of the guilty." Of the 340 death sentences, he canceled 320.
Financial Academy
under the Government of the Russian Federation
Department of Social Political Sciences
Abstract on the topic:
"Tajikistan in 1917"
Performed:
Akbarov Fortar
Juraev Izatillo
Scientific adviser:
Doc. Kruglov
Moscow-2002.
1. Position in Tajikistan on the eve of the revolution ... 3
1.1. The victory of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution in Tajikistan ... 3
2.1. Education of the Communist Party in Tajikistan ... 6
2.2. Layer of old and the creation of the Soviet state apparatus ... 6
3. Economy of Tajikistan in 1917 ... 8
Conclusion ... 9.
The situation, which established in Russia in 1917 influenced Central Asia, including Turkestan, where Tajikistan was included. On February 27, 1917, workers, peasants, Russia soldiers under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party overthrew the power of the royal autocracy. March 1 news of victory February Revolution Reached to the workers of the Turkestan region. Everywhere there were mass demonstrations and rallies in which, along with Russians, workers and peasants of local nationalities were actively involved, organs of national authorities began to be created. On March 3, the Council of Workers Deputies in Tashkent was formed. Following this, the tips began to be created in other major cities of Turkestan. The cities of Central Asia arose and intensified their activities of the RSDLP organization, which united in their ranks of the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. In total by the end of March 1917 there were 8 RSDLP organizations in Turkestan. I joy met the news about the victory of the revolution and overthrow the king the population of Northern Tajikistan. On March 9, 1917, the Council of Soldiers' Deputies in Hodgeny was formed, and on March 14, the Railway Committee was created from the workers and employees of the Khododeh station. With the help of the Khodevensky Council, the Council of Workers' Deputies was organized at the Sulctin coal cops chaired by the Bolshevik Daniel Deanov. March 21, there was an association of these Soviets.
In the Khodevensky Council, the majority consisted of EC and Mensheviks who supported the temporary government, all measures prevented the decision of the agricultural issue and stood for the continuation of the war to the victorious end. In the first half of March, the advice of workers deputies were elected at the Schuraba mines, Santo oilfields and other places. The victory of the February Revolution strengthened the peasant movement (Dehkan). However, for the most part of Dekhkan, during this period, they did not understand another class essence of the Provisional Government and had great hopes for him. Along with the advice of workers, soldiers and peasant deputies, which consisted mainly from the Russians, the advice of Muslim deputies began to be created. They consisted of democratic elements of the city and Kishlak.
Local bourgeoisie Turkestan has created its political organizations. In March, the bourgeois-nationalist organization "Shuroy Islamia" was issued (the Council of Islamists), which included the most prominent representatives
local bourgeoisie, jadidism ideologues and feudal-clerical elements. Latest, the latter were allocated to an independent organization "Ulema" ("The Council of the clergy"). Both parties pursued the counter-revolutionary goals and sought to create a nationalist state in Turkestan. However, the "Shuro Islala" stood for the bourgeois development of the country, and the Holystroyers were striving for the return of feudal orders.
After the victory of the revolution, the Turkestan Governance General was abolished. On April 7, 1917, the Turkestan Committee of the Provisional Government was established under the chairmanship of Kadet N.P. Shchepkin. The Committee included representatives of the Russian bourgeoisie, bureaucratism, local bourgeois nationalists. On the ground, executive committees of the Provisional Government were formed. Thus, in Turkestan, as in the center of the country, drooping has developed.
On March 17, 1917, the Russian Imperial Political Agency in Bukhara was renamed Russian Residences. The temporary government through the Russian resident sought to keep old order in the emirate. However, under the influence of the events of the events in Russia, Emir was forced to change his policy. In order to deceive the masses of April 7, Emir created a manifesto, promising elimination of abuse, fair justice, etc. This manifesto Emir and his officials sought to distract the masses from the struggle against the despoty of the Emir system. Dzhadida met with delight of Manifesto Emir. April 14, the Emir government refused
reforms, as "contrary to the Spirit of Sharia and Islam." The failure of Emir and Resident to carry out a manifesto in life caused a new wave of indignation. People's uprisings began in cities that were brutally suppressed.
In the context of the economic and cultural backwardness of the region, the remoteness from the most important proletarian centers of the country, the Bolsheviks of Turkestan could not immediately break with the Mensheviks and were part of the United Social Democratic Organizations. However, on the main issues of the revolution, the Bolsheviks occupied an independent position and sent revolutionary performances of the masses on the path of organized struggle for the process of the bourgeois-democratic revolution in the socialist revolution.
Under the pressure of workers, the first composition of the Turkommittee was shifted. The Interim Government established the Coalition Turkestan Committee with the participation of representatives of the bourgeoisie, Mensheviks and Socialists. However, the new composition of the Committee conducted an anti-people policy.
In the spring and summer of 1917, a working movement intensified in Northern Tajikistan. Grew strikes. The political struggle more and more actively included dekhkan. The total flow of revolutionary events was drawn and soldiers. Revolutionary soldiers refused to suppress dehkan unrest.
A serious obstacle to the development of the revolutionary movement was National Returns, the distrust of the part of the oppressed nationalities to the whole Russian. It was a consequence of the colonial policy of tsarism, and also consciously cultivated by bourgeois nationalists and local feudal-cleric circles. This was what caused the emergence in the spring and summer of 1917 in the cities of Turkestan organizations of workers on national signs and religion. In Hodvit, such organizations were the "Council of Workers' Deputies" and "Union of Russian Workers" Active participation in the creation and activities of the organization of local workers took working and figures that returned to Mother to their homeland. Many of them took place in Russia a serious school of revolutionary struggle. At the proposal of the "Union of Russian Workers", all democratic organizations of the working people of various nationalities of Khodegen, June 29, 1917, were united into a single international organization called the "Union of Workers". It was the undoubted victory of the Bolsheviks.
After October revolution In Turkestan, the question of the formation of a regional communist party was particularly acute. At the end of 1917, in the first half of 1918, Bolshevik organizations and in Northern Tajikistan began to be created. In April 1918, Hodgantskaya was shared, and in May 1918, a URU-TINGER PARTORGANIZATION. Due to the growth and increase in the number of party cells in the field in June 1918, the Khodeten city countertility was transformed into a district-urban. In June 1918, in Tashkent gathered
the regional congress of the Bolsheviks, which arranged the combining of the Bolshevik in the Communist Party, the Turkestan-component of the RCP (b). With the formation of the Communist Party of Turkestan, the Bolshevik organizations of the northern regions of Tajdikistan entered its composition.
Prepared by the Central Committee of the Bolsheviks Party under the leadership of V.I. Lenin armed uprising in Petrograd won on October 25, 1917. Within a few months, the Soviet power was established on the huge territory of Russia, including national outskirts. In Central Asia in the forefront of the revolutionary struggle for the power of the Soviets, workers and soldiers of the Tashkent of October, they began an uprising against the power of the capitalists and landowners. On their side was the majority of the Soviets of the Turkestan Territory. According to the appeal of the Bolsheviks of the rebels, the working people of Northern Tajikistan were supported. About her willingness to leave them for the rescue reported to Tashkent soldiers of the URA-Tuban garrison. At the station Khododeh and a slightly later at Railway Stations of Dragomirovo and Pridonovo were created. On November 1, 1917, the armed uprising in Tashkent won. The Executive Committee of the Tashkent Council sent telegram to the Soviets: "All the power adopted advice. Get power in your hands." The victory of the armed uprising in Tashkent was the beginning of the victorious procession of Soviet power in Turkestan. The establishment of Soviet power took place before all where there were at least a few detachments of industrial and rail workers. On November 11, 1917, the Khodevent Council of Workers and Soldier deputies was announced about the take of power in his hands, which was especially great importance in the struggle for the approval of Soviet power in Northern Tajikistan. On November 15, 1917, 3 regional congress of the Soviets opened in Tashkent, who proclaimed the Soviet government in Turkestan and elected the Council of People's Commissars of the Turkestan Territory.
At the end of November 1917, the bourgeois nationalists and representatives of the feudal-clerical circles of Central Asia and Kazakhstan, with the direct intervention of the Entente agents, convened the regional Muslim Congress in Kokanda, who declared Turkestan autonomous from Soviet Russia and elected a counter-revolutionary government.
On February 21-22, 1918, the Krasnogvardeysian detachments aimed at the instructions of the Sovnarkom of Turkestan defeated the Kokandan autonomy, where Isfar and Kanibadam were included and ensured the victory of Soviet power in these cities.
From the very first days of its existence, the Soviet state implemented the Lenin National Policy. On November 20, the Soviet government accepted the appeal "to all workers to Muslims of Russia and the East". Causes Muslim Workers to arrange their national life freely and unhindered. The Soviet government assured that their rights, as well as the rights of all nations of Russia, are protected by the entire power of the revolution and its organs-counseling workers, soldiers and peasant deputies. To implement the National Policy of the Communist Party in November 1917, the People's Commissariat for National Affairs was established. Under the leadership of the Communists to the construction of a new life, the peoples of Turkestan have begun. In April 1918, the 5th Congress of Soviets took place, who adopted a decree on the formation of the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, which was included in the RSFSR. The Turkestan ASSR includes the whole territory of the Turkestan Territory, including
northern Areas of Tajikistan and Pamir.
With the victory of the revolution in Northern Tajikistan, as well as the liquidation of bourgeois authorities and management, as well as political organizations, began to eliminate the bourgeois authorities. In December 1917, the Hodgeake Council adopted a resolution on the dissolution of the local organization "Shuro Islala". The revolutionary breakdown was the army and judicial apparatus. Simultaneously with the elimination of the old state office, a new apparatus of the workers' and peasant state was created. Its foundation made up advice-authorities of state power, dictatorship of the working class.
3. Economics of Tajikistan in 1917Economic, political and cultural ties of Russia and Central Asia established in 18-19 centuries. And in subsequent years, they were steadily developed and fastened. After the cancellation of serfdom, Russia joined the path of capitalist development. Russian bourgeoisie needed an increase in sources of raw materials and expanding market markets than its desire to colonize new regions. One of the most important objects of royal colonization at this time is the average Asia. In 1864, the royal troops began a wide offensive on Central Asia. At the conquered territory of Central Asia, the Tsarist Government formed in 1867 by Turkestan Governor-General with the Center in the city of Tashkent. The Turkestan Governance General was divided into 5 administrative regions: seven-year, Syrdarya, Fergana, Samarkand and Custinian. The regions of the current Tajikistan were part of the Samarkand and Fergana regions. As a result of joining Russia, Central Asia was turned into a powerful colony of tsarism. But this joining gave impetus to the emergence of the foci of the capitalist industry in Central Asia. The policy of tsarism in the field of industry protected the interests of Russian capital and provided its monopoly position in colonial Turkestan. However, the penetration of capitalist relations caused here the phenomena characteristic of the entire colonial system were built railways, factories and plants, industrial and trade enterprisesThe formation of the proletariat began, the national self-consciousness awakened, the liberation movement increased. Thus, on the eve of the October Revolution in Central Asia, a number of industries are rapidly arising, mainly in the processing of agricultural raw materials and cotton-cleansing, oil, flourish, leather. The development of coal kits and gold mines began. For example, in the northern regions of Tajikistan, silk-cool, wine-making glass and other enterprises were opened. In the economy of Central Asia, the hustling industry occupied a significant place. Along with the advent industrial enterprises Many old crafts retained, blacksmith, carpentry, pottery, carpeted, wood carving, metal products, many of which won world glory with their high quality. The amount of cotton imported to Russia is growing. Middle Asia turned into a raw material cotton base for the Russian textile industry. The development of cotton growing led to an increase in agriculture. Calculation financing led to the discovery in the Central Asia of the banks who played an important role in the economic life of the region. Reliable role in increasing cotton production and deliver it to Russia. Trading firms . Horticulture and viticulture played an important role in the economy of the districts of Northern Tajikistan. For example, from a walkport to Russia, 6 thousand puddles of raisin and 159 thousand peases of dried fruit were sent in 1917. One of the export items were silk and products from it. Every year, from 10 to 15 thousand pounds of silk was sent from the Khodga County to Russia. Great importance In the development of commercial economy in the districts of Tajikistan, cattle breeding, in particular sheep-flowering. Thus, by the beginning of the 19th century, Tajikistan districts were included in general System trade turnover of Russia. In the history of the agricultural policy of tsarism in Central Asia, a significant place was held by the issue of resettlement of peasants from central Russia. The royal government conducting resettlement persecuted 2 goals: first, to discharge all the conversely revolutionary environment in Russia: secondly, to get a social support for colonial policies represented by Russian settlers. Regardless of the reactionary colonial purposes that the royal government pursued, in general, the policy of tsarism had a progressive value. Russian peasants - migrants brought with them to new lands a more advanced agricultural machinery, acquainted the population with more efficient ways of treating the Earth. |
Conclusion
The first Russian revolution in 1917 had a huge influence on the growth of the revolutionary consciousness of the workers of Tajikistan, contributed to the rapprochement of the masses with the advanced working class in the fight against feudal despotism and the colonial oppression. Russian workers played a big role in the spread of revolutionary ideas in Tajikistan, as well as the active participation in the creation of the activities of local workers took workers who were held in Russia a serious school of revolutionary struggle. Such as Jura Zakirov and Abdukadyr Rakhimbayev, who were one of the leaders of the revolutionary movement in Northern Tajikistan, before returning to Hodgent were deputies of the working council of Berdyansk. Haydar Usmanov was a member of the Marxist mug in Kharkov, for which he was sent to the royal authorities to Kursk province. The Bolsheviks with the help of advanced workers were solved by local workers in a single revolutionary front with Russian workers and peasants and were able to establish Soviet power in Tajikistan.After the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the bulk of the Uzbek people who lived in Turkestan entered into the path of socialist development. In the future, after the victory in 1920, the People's Revolution in Bukhara and Khiva, and the rest of the Uzbek population of Central Asia was included in socialist construction. The implementation of the Lenin National Policy led to the deepest socialist transformations of the economy and culture of Uzbekistan, accompanied by indigenous changes in the socio-political and moral appearance of the Uzbek people. Under the auspices of Soviet government, the process of consolidation of the Uzbek Socialist Nation was gradually completed.
The conditions in which there were changes in the social appearance of the peoples of Turkestan, who had just dropped the yarm of the colonial oppression of Russian military-feudal imperialism, differed in great complexity. Here on the extensive territory of the Bukhara and Khiva Khanation, until 1920, the authorities of feudal despots were still held, and the estates of large feudalists were preserved in 1926, which were liquidated directly after the October Revolution in the central districts. The bulk of the urban population was shtari-artisans, traders of all categories, the workers were a minor minority. The composition of the urban population, therefore, was mainly a petty-bourgeois.
Nevertheless, in the situation of the acute class struggle, during the revolution and civil war, under the influence of the Communist Party, the political activity of the worker of the Uzbek population has developed.
The III Congress of the Soviets of Turkestan, held in November 1917, decided to unite the existing advice of workers Muslims with the city and regional councils of workers and soldiers' deputies, and where they are not, immediately start creating them. In February 1918, the counter-revolutionary bourgeois-nationalist "government" of the Kokandan autonomy, who claimed power in Turkestan, was the most important factor in the growth of political consciousness of local workers. Since that time, state power in Turkestan has completely passed into the hands of the Councils of workers, soldiers and dehkan deputies.
In the summer of 1918, by the time of convening I congress of the Communist Party of Turkestan (CCT), in the old town of Tashkent there was a small party organization of local communists. By the time of the second CTT Congress, in the fall of 1918, in Tashkent from 2 thousand members of the Party 900 was from local nationalities, and in Kokand from 750 Communists 250 was from local nationalities.
A band of the mass entry of workers in the ranks of the Communist Party began.
In 1924, from the total number of 16,289 members and candidates of KPT 10 110 were Uzbeks and representatives of other local nationalities.
An important role in the growth of political activity, Dehkan played the organization "Catch" - the Union of Dehkan-poor. During 1920-1925 Unions "Cats" acted as massive organizations of workers on the village, engaged in all the urgency of the reorganization of the life of the Labor Peasantry. In 1921, there were 90 thousand people in the Union of Cats, who were united in 6 thousand kishlany unions. In the future, the number of members of the Union "Cousch" continuously grew and in 1924 exceeded 260 thousand.
Developed among Dehkan Cooperative Movement. In 1924, more than 500 different peasant cooperative partnerships existed in Uzbekistan, in which 142 thousand farms were combined. The creation of cooperatives was a major step forward on the way to socialism.
The urban population has become more quickly intensified. In 1924, the cities of 73.4% of workers and employees were covered by trade unions that have become a mass organization of urban workers and intelligentsia.
One of the indicators of the success of the CCT and the bodies of the Soviet government in increasing the political activity of local workers was to be widely involved in the work of the congresses of the Soviets and Board of Soviets. Among the 356 delegates of the XII Congress of the Councils of Turkestan, which took place in 1923, there were 255 representatives of local nationalities, including 118 Uzbeks. Of the 168 members and candidates, Turkitzik 108 belonged to local nationalities.
Specialized schools and courses on the preparation and retraining of Soviet, party members from economic and judicial workers began to operate in the cities of Turkestan. The Central Asian Communist University was created, in which many Uzbeks were studied. Soviet-party schools worked in Tashkent, Kokanda, Samarkand.
Thus, during the period of the existence of the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, the Communist Party attracted local workers to participate in the country's political life, developed their political activity, raised the culture, contributed to the cohesion of labor peasants into mass community organizations, supported the cooperative movement among them.
At the same time, the working people of the Bukhara and Khorezm People's Soviet republics, strengthening the Soviet system under the leadership of the Communist Party, prepared the ground for the transition of these republics to the construction of socialism.
Already in the early years of socialist construction, state events were held, contributing to the reunification of the scattered parts of the Uzbek people and the addition of one of the important elements of the nation - territorial community. In this case, the national-state division of Central Asia and the formation of the Uzbek SSR had a particular importance.
The Uzbek population on the eve of national divide was in the Turkestan ASSR (2,389,940), in the Bukhara People's Soviet Republic (975,565 people) and in the Khorezm People's Soviet Republic (391,800 people). With such dismemberment, the development of the culture of the Uzbek people, especially the language, was difficult.
As a result of national campaigning, the territory of 17,071,600 hectares was departed to the Uzbek SSR.
Of the 3,757,309 Uzbeks, separated in Turkestan, Bukhara and Khorezma, only 10% were part of other republics and autonomous regions; 90% of Uzbeks united into the Unified Socialist Republic. According to the materials of the 1926 census, the population of the Uzbek SSR amounted to 4,445,726 people. Thus, Uzbeks were about 75% of the total population of the republic.
Association as a result of the formation of the Uzbek SSR of all major territories inhabited by Uzbeks, was a political act that promoted the addition of the generality of economic life, a single language, accelerating the development of national in the form of socialist culture. The result of this was the ethnic cohesion of Uzbeks.
During the periods of socialist industrialization of the country and collectivization of agriculture, the socialist reconstruction of the national economy of Uzbekistan was carried out.
The value of industrial development in the conditions of Uzbekistan, which was before the country of the peasant, was huge. It was the socialist industry that was supposed to become a base for cohesion of the peasant masses around the working class. It was designed to provide the peasantry of all necessary means of production to restructure agriculture. She was a forge of personnel of industrial workers - carriers of socialist ideology.
In Uzbekistan, the industry had to be renovated. The first and second five-year plans for the development of national economy enterprises were subordinated to this "task. The main funds of the entire industry of Uzbekistan increased for the first five-year plan from 70 to 245 million rubles - by 346% ta and gross products - by 288%; its value reached in 1932 . 627 million rubles. At the same time, thanks to the capital investments of the Union Government, the growth rate of industry of the republic was significantly averaged the growth rate of the USSR industry. So, for the first five-year-old, industrial production in the USSR generally increased by 118%, and in the Uzbek SSR 188%
The number of workers in the large industries of the Uzbek SSR increased by 424% in 1932, and by the end of the second five-year plan, in 1937, by 609%. It was the result of the creation of industrial foci and developing all sectors of the Soviet socialist economy in cities and villages. The working class from the very small layer in the population of the Uzbek SSR turned into the most powerful, organized and leading class.
In the period 1926 - 1929. In Uzbekistan, a land-water reform was carried out, accompanied by the liquidation of major land tenure; Collective farms, state farms and MTS began to grow rapidly. Land-water reform eliminated the remains of rewarding - feudal and patriarchal-feudal - relations in the village. It was conducted at the same time, depending on the degree of preparedness for it of various regions of Uzbekistan.
As a result of the reform in the Fergana, Samarkand and Tashkent regions, large feudal-bike farms were eliminated. Although their number was relatively minor, but they were concentrated extensive and best in the quality of land arrays.
The reform significantly limited the farms of Kulakov, Baev and merchants who combined agriculture with trade. As a result of the reduction of land plots of Kulakov and Baev, they introduced the means to qualify for the challenge of landless and small-earth peasants.
In total, as a result of the elimination of feudal-species and duties of the Earth, Kulakov, Baev and the clergy in these areas was seized and distributed by landless and small-earth peasants 248,046. In addition, the peasants received even significant land plots of new irrigation. 65,979 households of former chairs, rumbers and small-earth dehkans were landowered.
In 1926-1927 The reform was carried out in the Zeravshan region, and about 100 major places of officials of the Bukhara Emir and more than 700 farms of large merchants were eliminated. The completion of land and water reform in Kashka-Daryinskaya, Surkhan Daryinskaya and the Khorezm regions occurred during the development of a collective farm movement. In 1937, 95.5% of all peasant farms of Uzbekistan were united in the collective farm, which sowed 99.4% of all sowing areas. The second five-year plan was a period of completion of collectivization.
The transition of small peasant farms in the Socialist Development Road became one of the main factors for the further transformation of the economy of the republic and the social appearance of the Uzbek people.
In parallel with the collectivization of the peasants, the co-separation of the beauties continued. Under the conditions of Uzbekistan, the co-separation of the beauties was important, since the latter, as noted, were a significant mass of the urban population. Some of them moved to work in industrial enterprises, but most continued for the same classes.
An important event carried out by the Communist Party during this period in all the republics of Central Asia, including in Uzbekistan, was the liberation of women of local nationalities.
The Communist Party of Uzbekistan regarded work among women as one of the main sections of the party work. In party devices of districts, districts and the Central Committee, women were created, which conducted a versatile work aimed at improving the situation of workers and peasants: since the organization of training for women and ending with the creation of children's institutions - nursery, kindergartens, etc.
In a short term, Uzbekov took a significant place in the party, Soviet, economic bodies, and then in research institutions.
During the first and second five-year beds in Uzbekistan, the primary tasks of the national policy of the Communist Party were permitted, ensuring the transition of the working people of the Uzbek people to socialism, bypassing the capitalist stage of development. Under the leadership of the party, with the help of the Union Government and the Advanced Fraternal Peoples of the Soviet country, the Uzbek people not only found their national statehood, but in a short historical term overcome the economic and cultural retardation inherited from the old building, created and developed industry, transformed agriculture on a socialist basis , implemented a cultural revolution. From the backward national outskirts of Tsarist Russia, Uzbekistan turned into a highly developed industrial-collective farm republic.
On February 14, 1937, the Emergency 6th Congress of the Soviets of Uzbekistan adopted the new Constitution of the Uzbek SSR, compiled on the basis of the USSR Constitution of 1936. Together with all the peoples of the Soviet country, the Uzbek people achieved the victory of the socialist building.
Uzbeks became a socialist nation, i.e., the nation, free from the internal social and class antagonism, free from exploitation and oppression. The basis of the economic life of the Uzbek socialist nation is the socialist estimation of the economy, the basis of spiritual life is the socialist ideology of the working class.
Genuine internationalism, indispensable friendship of peoples, fraternity and mutual assistance determines the relationship between Uzbeks with other nations and peoples.
During the period of socialism, the Uzbek Socialist Nation has achieved unprecedented success in the development of economic and cultural life. Having entered the path of construction of a communist society, it became one of the advanced nations of the world. For a short time, in three or four decades, the Uzbek people stepped out of age-old backwardness to the greatest progress. In particular, the economy of Uzbekistan has developed rapidly during the last decade. Capital investments in the national economy of the republic for the period between the XX and XXII congresses of the CPSU are equal to capital investments for all previous years of Soviet power in Uzbekistan now over 7 thousand industrial enterprises, including 1300 large modern factories and factories equipped with the latest cars and machines ; The level of development of the industry of the republic is incomparably higher than, for example, in Pakistan, where the population is 10 times more, but there are only a few more than 2,500 industrial enterprises, and only 150 of them are factory-factory, and the remaining - handicraft type.
In agriculture of the republic, represented by hundreds of agriculture and state farms, a significant part of the work is carried out by machines.
As far as far left Uzbekistan in terms of the level of agricultural mechanization compared to the foreign countries of the East, such numbers say: in Uzbekistan, one tractor falls about 50 hectares of sowing, and in Pakistan - by 8 thousand, in India - by 12 thousand , in Iran - by 17 thousand hectares.
Even more brightly indicate the heyday of the Soviet Uzbekistan, the data characterizing the development of its culture. According to the number of students for every 10 thousand people, the republic overtook almost 3 times France, 8 times Turkey and almost 17 times Iran. The appropriate comparison of the number of school students is set to Uzbekistan ahead of modern England, France, Germany, Italy and other European countries. Two universities, over 30 higher educational institutions, a large Academy of Sciences, uniting 25 research institutes, 10 thousand scientists, including hundreds of doctors and candidates of sciences from among the Uzbeks and other local nationalities - all these cultural achievements are striking people of various Political beliefs who visited foreign delegations in Uzbekistan. The secretary of the Algerian Association of Friends of the Soviet Union stated at a press conference after a trip to Uzbekistan: "In Algeria, about a million children do not go to school. Their native language is considered a foreign language. That is why this strong impression was made by one of the Tashkent schools, where Uzbek children learn to read and write in their native language. That is why I also made a strong impression of the slogan in the wall newspaper of this school: "Not a single child outside the walls of the school!" "
The example of Uzbekistan, as well as other republics of our country, exposes reactionary delirium on the inability of colonial peoples to independent development, refutes the malicious slander of foreign science, perverting the meaning of the Lenin National Policy, trying to deny her successes and shake the sympathy of millions of ordinary people around the world to Soviet country. Extremely interesting in this regard, the impression of the Secretary-General of the Ceylon Association of Asia-Africa Solidarity, Dr. Crossette Tambiaha, who issued after the trip to the USSR in 1959, the Brochure "Uzbekistan - former Tsarist Colony". The author writes: "I passionately wished to comprehend and understand for myself, possibly for Europeans and Asians, the peoples of various cultures, religions and languages, really live, like equal and friends. The only dominant impression with which I left Uzbekistan was that Uzbeks are owners in their own country and that Russians who live and work here - their equal comrades in solving the great task of building a new society in Central Asia. "
So the friendship of the peoples of the USSR, their cohesion and unity, socialist internationalism is not less than the grand growth of the economy and culture convince peoples foreign countries In the advantages of the socialist building, in the wisdom of the Lenin National Policy of the Communist Party.
Dear students!
Having received a basic school education, you did to study in an academic lyceum or a professional college. At school, you met with the history of our homeland from ancient times until 1917. This textbook is dedicated to the study of the history of Uzbekistan of the Soviet period. The Soviet period is the most complex and controversial in the history of our Motherland a period of severe losses, tragic events, as well as the heroic struggle for the freedom and independence of the region, the period of victories and defeats, the dedicated labor of our people.
Socio-political changes in Turkestan in 1917.
The age-old dream of the people of Turkestan.
Tsarist Russia, turning Turkestan to his colony, installed the management system based on violence on this territory. From now on local population Lost its independence. Even the last Governor General of Turkestan A. Kuropatkin, recognizing this, said: "We curbed the local population and held aside from schools and Russian life for 50 years." However, the gifted and proud Uzbek people have never fallen in spirit, heroically fought for national independence and freedom.
Such heroic personalities like Tomaris, Chirac, Sith Tameman, Municauna, Jalaliddin Mangubsrds, Temur Malik, Sheikh Nazhaddin Kubo, Mahmoud Tarabi, Mavel Zade, Abu-Bakr Kazan, Amir Temur, Pulatkhan, Muhammad Ishan (Duk Chi Ishan), Namazytar Pyrimkulov, took a worthy place in the history of our country. Heroically manifesting himself in the struggle for a bright future, they put their lives on the altar of freedom and became a living example for our people in the hardest times. As one of the folk fighters for national independence and freedom, the famous enlightener A. Fitrat, who became a victim of repression, "Motherland is a place of worship.
The fair words of the head of our country, I. Karimov, are once again convinced that our ancestors remained to the end of the dedicated idea of \u200b\u200bindependence and freedoms:
We must inherit from the ancestors of their ability to protect the independence and glory of Uzbekistan and should always be prepared for its protection.
CONTENT
Introduction
Chapter I. Establishment of Soviet power in Turkestan. Liberation Movement for Independence
§ 1. Socio-political changes in Turkestan in 1917
§ 2. Establishment of the Soviet regime in Turkestan. Fight for popular power. Turkestan autonomy
§ 3. Strengthening the Soviet regime in Turkestan. The creation of Tassr
§ 4. Movement for independence in Turkestan
§ 5. Activation of a democratic movement in Khorezm and Bukhara. Creation of HNCR and BNSR
Chapter II. Uzbekistan in the 1920-1930s
§ 6. The issues of national policies and state construction
§ 7. Economic policy. Land-water reform. Industrialization policy and its colonial essence
§ 8. Collectivity of agriculture and its consequences
§ 9. Conducting cultural and educational policies in Uzbekistan: content and value
§ 10. Repressive policy, its essence and consequences
Chapter III. Uzbekistan during the Second World War (1939-1945)
§ 11. The participation of Uzbekistan in the war. Universal mobilization
§ 12. Industry and agriculture of Uzbekistan in front of service
§ 13. Science, education and culture during the war years. Humanitarian aid of Uzbekistan fraternal nations
§ 14. The contribution of Uzbekistan in the defeat of fascism
Chapter IV. Socio-political, economic and cultural life of Uzbekistan in 1946-1990
§ 15. Restoration of the national economy. Strengthen administration. New stage of repression of intelligentsia
§ 16. One-sided development of the economy in 1950-1990
§ 17. Agriculture of Uzbekistan in 1950-1990. Consequences of cotton monoculture
§ 18. Socio-economic life of Uzbekistan. The emergence of the crisis situation
§ 19. The dominance of ideology in cultural and spiritual life
§ 20. The policy of "restructuring" and its collapse. Uzbekistan on the path to independence
Conclusion
The chronology of the most important events in the history of Uzbekistan.
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