1917 February. February Revolution: briefly

By the end of 1916, Russia embraced universal discontent caused by the fatigue from the war, the increase in prices, the inaction of the government, the explicit weakness of the imperial power. By early 1917, almost everything in the country was waiting for inevitable changes, but they began as unexpectedly as in 1905

On February 23, 1917 (March 8, on a new style - International Women's Day) in different areas of Petrograd, a group of women workers who came to the streets with the requirement of bread began to be gathering. Bread in the city was sufficient (in any case, his two-week stock), but the rumors leaning into the masses about the delivery reduced due to snow drums (171 carriages per day instead of the norm at 330) were caused by panic and attractive demand. Many have reserved bread and breadcrumbs. With such a breath of bakery did not cope. There were long queues at the bread shops in which people stood even at night. In what was happening, the government was accused.

In addition, on February 23, the Directorate of the Putilovsky plant announced Lokauta (the reason was the exorbitant economic requirements of workers of the workshops). Workers and Putlovtsy (and then workers of other plants) joined the demonstration of women. The natural pogroms of bread shops and grocery stores broke out. The crowd turned the trams (!!!), fought with the police. The soldier persuaded not to shoot. The authorities did not solve this somehow to prevent this.

The order of Nicholas II on the use of weapons to guide the order in the capital was received by the commandant of Petrograd by General Habalov, only on February 25, when it was too late. Organized suppression did not work. Soldiers of some parts (mainly spare battalions of the Guards regiments, who were on the front) began to move on the side of the demonstrators. On February 26, the elements of the rebellion came out from under control. However, the parliamentary opposition hoped that the creation of "responsible (in front of the Duma) of the Ministry" could save.

Rodzianko telegraphed in the bet Nicholas II: "The situation is serious. In the capital anarchy. The government is paralyzed ... Public discontent is growing ... It is necessary to immediately entrust the person to the country's confidence, draw up a new government. " The only answer of the king (obviously not aware of the genuine scope of events) for this appeal was the decision to dissolve the Duma for two months. By noon, on February 27, 25 thousand soldiers were passed on the side of the demonstrators. In some parts, they were killed by the devotees of the king officers. On the evening of February 27, about 30 thousand soldiers comes to the Tavrichesky Palace (Duma Residence) in search of power, in search of the government. The Duma, who so dreamed of power, with difficulty decided to create a temporary committee of the State Duma, who said that he takes on the "restoration of government and public order".

The composition of the Interim Committee of the State Duma includes: Chairman - Mikhail V. Rodzianko (Octobrist), V. V. Shulgin (Nationalist), V. N. Lvov (Center), I. I. Dmitriev (Octobrist), S. I. Schidlovsky (Octobrist), M. A. Karaulov (Progressist), A. I. Konovalov (Labor Group), V. A. Rzhevsky (Progressist) P. N. Limonov (Cadet), N. V. Nekrasov (Cadet), N . S. Chkhaidze (S.-D.). This choice was the representative office of parties united in the "Progressive Block".

A few hours before the creation of the Duma Committee, the first advice is organized. He addresses the workers of Petrograd with a proposal to send deputies in the evening - one per thousand workers. In the evening, the Council elects the chairman of the Menshevik Nikolai S. Chkheidze, deputies - left deputies of the Duma of Alexander F. Kerensky (labor) and M. I. Skobelev (Right Menshevik). The Bolsheviks in the Council at that moment were so little that they were not able to organize a faction (although Bolshevik A. G. Hatpnikov was elected to the Board of Council).

At the time when two authorities arose in Petrograd - the Committee of the Duma and the Board of the Council - the Russian emperor drove from the bet in Mogilev to the capital. Detained at the station by the rebel soldiers, Nikolai II signs on March 2, renunciation from the throne for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother - led. kn. Mikhail Alexandrovich (declared the reluctance to take the throne to the decision of the Constituent Assembly on March 3). Nikolai accepted this decision after his headquarters General General Alekseev, supported by the commander of all five fronts, said that the renunciation is the only opportunity to reassure public opinion, restore order and continue the war with Germany.

From the temporary committee, Alexander I. Guccov and Vasily V. Shulgin took the renunciation. So, quickly and quietly fell a thousand-year monarchy. On the same day (March 2), the temporary committee of the State Duma creates a temporary (that is, before the convening of the Constituent Assembly), the Government, at the head of which, at the insistence of Milyukov, the prince of Georgy E. Lviv, former chairman of the Zemsky Union (Lviv At the head of the Council of Ministers on March 2, at the request of the Interim Committee, Nicholas II approved; it was probably the last order of Nicholas as an emperor). The Minister of Foreign Affairs became the leader of the Cadets Pavel N. Milyukov, the Military and Maritime Minister - Octobrist A. I. Guccov, Minister of Finance - Mikhail I. Tereshchenko (Millionaire-Sugarazavodchik, Non-partisan, close to progressors), Minister of Justice - A. F. Kerensky (A lawyer who participated in sensational political processes (including in the M. Beylis process), and as a deputy III and IV state. Duma (from the faction of labor workers). So, the first composition of the temporary government was almost exclusively bourgeois and mainly Cadet. Temporary government Antended to continue the war and convening a constituent meeting to address the future of Russia. Actually, on this, the bourgeois parties found the revolution completed.

However, simultaneously with the creation of the Provisional Government, the Petrogradsky Councils of Workers and Soldier's Deputies occur. N. S. Chkheidze became the chairman of the United Petrosovet. The leaders of the Petrograd Council did not decide to take the entire completeness of the authorities in their hands, fearing that without the Duma would not cope with the state administration in the conditions of war and economic destroy. The ideological attitudes of the Mensheviks also played their role and, partly, the Social Institution, which prevailed in Petrosov. They believed that the end of the bourgeois-democratic revolution was the case of bourgeois parties united around the temporary government. Therefore, Petrosovet, who at that time, the real completeness of power in the capital, decided to the conditional support for the Provisional Government, provided that Russia was proclaimed by the Republic, political amnesty and the convening of the Constituent Assembly. The advice provided a powerful pressure "left" for the temporary government and were not always considered to be the decisions of the Cabinet of Ministers (which included only one socialist, the Minister of Justice A. F. Kerensky).

So, despite opposition from the Interim Committee of the State Duma, March 1, 1917, an order was adopted No. 1 of the Petrogradsky Council of Workers and Soldiers, who called on the soldiers to create soldier committees to the Council in all divisions of the garrison and transfer them to control the actions of officers in all . The same order in the exclusive order of the Committees was transferred by all weapons of part, which from now on "in any case" (!!!) should not be issued to officers (in practice it led to withdrawal from personal weapons from officers); All sorts of disciplinary organisations are abolished (including the rejection of honor), the soldiers were allowed to enter into political parties and engage in politics without any restrictions. The orders of the Interim Committee (later - the Temporary Government) should have been performed only if they did not contradict the Council's decisions. This order, who undermined all the main foundations of army life, became the beginning of the rapid collapse of the old army. Published at first only for the troops of the Petrograd garrison, he quickly fell to the front and similar processes began there, especially since the temporary government did not find courage to resolutely to resist this. This order was under the control of the Council all the troops of the Petrograd garrison. From now on (that is, from its own creation!) The temporary government has become its hostage.

On March 10, Petrosoveta concluded an agreement with the Petrograd company of manufacturers and breeders about the introduction of an 8-hour working day (this was not mentioned in the Interim Government Declaration). On March 14, the Council adopted a manifesto "to the peoples of the whole world", in which it was stated to a refusal of concluding purposes in the war, from annexations and contributions. In Manifesto, only coalition war with Germany was recognized. Such a position in relation to war impressed revolutionary masses, but did not suit the temporary government, including Military Minister A. I. Guccov and the Minister of Foreign Affairs P. N. Milyukov.

In fact, Petrosovet from the very beginning far went beyond the scope of his urban status, becoming alternative socialist power. The country has developed in the country, that is, a peculiar interlacing of the authorities: the real power in a number of cases was in the hands of Petroset, while in fact the bourgeois temporary government was in power.

Temporary government members were divided on methods and relationship relations. Some, and first of all, P. N. Milyukov and A. I. Guccov, believed that he should minimize the concessions to the Council and do everything for victory in the war, which would give the authority to the new regime. This implied the immediate restoration of order both in the army and in enterprises. Nekrasov, Tereshchenko and Kerensky, who demanded the adoption of some of the measures required by the Council to undermine the authority of the body of workers and soldiers and cause the patriotic rise required for victory in the war.

Political parties after February

After the February Revolution, the Russian-political system of Russia was explicitly moved to the left. The mannefactants and other extreme right, the traditionalist monarchical buses were enacted during February. The heavy crisis was experienced and the center-night parties of the Octobrists and progressors. The only major and influential liberal party in Russia was the Cadets. Their numerical composition after the February Revolution reached 70 thousand people. Under the influence of revolutionary events and the Cadets "Wood". At the VII Congress of the Cadet Party (the end of March 1917) there was a refusal to the traditional orientation for the constitutional monarchy, and in May 1917, at the VIII Congress, the Cadets spoke for the republic. "Party of People's Freedom" (another cadet name) took a course on cooperation with socialist parties.

After the February Revolution, the rapid growth of socialist parties was observed. Socialist parties were clearly dominated on the All-Russian political arena both by the number of members and on the effect on the masses.

Significantly increased the ECOMOV batch (up to 700-800, and in some estimates and up to 1200 thousand people.). In the spring of 1917, PSR sometimes was recorded as whole villages and rotes. The leaders of the party were Viktor M. Chernov and Nikolai D. Avksentyev. The ESEROV Party attracted radical and close to peasants an agrarian program, the demand of the Federal Republic and the heroic halo of long and dedicated fighters against autocracy. The esters performed for the special path of Russia to socialism through the national revolution, the socialization of the Earth and the development of cooperation and self-government of the working people. The Left Wing (Maria A. Spiridonova, Boris D. Kamkov (Katz), Saint P. Prix) strengthened in the PSR. The left demanded decisive steps "towards the elimination of war", the immediate alienation of landlords and opposed the coalition with Cadets.

After February, the Esers performed in a block with Mensheviks, which, although the PSR was inferior in numbers (200 thousand), nevertheless, by virtue of their intellectual potential, "Idea hegemony" was carried out in the block. Menshevik organizations and after February remained disassembled. Attempts to eliminate this disunity did not have success. In the Mensheviks party, there were two factions: the Mensheviki-Internationalists led by Julia O. Martov and "Defense" ("Right" - Alexander N. Preszov, "Revolutionary" - Irakli G. Tsereteli, Fedor I. Dan (Gurvich), which were leaders not only the largest fraction, but in many ways the entire Mensheviks party). There were also the right Plekhanovskaya group "Unity" (Plekhanov himself, Vera I. Zasulich, etc.) and the left "Novoshnians", which broke from the party of Mensheviks. Part of the Menshevik-Internationalists headed by Y. Larina joined the RSDLP (b). Mensheviks acted for cooperation with liberal bourgeoisie, provided conditional support to the temporary government and considered pernicious socialist experiments.

Mensheviks and the esters declared the need to conduct war with the German bloc in order to protect the revolution and democratic freedoms (most Mensheviks and Socialists declared themselves "revolutionary defense"). Because of the fear of gap with the bourgeoisie, due to the threat of a civil war, they agreed to postpone the decision of the cardinal socio-economic problems before the convening of the Constituent Assembly, but they tried to implement partial reforms.

There was a small (approx. 4 thousand people), but the influential group that is not. "Interraytonians". The group occupied an intermediate position between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. After returning from emigration in May 1917, Lion D. Trotsky (Bronstein) became the leader of the Interdistrict. He still in the USA in March 1917 spoke in favor of the transition to the proletarian revolution in Russia in a support for the advice of workers, soldiers and peasant deputies at the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b), the Interdrames join the Bolshevik party.

In the early 1917, the Bolshevik Party did not at all presented a cohesive, effective organization. The revolution found the Bolsheviks by surprise. All the well-known people Bolshevik leaders were either in emigration (Lenin et al.), Or in the link (Zinoviev, Stalin). The Russian Bureau of the Central Committee, in which Alexander G. Hatpnikov, Vyacheslav M. Molotov, and others, could not yet become the All-Russian Center. The number of Bolsheviks throughout Russia did not exceed 10 thousand people. In Petrograd, they had no more than 2 thousand V.I. Lenin, for almost ten years lived in emigration, by the time of the February revolution was then in Zurich. Even in January 1917, he wrote: "We, old people, maybe, do not live to the decisive battles ... the coming revolution ...".

Being away from the epicenter of the events of Lenin, nevertheless, immediately came to the conclusion that in no case in any case, the Bolsheviks party cannot be satisfied and not to use an incredibly a good moment in full. In "letters from far," he insisted on the need for weapons and organizing the working masses for the immediate transition to the second stage of the revolution, during which the "government of capitalists and major landlords will be overthrown."

But among the Bolsheviks were "moderate", which rejected almost all the main theoretical provisions and political strategy of Lenin. These were two major Bolshevik leaders - Joseph V. Stalin (Jugashvili) and Lion B. Kamenev (Rosenfeld). They (as well as the Menshevist-the Social Most of Petroset) adhered to the position of "conditional support", "pressure" for the temporary government. When, on April 3, 1917, Lenin (with the assistance of Germany, who understood that his activity would be devastating for Russia) returned to Petrograd and called for an immediate socialist revolution, not only moderate socialists, but even many Bolsheviks did not support him.

Temporary government policy. The end of the dvoevsty

On April 4, 1917, Lenin outlined its "April theses" ("On the tasks of the proletariat in this revolution"), which determined the fundamentally new, extremely radical political line of the RSDLP (b). He unconditionally rejected the "revolutionary defense", the parliamentary republic, put forward the slogan "No support to the temporary government!" And he spoke in favor of taking power by the proletariat in alliance with the poorest peasantry, the establishment of the Republic of Tips (in which the prevalence of Bolsheviks had to be achieved), called upon immediately put the end of the war. The article did not have the requirement of an immediate armed uprising (as long as the masses are still not ready for him). The nearest task of the party Lenin saw the dictation of the authorities in all possible ways and agitation for the advice. The idea was extremely simple: the farther, the more all the parties who took part in the government (that is, everything is inclusive to the EC and Mensheviks), will be in the eyes of the people guilty of worsening their position. Their former popularity will inevitably fade and then the Bolsheviks will come out on the foressen. G. V. Plekhanov responded to the theses of Lenin with a destroying article "On theses of Lenin and about why nonsense is sometimes interesting." "Abstracts" were met with perplexity and Bolshevik leaders of Petrograd (Kalinin, Kamenev, etc.). Nevertheless, it is this elected Lenin that the extremely extremist program is alive with extremely simple and understandable slogans ("The World!", "The Earth - Peasants!", "All Power - Soviets!", Etc.) and brought success. In the spring and summer of 1917, the number of the party increased significantly (to May 1917 - up to 100 thousand, and by August - to 200-215 thousand people).

The temporary government already in March - April carried out broad democratic transformations: the proclamation of political rights and freedoms; Cancellation of national and religious restrictions, death penalty, the abolition of censorship (during the war!); Universal political amnesty was announced. On March 8, Nicholas II and his family was arrested (were in the Alexander Palace in the Tsarist village), as well as ministers and a number of representatives of the former royal administration. To investigate their illegal actions with a large pump, an emergency investigation commission was created (making meager results). Under the pressure of the Soviets, the Provisional Government carried out so on. "Democratization" of the army (in line with "Order No. 1"), which had the most destructive consequences. In March 1917, the Provisional Government announced a fundamental agreement on the establishment of independent Poland in the future. Later, it was forced to agree to the widest autonomy of Ukraine and Finland.

The Provisional Government legalized the factory-factory committees arising at the enterprises who received the right to control the activities of the administration. To achieve the "class world", the Ministry of Labor was created. At the factories and factories, the workers were put on an 8-hour working day (in conditions when the war continued!), Although he was not decreed. In April 1917, land committees were created to prepare agrarian reform, but the decision of the land issue was postponed before the convening of the Constituent Assembly.

To get a support on the ground on March 5, 1917 by order of the head of the Cabinet instead of the suspended governors and other managers of the previous administration on the ground, the provincial and county commissioners of the Provisional Government were appointed. In May-June 1917, local government reform was carried out. The network of zemstvas was distributed to the whole of Russia, their electoral system was democratized, and volost land and district urban dooms were created. However, soon the land on the ground began to push off the authorities. From March to October 1917, the number of local councils has increased from 600 to 1400. At the fronts, the Soldier Committees were the counterparts.

In these two months, the Provisional Government made a lot for the democratization of the country and approaching it to the global standards of democracy. However, the unpretentiousness of the population to conscious freedom (involving responsibility), the feeling of the weakness of power and, consequently, impunity and, finally, the continued war with the inevitable deterioration of life led to the fact that the good undertakings of Liberals rapidly pumped the foundations of the whole of the old Russian statehood, and the new principles of life of life So did not have time to be hidden. In this sense, we can say that February gave rise to October.

At the same time, the Provisional Government did not want to solve the issues of eliminating landlord land ownership, the termination of the war, the immediate improvement in the material situation of the people. It caused rapid disappointment. He was aggravated by displeasure food shortages (from the end of March, bread cards are introduced in Petrograd), clothes, fuel and raw materials. Rapid inflation rapidly (for the year, the ruble fell in price 7 times) led to paralysis of commodity flows. The peasants did not want to give a harvest for paper money. Salary and so fallen by the beginning of 1917 compared with the pre-war level by about a third continued to fall unprecedented with high rates.

The work of transport and, therefore, the situation with the supply has deteriorated. The increasing lack of raw materials and fuel forced the owners of enterprises to reduce production, which resulted in an additional increase in unemployment due to mass layoffs. For many, dismissal meant a call to the army. Attempts by the government to take the situation under control in the conditions of a revolutionary anarchy did not lead to anything. Social tension in the country increased.

Soon it turned out that the desire of the temporary government to continue the war does not coincide with the wishes of the masses of soldiers and workers who became, after the February events, the actual owners of Petrograd. P. N. Milyukov, who believed that the victory was needed by Russian democracy to strengthen its international prestige and solving a number of important territorial issues in favor of Russia - the seizure of Galicia, the Austrian and Germanic parts of Poland, Turkish Armenia, and most importantly - Constantinople and Straits (for which Milyukova nicknamed Milyukov-Dardanellian), on April 18, 1917 he applied to the allies of Russia, where he assured them in determination to bring the war to a victorious end.

In response, on April 20 and 21, under the influence of Bolshevik camps, thousands of workers, soldiers and sailors went outside with banners and transparencies, with slogans "Down Policy of Annexes!" and "Down with a temporary government!". Crowds of demonstrators dissipated only at the request of the Petrograd Council, openly ignoring the government order to disperse.

The Menshevian-Socialist Leaders of Petrosovet achieved official explanations that under the "decisive victory" in the note Milyukov it was implied only the achievement of the "lasting world". A. I. Guccov and P. N. Milyukov were forced to resign. To get out of the first after the revolution of the government crisis, several of the most famous socialist leaders from among moderate persuaded to occupy the ministerial chairs. As a result, on May 5, 1917, the first coalition government was created. Menshevik Irakli Tsereteli (one of the recognized leaders of the Bolshevik-Socialist University block) became the minister of post office and telegraphs. The chief leader and theoretics of Serc Ersov Viktor M. Chernov was headed by the Ministry of Agriculture. Sereteli Cereteli Matvey I. Skobelev received the post of Minister of Labor. Alexey V. Pecechonov, the founder and leader of the Party of People's Socialists, was appointed Minister of Food. Another People's Socialist Pavel Pereverzev, took the post of Minister of Justice. Kerensky became a military and maritime minister.

At the I All-Russian Congress of Soviets (June 3-24, 1917) (from 777 delegates 290 Mensheviks, 285 Socialists and 105 Bolsheviks) for the first time a new line of behavior of the Bolsheviks was manifested. The best speakers of the party - Lenin and Lunacharsky - "rushed to the offensive" on the issue of power, demanding the conversion of the congress to the "revolutionary convention", which would take on the full power of power. For the approval of the Tsereteli that there is no party capable of taking all the power in your hands, V. I. Lenin said from the stands of the congress: "There is! No party can not refuse this, and our party does not refuse this: every minute she is ready to take the power of the whole. "

On June 18, an offensive was started on the southwestern front, which should have caused a patriotic rise. Kerensky personally traveled a huge number of soldiers' rallies, convincing the soldiers to go to the offensive (for which he received an ironic nickname "Master-barker"). However, the former army after the "democratization" no longer existed also the same front, which only a year ago made a brilliant Brusilovsky breakthrough, after some of the initial success (they explained first of all, the fact that the Austrians considered the Russian army already finally decomposed and left on the front only very minor Forces) stopped, and then appealed to flight. Full failure was obvious. The socialists completely shifted to the government for him.

On the day of the beginning of the offensive in Petrograd and other major cities of Russia, there were powerful demonstrations organized by Petroset in support of the temporary government, but the past, in the end, under the Bolshevik slogans: "All the power of the Councils!", "Down with ten ministerial capitalists!", "Down War! ". Demonstrators numbered ok. 400 thousand demonstrations showed the growth of radical moods in the masses, strengthening the influence of the Bolsheviks. At the same time, these trends were still pronounced only in the capital and a number of major cities. But there, the temporary government losing support. Resunted and reached a wide range of strike. Entrepreneurs answered Locarats. The Minister of Industry and Trade Konovalov could not achieve agreement between entrepreneurs and workers and resigned.

Upon learning of the German counteroffensive July 2, 1917. Soldiers of the capital garrison, most of its Bolsheviks and anarchists, convinced that the command would take advantage of the opportunity to send them to the front, they decided to prepare an uprising. His goals were: the arrest of a temporary government, the priority seizure of the telegraph and train stations, the connection with the sailors of Kronstadt, the creation of a revolutionary committee under the guidance of Bolsheviks and anarchists. On the same day, a number of ministerial cadets resigned in protest against a compromise agreement with the Ukrainian Central Rada (declared on June 10 on the independence of Ukraine) and to put pressure on the temporary government to tighten his position in the fight against the revolution.

On the evening of July 2, the rallies of soldiers of 26 pieces, refused to go to the front. The announcement of the retirement of ministerial cadets even more glowed the atmosphere. Solidarity with soldiers expressed workers. The position of the Bolsheviks was contradictory enough. Members of the Central Committee and Bolsheviks, meeting the Council, were against any "premature" speeches and held back demonstrations. At the same time, many figures (M. I. Lazis, N. I. Pozdovsky and others), referring to the mood of the masses, insisted on an armed uprising.

On July 3-4, Petrograd was covered by demonstrations and rallies. Some parts opened openly to the uprising. V. I. Lenin reached the mansion of Kshesinskaya (where the headquarters of the Bolsheviks were located) by the middle of the day on July 4th. 10 thousand Kronstadt sailors with their Bolshevik leaders, mostly armed and grieving desire to fight, surrounded the building and demanded Lenin. He spoke evasively without calling for an uprising, but not rejecting this idea. However, after some oscillations, the Bolsheviks decide to join this movement.

Demonstrators columns went to the Council. When Chernov tried to calm down demonstrators, only Trotsky's intervention saved him from death. Fights and shootings broke out between the Kronstadt sailors who rebounded soldiers and part of the demonstrators, on the one hand, and on the other hand shelves, the right to advice (not the government!). These events have a number of historians without reason considers an unsuccessful attempt by the Bolshevik armed uprising.

After the events of July 4, Petrograd was declared in a military situation. The Minister of Justice P. Pereverzev published information according to which Lenin not only received money from Germany, but also coordinated a rebellion with the counteroffensiveness of Hindenburg. The government, supported by the Council, expressed the most decisive actions. Lenin, together with Zinoviev, disappeared at the border of Finland, in the der. Spill. Trotsky, Kamenev, Lunacharsky were arrested. Parts involved in the demonstration were disarmed, and the "truth" is closed. At the front restored the death penalty. Lenin these days wrote that the slogan "All Power to Soviets!" It should be removed from the agenda, while Mensheviks and the esters, the gap with which was complete, remain in the Council's Guide.

After the July events of 1917, Prince Lviv resigned and instructed A. F. Kerensky to form a new government. Negotiations between various political forces were complex: the government crisis lasts 16 days (from July 6 to July 22). Cadets who considered themselves the winners put forward their conditions: war to victory, the struggle against extremists and anarchy, postponing the solution of social issues to the convening of the Constituent Assembly, the restoration of discipline in the army, the shift of the Chernov, which was responsible for the riots in the village. Kerensky supported the "Men's Minister" and threatened that he would retire himself. In the end, the cadets decided to enter the government, hoping to send it to the right direction.

The Second Coalition Government was headed by A. F. Kerensky (July 7, he resigned by G. E. Lvov), retaining the posts of the military and maritime minister. Most posts in the new government received socialists. The danger of the growing chaos and the need for his curb began to be clear and the leadership of the Council, which announced the new government "the government of the rescue of the revolution" and endowed it (!) Extraordinary powers. The authorities actually focused in the hands of the government. It is believed that after the events of July 3-5, they were finished with the dwellest.

On July 26 - August 3, the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) was held on which the resolution was adopted about the need to capture the authorities by armed uprising, the preparation for which should be the main task of the party. At this congress, the Bolsheviks join the "Interdistrict" of Trotsky and elected the Central Committee, which includes V. I. Lenin, L. B. Kamenev, G. E. Zinoviev, I. V. Stalin, L. D. Trotsky.

Speech by General Kornilov and its consequences

On July 19, in the wave of reaction to the events of the beginning of the month, Kerensky appointed General Laurel of G. Kornilov (popular in the army of the combat general, known for its rigidity and principle) by the Supreme Commander Instead of the more "liberal", "soft" Alexei A. Brousilov. The task of the speedy restoration of the discipline and the combat capability of the troops was imposed on Kornilov.

On August 3, Cornilov, explaining that the growing economic paralysis threatens the supply of the army, presented to the Kerensky program of stabilization of the situation in the country, which was based on the idea of \u200b\u200b"army in the trenches, army in the rear and army of railway workers," all three should have been subordinate to Iron discipline . The army was assumed to restore a fully disciplinary authority of the heads, a sharp limitation of the powers of the Commissioners and the soldiers' committees, the introduction of the death penalty for military crimes for the soldiers of the rear garrisons. In t. N. The "Civilian section" of the Program provided for the announcement of railways and working on the defense of factories and mines in the martial law, the prohibition of rallies, strikes and workers interference in economic affairs. It was emphasized that "these activities should be carried out immediately with iron determination and sequence." A few days later, he suggested Kerensky to re-enter the petrograd military district (as the rate managed only by the current army, while all the rear parts were subordinate to the military minister, that is, in this case, Kerensky) for its decisive cleaning from perfectly decomposed parts and guidance. Consent to it was obtained. Since the beginning of August, a transit began in the vicinity of Petrograd of reliable military units - 3 equestrian corps gene. A. M. Krymova, Caucasian Tube ("Wild") Division, 5 Caucasian Cavalry Division, etc.

Attempting to consolidate the forces of socialists and the liberal bourgeoisie to stop slipping to chaos, it was undertaken at the State Meeting in Moscow on August 12-15 (the Bolsheviks did not participate in it). The meeting was attended by representatives of the bourgeoisie, the highest clergy, officers and generals, the former deputies of the state. Duma, Tips Guide. State The meeting made the obvious growing popularity of Cornilov, which, on August 13, the Muscovites arranged a triumphal meeting at the station, and the 14th Delegates of the Meeting would grow rapidly. In his speech, he once again stressed that "the differences between the front and the rear relative to the severity of the regime necessary for salvation should be."

Returning at the rate after the Moscow meeting, Kornilov, encouraged by the "right-hand" cadets and supported by the Union of Officers, decided to attempt the coup. Cornilov believed that the fall of Riga (August 21) would be an excuse for tightening troops to the capital, and demonstrations in Petrograd about the six-month "anniversary" of the February Revolution will give him the desired preposition to guid about the order.

After the overclocking of the Petrosovet and the dissolution of the temporary government at the head of the country, Kornilov assumed to put the Council of People's Defense (Chairman - General L. G. Kornilov, Comrade of the Chairman - A. F. Kerensky, Members - General M. V. Alekseev, Admiral A. V. Kolchak , B. V. Savinkov, M. M. Filonenko). The Council had to exist a government with a wide representation of political forces: from the Tsarski Minister N. N. Pokrovsky to G. V. Plekhanov. Through the intermediaries, Kornilov led negotiations with Kerensky, seeking to achieve peaceful transfer to him all the completeness of power.

On August 23, 1917, an agreement was achieved at the meeting on all issues. August 24, Kornilov appointed a gene. A. M. Crimean commander of a separate (Petrograd) army. He was ordered as soon as the performance of Bolsheviks (which was expected from day to day), immediately occupy the capital, disarming the garrison and workers and dispersed the Council. Crimea prepared an order for a separate army, which was introduced by a siege position in Petrograd and province, Kronstadt, Finland and Estland; Prescribed to create military field courts. Ringings, meetings, strikes, appearance on the streets from earlier 7.00 and later 19.00, the output of newspapers without prior censorship is prohibited. Guilty of violation of these measures were to be executed in place. The introduction of all this plan was supposed from August 29.

So, from August 23, Kerensky knew about the plans of Cornilov, but distrust and personal ambitions broke this tandem. On the evening of August 26, at a meeting of the Interim Government, Kerensky qualified the actions of Cornilov as a rebellion and demanded the emergency powers that he was provided. On August 27, an order was sent to Cornilov's detachment from office, in which he recognized the rebel. Kornilov did not obey this order and in the morning of August 28, he passed on the radio statement: "... Russian people! Our Great Motherland is dying. Close hour of her death. Forced to speak openly, I am General Kornilov, I declare that the temporary government under pressure from the Bolshevik majority of the Councils is valid in complete harmony with the plans of the German General Staff ... kills the army and shakes the country inside. The serious consciousness of the inevitable death of the country commands me ... Call all Russian people to rescue the dying homeland. ... I, General Kornilov, - the son of the Cossack peasant, declare everyone and everyone that I personally do not need anything, except for the preservation of the Great Russia and swear to bring the people - by victory over the enemy - to the Constituent Assembly, on which he will solve his fate and Selects the upgrade of new state life. To betray Russia ... I am unable. And I prefer to die on the field of honor and bangs, not to see the shame and the worm of the Russian land. Russian people, in your hands the life of your homeland! "

While Kornilov promoted his troops to Petrograd, Kerensky, abandoned by the minister-Cadets, who had resigned, began negotiations with the Board of the Council. The threat to the insurrection again turned Kerensky to the chapter of the revolution. Railway workers began to sabotage the transport of military units, hundreds of Soviet agitators went there. In Petrograd, armed detachments of the working Red Guard were formed. Bolshevik leaders were released from prison; The Bolsheviks took part in the work of the Committee of People's Defense against the counter-revolution created under the auspices of the Soviets. By August 30, rebel troops without shots were stopped and scattered. The general of Crimea shot himself, Kornilov was arrested (September 1).

Kerensky switched to attempts to strengthen their position and stabilize the situation and country. On September 1, Russia was proclaimed by the republic. Power went to the directory of five people under the leadership of Kerensky. He tried to strengthen his position with the creation of a democratic meeting (which should have become a source of new statehood), and then the Council of the Republic.

The Democratic Meeting (September 14-22) had to take two important decisions: to exclude or leave the bourgeois party in the government coalition; Determine the nature of the Council of the Republic. The participation of the bourgeoisie in the third coalition government, finally formed on September 26, was approved by a small majority. The meeting agreed to participate in the government in the individual manner of the employees of the Cadet Party (since the meeting excluded from the Government of the party, compromising themselves to participate in the Cornilov speech). In the third coalition government, Kerensky introduced Konovalov, Kischina, Tretyakov.

The Bolsheviks considered it by provocation, stating that only the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, scheduled for October 20 to have the right to form a "genuine government". The meeting was elected permanent Democratic Council of the Republic (Prepaired). But the situation in the country, the ratio of forces after the defeat of Cornilov fundamentally changed. The most active, which began to consolidate, the right forces capable of opposing the threat of greaterization were defeated. Prestige Kerensky, primarily among the officers, fell sharply. Fallen and support for moderate socialist parties. At the same time (as, by the way, he expected in April Lenin) sharply increased the popularity of the Bolsheviks, who had to legalize again. In September, they are taken under their control Petrosovet (Trotsky was elected chairman) and a number of advice from other major cities. On September 13, in the "historical letters" addressed to the Central Committee of the RSDDP (b), Lenin calls for a speedy armed uprising. By early October, the position of the Provisional Government becomes hopeless.

Many later Winston Churchill wrote: "None of the country Rock was not so merciless as to Russia. Her ship went to the bottom when the pier was already in mind. He has already suffered a storm when there was a wreck. All victims have already been brought, work It was completed. Despair and treason overcame power when the task has already been completed ... "

wiki.304.ru / History of Russia. Dmitry Alkhazashvili.

The Great Russian Revolution is the revolutionary events that occurred in Russia in 1917, starting with the overthrow of the monarchy during the February Revolution, when the authorities moved to the temporary government, which was overthrown as a result of the October Revolution of the Bolsheviks, who proclaimed Soviet power.

The February Revolution of 1917 - the main revolutionary events in Petrograd

A reason for the revolution: Labor conflict on the Putilovsky factory between workers and owners; Interruptions with the supply of Petrograd Food.

Main events February Revolution happened in Petrograd. The leadership of the army headed by the head of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief by General Alekseev M. V. and the commander of the fronts and fleets found that they do not have the means to suppress the riots and strikes engulfed Petrograd. Emperor Nicholas II ran away from the throne. After his alleged successor, the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich also abandoned the throne, the State Duma took the country under its control, forming the Interim Government of Russia.

With the formation of parallel temporary government of the Soviets began the period of dvoevsty. The Bolsheviks form the detachments of the armed workers (Red Guard), thanks to attractive slogans conquer significant popularity, primarily in Petrograd, Moscow, in large industrial cities, the Baltic Fleet, the troops of the Northern and Western fronts.

Results of revolution and dwellers

October Revolution of 1917 Basic events

During October revolution Petrograd VRK, established by the Bolsheviks led by L.D. Trotsky and V.I. Lenin, overthrow the temporary government. At the II All-Russian Congress of the Councils of Workers and Soldiers' Deputies, the Bolsheviks withstand the heavy struggle with the Mensheviks and the right esters, the first Soviet government is formed. In December 1917, the Government coalition of Bolsheviks and Left Socialists was compiled. In March 1918, the Brest World with Germany signed.

By the summer of 1918, a one-party government was finally formed, and the active phase of civil war and foreign intervention in Russia began, which began with the rebellion of the Czechoslovak Corps. The end of the civil war created the conditions for the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).

Temporary Government of Russia in 1917

Heads of the Russian government in 1905 - 1917.

The main reasons for the February Revolution:

1. A self-adjustment though was in the last feature, but continued to exist;

Workers sought to achieve the best working conditions;

3. National minorities needed unless independence, then in broader autonomy;

4. The people wished the cessation of a terrible war. This new problem was added to the old;

The population wanted to avoid hunger, impoverishment.

By the beginning of the XX century. In Russia, the agricultural question was acute. The reforms of Emperor Alexander II did not make much facilitated the life of peasants and villages. A community continued to be maintained in the village, which was convenient for the government to collect taxes.

The peasants were forbidden to leave the community, so the village was overcolebed. Many High Persons of Russia tried to destroy the community as a feudal relic, but the community was guarded by autocracy, and they could not do it. One of these people was S. Yu. Witte. It was possible to free the peasants from the community later P. A. Stolypin during his agricultural reform.

But the agrarian problem remained. The agricultural issue led to the revolution of 1905 and remained the main chance of delaying the death of the autocracy of the ruling circles of Russia in the victorious conclusion of the war with Germany in the victorious conclusion of the war. Under guns were delivered 15.6 million people, of which up to 13 million

peasants. The war of the 14th year by this time caused discontent in the masses, not without the participation of the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks sanctioned rallies in the capitals and other cities of Russia.

They led, also agitation in the army, which had a negative impact on the mood of soldiers and officers. The people in the cities joined the Bolshevik manifestations. All Petrograd plants worked on the front, because of this lacked bread and other consumption goods. In Petrograd itself, long queue tails stretched through the streets. By the end of 1916, the royal government expanded the issue of money so much that the goods began to disappear from the shelves.

The peasants refused to sell products for depreciable money. They were lucky products into large cities: Peter, Moscow, etc.

The province "closed" and the royal government passed to the exversman, because This forced the state of the financial company. In 1914

the state wine monopoly was canceled, it stopped the agricultural suction of money into an agricultural economy. In February 1917, industrial centers were collapsed, hungry Moscow, Peter and other cities of Russia, a system of commodity-money relations was broken.

The course of revolution 1917

Workers wanted to support the Duma, but the police accelerate the workers as soon as they began to gather to go to the Duma. The chairman of the State Duma M. Rodzianko achieved admission from the sovereign and warned that Russia threatens the danger. The emperor did not respond to this. He did not deceive, but was deceived himself, because the Minister of the Interior ordered that the local authorities were sent by Nicholas II telegrams about "immense love" of the people to the "adored monarch".

The ministers were deceived by the emperor in all that the internal policy concerned.

The emperor unconditionally believed them in everything. Nicholas converted more things on the front, which were not the best. Not a solution of internal problems, a financial crisis, a hard war with Germany - all of this led the spontaneous speeches that turned into the February bourgeois revolution in 1917.

By mid-February, 90 thousand workers petrograd were fascinated due to lack of bread, speculation and rising prices.

Strikes arose only at several plants.

The discontent in the masses arose for the most part due to the food issue (in particular lack of bread) and most of all it was worried about women who had to defend long queues, in the hope of obtaining at least something.

Many shops gathered groups, read the leaflet spread by the Bolsheviks, and passed it from hand to hand.

On the lunch break on most factories and factories of the Vyborg district and on a number of enterprises of other areas began rags.

Women workers were angry with the royal government, protested against lack of bread, high costs, continuing war. They were supported by workers in every big and small Vyborg side factory. There were calls for termination of work everywhere. To ten enterprises that started on the Big Sampwehonian Prospekt, already from 10-11 hours of the morning others joined. In total, by police data, about 90 thousand workers and employees of 50 enterprises talked. Thus, the number of strikers exceeded the scope of the strikes on February 14.

If then the demonstrations were few, then on February 23, most workers before leaving home remained for some time on the streets and participated in mass demonstrations. Many strikers were in no hurry to disperse, and for a long time remained on the streets and agreed on the appeals of the strikers to continue the demonstration and go to the city center. The demonstrators were excited than the anarchic elements were not confused: 15 stores were defeated on the Vyborg side.

The workers stopped the trams if the car trades along with the conductor had resistance, they turned the wagons. In total, as the police counted, 30 tram trains were stopped.

In the events on February 23, from the first hours, a peculiar combination of organizedness and spontaneity was manifested, so characteristic and for the entire further development of the February Revolution. Ringings and speeches of women were planned by the Bolsheviks and the "Interracial", as well as the possibility of strikes. However, no one was waiting for their scope of their scope.

The appeal of the workers who followed the instructions of the Bolshevik Center was very quickly and together picked up by all male workers of cartoon enterprises. Police was captured by the events of surprise. About 16 hours workers from the outskirts, as if obeying a single call, moved to Nevsky Prospect.

There was nothing surprising in this: just a week ago, on February 14, workers, following the instructions of the Bolsheviks, also went to Nevsky - the traditional place of political demonstrations and rallies.

A meeting of the State Duma was sent to the Tauride Palace.

She began to work on February 14, in anxious atmosphere of the expected major demonstration. This affected the restrained position that sounded in Rodzianko's speeches, Milyukov and other speakers of the progressive block. Progressors were sharply performed at the end of 1916 from the progressive bloc, the leader of the Menshevik faction of Chkhaidze.

On February 15, Milyukov said in the Duma that the government returned to the course, which he conducted until October 17, 1905, "to the fight against the whole country." But he tried to dissociate the "Street", which recently encourages the Duma statements that the country and the army with her, and is waiting for some "case" from the Duma. On Saturday and Sunday, February 18 and 19, the Duma did not meet, and on Monday 20th it took a very short meeting.

The big plenary was scheduled for Thursday, February 23. Rumors about the movement started at the Vyborg side quickly reached the Tauride Palace. Telephone calls in the rooms of the press, factions and commissions, at the secretary of the Chairman of the Duma were distributed. At this time, a discussion of a food issue was going on in the White Hall of the Duma meeting. Then they moved to the debate on the factions of the Mensheviks and the employers in the request of strikes in the Izhora and Putilovsky factories.

Meanwhile, just at this clock, the movement even more showed its anti-government and anti-war orientation.

Information about this continued to flow into the Duma, but they did not change the overall evaluation of events from its members.

Late on the evening of February 23, a meeting of members of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDDP (b) and St. Petersburg Committee took place on a conspiracy apartment in the remote working area of \u200b\u200bPetrograd, a new village.

S., Georgiev V. A., Georgieva N. G., Sivokhina T. A. "History of Russia from the oldest to the present day"

They noted with satisfaction that the scope of the events on this day was far beyond their expectations: clashes with the police, rallies, the number of which was not even amenable to accurate accounting on the streets, demonstration on Nevsky.

The number of stackers, according to their observations and exemplary calculations, even exceeded the number of those who used on February 14. All this, as it were, gave the Bolsheviks a complete revenge for the day on February 14, when carelessness was cautious in the behavior, there were few demonstrations.

The next morning, for 7 o'clock, the strings of workers were reached again to the goal of their enterprises.

They had the mood. Most decided to work to work. On February 24, 75 thousand people entertained. Orats, among which there were many Bolsheviks, called on the workers to immediately go outside. Everywhere heard revolutionary songs. Silence up the red flags. Again stopped the tram movement. All the street filled columns of demonstrators moving towards the casting bridge. Police and Cossacks have repeatedly attacked the workers at approaches to the bridge.

They managed to interrupt the movement of the demonstrators. Workers broke up, missing riders. But as soon as they moved away, the workers went ahead again. They have repeatedly broken through the foundry (Alexandrovsky) Bridge on the left bank of the Neva. The combat and elevated mood of the workers on this day increased even more. Police chiefs of both Vyborg plots have repeatedly reported to the Gradacitor A.

P. Bech that they are not able to cope with the movement on their own.

The demonstrations and rallies did not stop. On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II from the rate located in Mogilev sent the commander of the Petrograd Military District S. S. Habalov Telegram with a categorical requirement to stop the riots.

Attempts by the authorities to use the troops of the positive effect did not give, the soldiers refused to shoot the people. However, officers and the police were killed more than 150 people on February 26. In response, Guardsman Pavlovsky Regiment, supporting the workers, opened fire on the police.

The Chairman of the Duma M. V. Rodzianko warned Nicholas II that the government is paralyzed and "in the capital of anarchy". To prevent the development of the revolution, he insisted on the immediate creation of a new government led by a statesman who use the Company's confidence.

However, the king rejected his proposal. Moreover. The Council of Ministers decided to interrupt the meeting of the Duma and dissolve it on vacation. The moment for the peaceful, evolutionary transformation of the country into the constitutional monarchy was missed. Nicholas II sent troops from the rate to suppress the revolution, but a small detachment of General N.

I. Ivanova was detained under the Gatchina to the rebel railway workers, soldiers and not missed into the capital.

On February 27, a massive transition of soldiers on the side of the workers, the capture of them Arsenal and the Petropavlovsk fortress marked the victory of the revolution. The arrests of the royal ministers began and the formation of new authorities.

On the same day, at the factories and in military units, relying on the experience of 1905, when the first political power bodies were born, elections were held in the Petrogradsky Council of Workers and Soldiers' deputies.

The executive committee was elected to guide his activities. The chairman became Menshevik N. S. Chkhaidze, his deputy - Ester A. F. Kerensky. The executive committee took over the maintenance of public order and the supply of food.

On February 27, a temporary committee of the State Duma led by M. was decided at the meeting of the leaders of the Duma factions.

V. Rodzianko. The task of the committee was the "restoration of state and public order", the creation of a new government.

The Interim Committee took control of all ministries. February 28, Nicholas II left the bet to the royal village, but was detained on the road revolutionary troops.

He had to turn to Pskov, at the headquarters of the Northern Front. After consulting with the commanders of the fronts, he was convinced that there were no forces to suppress the revolution.

On March 1, Petrosovet published "Order No. 1" on democratization of the army. The soldiers were equalized in civil rights with officers, the gross handling of the lower ranks was prohibited, the traditional forms of army subordination were canceled.

The soldiers' committees were legalized. An election of commanders was introduced. In the army was allowed to lead political activities. Petrograd garrison was subordinate to the Council and obliges to fulfill its orders.

On March 2, Nikolai signed a manifesto on renunciation from the throne for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother, the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. However, when the deputies of Duma A. I. Guccov and V. V. Shulgin brought the text of Manifesta to Petrograd, it became clear that the people did not want a monarchy.

On March 3, Mikhail renounced the throne, saying that the Further Fate of Political In Russia should decide the Constituent Assembly. The 300-year-old board of the Romanov House is over. Autocracy in Russia finally fell. It was the main result of the revolution.

Results of the February Revolution

The February Revolution was not so rapid, as she loved to paint. Of course, compared with the French revolution, it was a quick and almost bloodless.

But it was simply never mentioned that until the end of the revolution, the king had a chance to save autocracy, in the same way as in 1905 - released a certain similarity of the Constitution.

But that did not happen. What is it - political daltonism or lack of interest in all that is happening? And, nevertheless, the February Revolution, which led to the overthrow of the autocracy, ended.

However, the peoples of Russia rose to the struggle not only and not so much in order to relieve the Romanov dynasty from the throne. The overthrow of the autocracy in itself did not remove the urgent problems facing the country.

February 1917 did not complete the revolutionary process, but began his new stage. After the February Revolution, the workers received an increase in the salary, but inflation to the summer ate it.

The lack of salary, housing, products, the essential items caused disappointment in the results of the February Revolution. The government continued unpopular war, thousands of people died in the trenches.

The distrust of the temporary government increased, which was poured into mass street performances. From February to July 1917. The temporary government survived the three powerful political crisis that threatened it with overall.

February was the People's Revolution

The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia is still called bourgeois-democratic. She is the second revolution (the first happened in 1905, the third in October 1917).

The Great Universion began in Russia in Russia, during which not only the Romanovsky dynasty and the Empire ceased to be the monarchy, but also the entire bourgeois capitalist system, as a result of which the elite completely changed in Russia

Causes of the February Revolution

• Unfortunate Russia's participation in the First World War, accompanied by defeats on the fronts, disorganization of the life of the rear
• The inability of Emperor Nicholas II rule Russia, which was out of the unsuccessful appointments of ministers and military leaders
• Corruption on all floors of power
• Economic difficulties
• The ideological decomposition of the people's masses who stopped believing both the king and the church and local chiefs
• Dissatisfaction with the politics of the king by representatives of major bourgeoisie and even his closest relatives

"... For several days we have lived on a volcano ... In Petrograd, there was no bread in Petrograd," the transport was very smashed because of the extraordinary snow, frosts and, most importantly, because of the voltage of war ... there were street riots ... but it was, of course, not In bread ... It was the last drop ... It was that in all this a huge city could not find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities ... and not even in this ... The fact is that the power itself did not sympathize with himself ... was not , in essence, not a single minister who would believe in himself and what he does ... The class of the past ruler went to no .. "
(You.

Shulgin "Days")

The course of February revolution

• February 21 - bread riots in Petrograd. Crowds loud bread shops
• February 23 - the beginning of the universal strike of Petrograd workers. Mass demonstrations with slogans "Down with War!", "Down with autocracy!", "Bread!"
• February 24 - Bastivated more than 200 thousand workers 214 enterprises, students
• February 25 - there were already 305 thousand people, stood 421 factory.

  For workers joined employees, artisans. The troops refused to disperse the meaning people

• February 26 - the continuation of the riots. Decomposition in the troops. Police's inability to restore calm. Nicholas II.
  Moved the beginning of the meetings of the State Duma from February 26 to April 1, which was perceived as her dissolution
• February 27 - armed uprising. The spare battalions of Volyn, Lithuanian, Preobrazhensky refused to obey the commander and joined the people.

  In the afternoon, the Semenian regiment was rebuilt, Izmailovsky regiment, an incentive car comersion. Kronverksky Arsenal, Arsenal, Chief Advertisement, Telegraph, Station, Bridges were occupied.

  The State Duma
  Appointed a temporary committee "For the order of order in St. Petersburg and for intercourse with institutions and persons."

• February 28, night, the temporary committee announced that he takes power into his hands.
• On February 28, the 180th Infantry Regiment was rebuilt, the Finnish regiment, the sailors of the 2nd Baltic Fleet crew and the Aurora cruiser.

  The rising people took all the stations of Petrograd

• March 1 - Kronstadt, Moscow, the approximate king offered him that the introduction of the faithful parts of the army into Petrograd, the creation of the so-called "responsible ministries" - the Government subordinating the Duma, which meant the transformation of the emperor to the English Queen.
• March 2, night - Nikolay II signed a manifesto on the gift of the responsible ministry, but it was too late.

  The public required renunciation.

"Head of the headquarters of the Supreme Commander" General Alekseev requested the telegram of all commander-in-chief of the fronts. These telegrams were requested by the commander-in-chief their opinions about desirability in these circumstances of the renunciation of the emperor's sovereign from the throne in favor of the Son.

To the hour of day of the second March, all the answers of the commander-in-chief were obtained and focused in the hands of General Ruzsky. These answers were:
1) From the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich - Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Front.
2) From General Sakharov - the actual commander-in-chief of the Romanian front (in fact, the commander-in-chief was King Romania, and Sakharov was his headquarters chief).
3) from General Brusylov - Commander-in-Chief of the South-Western Front.
4) from General Evert - Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front.
5) from the Ruzsky - Commander-in-Chief of the Northern Front.

All five commander-in-chief of the fronts and General Alekseev (gene. Alekseev was the head of the headquarters at the sovereign) spoke in favor of the renunciation of the emperor's sovereign from the throne. " (You. Shulgin "Days")

• On March 2, about 15 hours, Tsar Nicholas II decided to renounce the throne in favor of his heir, Zesarevich Alexey with the regent of the younger brother of the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.

  During the day, the king accepted the decision to reincarnantly for the heir.

• March 4 - the newspapers were published by Manifesto on the renunciation of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the renunciation of Mikhail Alexandrovich.

"A man rushed to us - cute!" He screamed and grabbed me for the hand, heard? No king! There was one Russia.
He drew firmly with everyone and rushed to run on, sobbing and murming something ... Was already an hour of the night, when Efremov was usually sleeping with an incomplete sleep.
Suddenly, in this spontaneous hour, the mild and short blow of the cathedral bell was heard.

Then the second blow, the third one.
Stunches were rapidly, tight ringing had already sailed over the town, and soon the bells of all surrounding churches were joined.
In all houses lit lights. Streets filled with people. Doors in many houses stood abandoned manifest. Strange people, crying, hugged each other. From the station, the solemn and jealous cry of steam locomotives flew (K.

Power "Restless Youth")

Results of the February Revolution of 1917

• Canceled the death penalty
• Political freedoms are given
• Canceled "Damage Settlement"
• Start of trade union movement
• Amnesty political prisoner

Russia has become the most democratic country in the world

• The economic crisis was not stopped
• War participation continued
• Permanent government crisis
• The disassembly of the Empire on National Sign
• Peasant question remained unresolved

Russia demanded a decisive government and it came in the face of Bolsheviks

What is liberalism?
Where is the flibistra sea?
What is the League of Nations?

The nature of the revolution: Bourgeois-democratic.

Goal: The overthrow of the autocracy, the elimination of landlord land tenure, the estate, inequalities of nations, the establishment of the Democratic Republic, the provision of various democratic freedoms, facilitating the situation of workers.

Causes of the revolution: Extremely exacerbation of all contradictions of Russian society, aggravated by the war, economic ruining and food crisis.

driving forces: Work class, peasantry, liberal bourgeoisie, democratic layers of the population, intelligentsia, studentism, employees, representatives of oppressed peoples, army.

Course of events: February: strikes and demonstrations of Petrograd workers caused by discontent with economic position, food difficulties, war.

14.02 - Opening of the session of the State Duma. Rodzianko and Milyukov show caution in criticism of autocracy.

Progressors and Mensheviks forced confrontation with the government. Outcome: It is concluded about the need to change the government. 20-21.02 - The emperor fluctuates, discusses the question of the responsibility of the ministry, is going to the Duma, but suddenly leaves at the rate.

23.02 - a spontaneous revolutionary explosion - the beginning of the revolution. 24-25.02 - the strikes develop into a universal strike. The troops keep themselves neutral. There is no order to shoot. 26.02 - Skits with the police will grow into battles with troops. 27.02 - the universal strike goes to an armed uprising. The transition of troops on the side of the rebels began.

The rebels occupy the most important strategic points of the city and government buildings. On the same day, the king interrupts the Duma session. The rebels come to the Tauride Palace. The authority of the Duma in the people was high. The Duma turned out to be the center of the revolution.

Duma deputies create a temporary committee of the State Duma, and workers and soldiers form a Petrosov. 28.02 - Ministers and the highest dignitaries were arrested. Rodzianko agrees to take power in the hands of the Temporary Committee of the Duma. Armed uprising won. 2.03 - the renunciation of Nicholas II from the throne 3.03 - the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich rents from the throne.

In fact, the country is established by the republican system. March: Revolution wins throughout the country.

Results of the February Revolution: The overthrow of the autocracy, the beginning of the economic and socio-political reform, the formation of dvoevsty, the aggravation of the problems in Russia.

By the evening, on February 27, on the side of the rebels, almost the entire composition of the Petrograd garrison was transferred - about 160 thousand people. The commander of the Petrograd Military District, General Habalov, is forced to inform Nicholas II: "I ask to report to His imperial Majesty, which I could not fulfill the command of restoring order in the capital. Most of the parts, one behind others, changed their debt, refusing to fight against the rebels. "

There was no continuation and idea of \u200b\u200bthe "carpentry", which provided for the removal from the front of the hotel military units and send them to rebellious Petrograd. All this threatened to pour out in a civil war with unpredictable consequences.
Acting in the spirit of revolutionary traditions, the rebels freed out of prison not only political prisoners, but also for criminals. At first they easily overcame the resistance of the protection of "crosses", and then took the Peter and Paul Fortress.

Unmanaged and variety of revolutionary masses, not bearing murder and robbery, plunged the city in chaos.
February 27, approximately 2 hours of day, soldiers took the Tauride Palace. The State Duma was in a dual situation: on the one hand, according to the Decree of the Emperor, it would have to commit a samorem, but on the other, the pressure of the rebels and the actual failure forced some action. The compromise decision was the meeting under the guise of the "private meeting".
As a result, it was decided to form the authority of the Provisional Committee.

Later, the former Minister of Foreign Minister of the Interim Government P. N. Milyukov recalled:

"The intervention of the State Duma gave a street and military movement center, gave him a banner and a slogan and thus turned the uprising into the revolution, which ended with the overthrow of the old regime and dynasty."

The revolutionary movement grew more and more. Soldiers capture arsenal, chiefpotion, telegraph, bridges and train stations. Petrograd turned out to be completely in the authorities of the rebels. The real tragedy was played in Kronstadt, who overwhelmed the wave of the Samoy, who took the murder more than a hundred officers of the Baltic Fleet.
On March 1, the head of the headquarters of the Supreme Commander, General Alekseev, in a letter begged the emperor "For the sake of salvation of Russia and the dynasty, at the head of the government, a person who believed Russia."

Nikolay declares that giving the right to others, he deprives himself the authorities given to them by God. The possibility of a peaceful transformation of the country into the constitutional monarchy was already missed.

After March 2, the renunciation of Nicholas II in the state actually developed a drochlorism. The official power was in the hands of the temporary government, but the real power belonged to the Petrogradsky Council, which controlled troops, railways, mail and telegraph.
In the time of renunciation in the royal train, Colonel Mordvinov remembered the plans of Nicholas to move to Livadia. "Your Majesty, leaving as soon as possible abroad. With the current conditions, even in the Crimea - not live, "King tried Mordvinov. "No way. I would not want to leave Russia, I love her too much, "Nicholas objected.

Lev Trotsky noted that the February uprising was spontaneous:

"Nobody outlined the coup routes in advance, no one called on top to the uprising. Having accumulated during the years, the indignation broke out to a large extent unexpectedly for the masses themselves. "

However, Milyukov insists in their memoirs that the coup was planned shortly after the start of the war and before "the army had to go to the offensive, the results of which in the root would stop all sorts of hints of discontent and caused the explosion of patriotism and babysitization in the country." "The story will curse the leaders of the so-called proletarians, but I will curse us who caused a storm," the former minister wrote.
British historian Richard Pipes calls the actions of the royal government during the february uprising "fatal weakness", noting that "the Bolsheviks in such circumstances did not stop before the shootings."
Although the February Revolution is called "bloodless", she, nevertheless, claimed thousands of soldiers and civilians. Only in Petrograd, more than 300 people died and 1200 were injured.

The February Revolution began an irreversible process of the decay of the empire and decentralization of power, accompanied by the activity of separatist movements.

Independence demanded Poland and Finland, about independence spoke in Siberia, and the Central Rada educated in Kiev proclaimed "Autonomous Ukraine."

The events of February 1917 allowed the Bolsheviks to get out of the underground. Thanks to the amnesty, declared by the temporary government, dozens of revolutionaries returned from the link and political expulsion, who have already tolerated the plans of the new coupness.

The first stage of the 1917 Revolution in Russia, which took place in early March (in the Julian calendar - in late February - early March). Began with mass anti-government speeches of Petrograd workers and soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, and as a result he led to the abolition of the monarchy in Russia and the establishment of the power of the Provisional Government. In Soviet historical science, it was characterized as "bourgeois".

Russia on the eve of the revolution

Of all the great powers of Europe, which participated in the First World War, Russia entered her the weakest economically. Then, in August 1914, in Petrograd, they believed that the war would last only a few months. But the military action was delayed. The military industry could not satisfy the requests of the army, the transport infrastructure was undeveloped. The morale decreased not only in the army, but also in the rear: residents of the villages were unhappy with the departure of able-bodied workers, the requisition of horses, reducing the receipts of urban industrialists; Citizens - tension in enterprises, growth of high costs and interruptions with supply. By the beginning of 1917, the socio-economic situation of the Russian Empire deteriorated significantly. The state became more difficult to maintain the army and provide food to the city, among the population and in the troops there were dissatisfaction with military troops.

The progressive public was indignant to what was happening in the "tops", criticizing the unpopular government, frequent shift of the governors and ignoring the Duma. In the context of the passivity of state power throughout the country, committees and associations were created to solve the problems that the state could no longer decide: the Red Cross Committee tried to control the sanitary situation in the country, Zemsky and the City Union - all-Russian military community organizations - tried to centralize the supply of the army. The Central Military Industrial Committee (CSCA) in Petrograd became a kind of parallel ministry.

Cities covered a new wave of strikes and strikes. In January-February, the number of stackers reached 700 thousand people, in one strike on the occasion of the 12th anniversary of the bloody Sunday, 200 thousand workers took part in Petrograd. In some cities, the demonstrators went under the slogans "Down with autocracy!" Rosged and acquired the popularity of anti-war moods. Russian Social Democrats (Bolsheviks), whose leader V. I. Lenin became one of the most prominent figures of the Russian political emigration was called to conclude the separate world. The anti-war Lenin program was to turn the imperialist war in the civil war. More moderate social democrats, such as N. S. Cheidze and the leader of the works of A. F. Kerensky, called themselves "defenders" and advocated a defensive war in the name of the Motherland, but not autocracy.

The authorities missed the opportunity to correct the situation: the emperor and his environment sequentially rejected the proposals of liberal circles on the expansion of the powers of the Duma and attracting those popular with the public to the public. Instead, a course was taken to neutralize the opposition: organizations were closed, speaking for the reorganization of power, and instructions for the suppression of possible unrest were sent to the army and the police.

Start of strikes in Petrograd

February 19 due to transport difficulties in Petrograd worsen food supply. Food cards were introduced in the city. The next day, the doors of empty bakers lined up huge queues. On the same day, the administration of Putilovsky plant declared a locaut due to interruptions in supply with raw materials, and as a result, 36 thousand workers lost their livelihoods. The government fell to the plant administration. Stacks in solidarity with Putilovets were held in all areas of the capital. Representatives of the legal, Duma opposition (Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, Lotovik A. F. Kerensky) tried to establish contacts with illegal organizations. A committee was created to prepare the demonstration on February 23 (March 8 for a new style), International Women's Day. Then there are already up to 129 thousand people, the third part of all workers Petrograd. They were supported by intelligentsia, students, employees, artisans. In schools ceased occupations. The Bolsheviks initially did not support the initiative of the demonstration on this day and joined her at the last moment. In the evening, power was introduced in the capital the so-called 3rd position - thus, from February 24, the city was transferred under the responsibility of the military. The police were mobilized and enhanced by the Cossack and cavalry divisions, the troops occupied the main administrative buildings, the river police - transitions through the Neva. In the main streets and squares, military outposts were installed, they were connected to equestrian connectors.

The spontaneous movement grew avalanche-like. On February 24, there were more than 200 thousand people, and on February 25 - more than 30 thousand. The strike has grown into a universal strike. Workers from all areas flocked to the city center, bypass passage bypassing the police barriers. Economic slogans were replaced by political: the cries of the "Down of the Tsar!" Were increasingly heard. And "Down War!" Armed squads were formed at the factories. The emperor did not give himself a report on the scale of what was happening: On February 25, he ordered the commander of the Petrograd Military District to stop the riots in the capital before the next day, but at this point the general was no longer able to take anything. On February 25-26, the first clashes of strikers with police and gendarmerie, hundreds of people were killed or injured, many were arrested. Only on February 26, more than 150 people died in Nevsky Prospect and Znamenkaya Square. On the same day, Nicholas II issued a decree on the dissolution of the State Duma, thereby missing the chance to move to the constitutional monarchy.

Demonstrations develop into a revolution

On the night of February 27, part of the soldiers and officers of the "elite" Volyn and Preobrazhensky regiments rebelled. For several hours, the most of the regiments of the 200-thousandth Petrograd military garrison followed their example. The servicemen began to move on the side of the demonstrators, to take their security. The military command tried to pull up new units to Petrograd, but the soldiers did not want to participate in the punitive operation. The side of the rebels took one military unit after another. The soldiers fastened on dads and bayona red bows. The work of the authorities, including the government, was paralyzed, strategically important items and infrastructure facilities - train stations, bridges, government agencies, postal, central telegraph, - passed under the control of the rebels. The demonstrators captured the arsenal, where they took more than one hundred thousand guns. A mass performance, now armed, was adjacent not only soldiers, but also prisoners, including the criminals released from the capital of the capital. Petrograd overwhelmed the wave of robbery, murders and a scope. Police sites were subjected to pogroms, and the policemen themselves are lynching: the guardians were caught by the law and order and at best beaten, and sometimes they were killed in place. Not only liberated criminals were engaged in ladders, but also rebidden soldiers. Government members were arrested and concluded in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

The center of the uprising was the Tauride Palace, which first met the Duma. On February 27, a temporary executive committee of the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies with the participation of Mensheviks, ECOV, trade union leaders and cooperators was spontaneously formed. This authority addressed the teams of factories and factories with a call to choose their representatives to the Petrograd Council. By the end of the same day, the first dozens of deputies were registered, delegates from military units were joined to them. The first meeting of the Council opened in the evening. The Chairman of the Board of the Council was the leader of the Social Democratic Fraction of the Duma Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, his deputies - Lokovik A. F. Kerensky and Menshevik M. I. Skobelev. The Executive Committee also included the Bolsheviks P. A. Zalutsky and A. G. Hatpniks. Forces, grouped around Petroset, began to position themselves as representatives of the "revolutionary democracy". The first thing that the Council was engaged was to solve the problems of defense and food supply.

In the meantime, in the neighboring hall of the Tauride Palace, the Duma leaders who refused to obey the decree of Nicholas II on the Duma dissolution, the government was formed. On February 27, the "Temporary Committee of the State Duma Members", which declared himself a carrier of the supreme power in the country. The Committee was headed by the chairman of the Duma M. V. Rodzianko, and representatives of all the Duma parties were included in the body, with the exception of the extreme right. Committee members have created a wide political program necessary for Russia transformations. Their primary task was to restore order, especially among the soldiers. For this, the time committee was necessary to negotiate with the Petrograd Council.

Nicholas renunciationII.

Nicholas II all days from February 24 to February 27 was at the rate of the Supreme Commander in Mogilev. Informedly informedly informed, he was confident that only the "riots" occurs in the capital. On February 27, he launched the head of the Petrograd Military District S. S. Habalov and appointed to this position General N. I. Ivanov, giving it an order to "put an end to the riots." Head of the headquarters of M. V. Alekseev ordered Ivanov to refrain from the power methods of pointing order and in the evening of February 28, having enlisted the support of the front teams, convinced Nicholas II to consent to the formation of a government responsible for the Duma.

On the same day, February 28, the monarch left the bet to the royal village - there, in the imperial residence, he was his wife, Empress Alexander Fedorovna, and their children who were sick. On the way, his train was detained by order of the revolutionary authorities and redirected to Pskov, where he was the headquarters of the Northern Front. The delegation of the Temporary Committee of the Members of the State Duma left, to offer the Emperor to renounce the throne in favor of Alexei's son with the regent of the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, the younger brother Nicholas II. Dummers offer supported the command of the army (fronts, fleets and bets). March 2, Nicholas II signed an act of renunciation in favor of his brother. In Petrograd, this step caused a squall of protests. Right participants of the revolution and socialists from Petrosovet strongly opposed the monarchy in any form, and the Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government A. F. Kerensky noted that he was not swore for the life of a new monarch, and already on March 3, the Grand Duke Mikhail was moving away from the throne. In the act of renunciation, he stated that the future of the monarchy would solve the Constituent Assembly. Thus, the monarchy in Russia ceased to exist.

Formation of a new government

By morning on March 2, long and tense negotiations between the two centers of power - the temporary committee and the Petrogradsky Council were completed. On this day, the composition of the new government headed by Prince G. E. Lvov was published. Before convening the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, the Government proclaimed himself temporary. In the Declaration of the Provisional Government, the Program of priority transformations: amnesty for political and religious affairs, freedom of speech, press and assessments, cancellation of classes and restrictions on religious and national signs, the replacement of police of the People's Police, elections to local governments. Fundamental questions - about the political stroke of the country, agrarian reform, the self-determination of peoples - was supposed to be solved after the convening of the Constituent Assembly. It was the fact that the new government did not solve the two main questions - about the termination of war and about the Earth - in the future it was taken by the Bolsheviks in the struggle for power.

On March 2, turning to the "sailors, soldiers and citizens" gathered in the Ekaterininsky hall, P. N. Milyukov announced the creation of a temporary government. He said that the Prince of Lviv will be the head of the government, and he himself will be headed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The speech of the Cadet leader was perceived with great enthusiasm. The only representative of the Soviets, which received the ministerial post was the work of A. F. Kerensky.

Results of the February Revolution

The February Revolution has exposed deep socio-economic, political and spiritual contradictions of Russia of the beginning of the XX century. Various social groups tried to defend their interests and solve accumulated problems. This led to the activation of the new organizations already existed and the emergence of new organizations, striving to put pressure on power. For example, Petrograd across the country began to appear advice - in March 1917, only in the provincial, county and industrial centers there were about 600. The soldier's committees were formed in the army, quickly became the real owners of military units. By May 1917, there were almost 50 thousand such committees, they consisted up to 300 thousand soldiers and officers. Workers at the enterprises united into factory-factory committees (FZK). In major cities, the detachments of the Red Guard and the working militia were formed. The number of trade unions by June reached two thousand.

The February Revolution gave impetus and national movements. For the Finnish, Polish, Ukrainian, Baltic and other national intelligentsia, it has become a guarantee of the autonomy, and then national independence. Already in March 1917, the Provisional Government agreed to demand the independence of Poland, and in Kiev, the Ukrainian Central Rada appeared, subsequently proclaiming the national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine contrary to the desire of the temporary government.

Sources

Buchanan D. Memoirs diplomat. M., 1991.

Hippius Z. N. Diaries. M., 2002.

Magazines of meetings of the Provisional Government, March - Oct. 1917: 4 t. M., 2001 - 2004.

Kerensky A. F. Russia at a turning point of history. M., 2006.

The country is dying today. Memories of the February Revolution of 1917 M., 1991.

N. N. Sukhanov Notes on the revolution: at 3 t. M., 1991.

Tsereteli I. G. The crisis of power: memories of the leader of Menshevikov, deputy II of the State Duma, 1917-1918. M., 2007.

Chernov V. Great Russian Revolution. Memories of the Chairman of the Constituent Assembly. 1905-1920. M., 2007.