This choice of Great Britain was the German naval program and the colonial claims of Germany. In Germany, in turn, this turn of events was declared "encirclement" and served as a pretext for new military preparations, positioned as purely defensive.

The confrontation between the Entente and the Triple Alliance led to World War I, where the enemy of the Entente and its allies was the Central Powers bloc, in which Germany played a leading role.

Main dates

Full composition of the anti-German coalition

Some states did not declare war on the Central Powers, limiting themselves to severing diplomatic relations.

After the victory over Germany in 1919, the Supreme Council of the Entente practically performed the functions of a “world government”, organizing the post-war order, but the failure of the Entente’s policy towards Russia and Turkey revealed the limit to its power, undermined by internal contradictions between the victorious powers. In this political capacity of the “world government”, the Entente ceased to exist after the formation of Ukraine on March 3, 1918. The Entente declared its non-recognition of this agreement, but did not start military operations against the Soviet government, trying to negotiate with it. On March 6, a small British landing force, two companies of marines, landed in Murmansk to prevent the Germans from capturing huge amount military cargo delivered by the allies to Russia, but did not take any hostile actions against the Soviet government (until June 30). In response to the murder of two Japanese citizens on April 5, two companies of the Japanese and half a company of the British landed in Vladivostok, but two weeks later they were returned to the ships.

The aggravation of relations between the Entente countries and the Bolsheviks began in May 1918. Then Germany demanded from Soviet Russia to strictly comply with the conditions of the Brest peace - in particular, to intern, that is, completely disarm and imprison in concentration camps, all military personnel of the Entente countries and its allies located on Soviet territory. This led to the uprising of the Czechoslovak corps, the landing of 2,000 British troops in Arkhangelsk in August 1918, and the advance of the Japanese in Primorye and Transbaikalia.

Japan continued until the conclusion of the Treaty of Versailles, which formalized the defeat of Germany in the war. After that, the help of the Western allies White movement is gradually ending. Emperor Wilhelm II in his memoirs claims that the Entente bloc actually took shape as early as 1897, after the signing of a tripartite agreement between England, America and France, known as the "Gentlemen's Agreement".

In the book "The problem of Japan" an anonymous author, published in 1918 in The Hague, allegedly written by an ex-diplomat from the Far East, excerpts from a book by Roland Asher, professor of history at Washington University in St. Louis. Ussher, like his former colleague, Columbia University professor in New York, John Bassett Moore, was often called upon by the State Department in Washington as a foreign policy adviser, for he was a great expert on international matters concerning the United States, which not much in America. Thanks to the book published in 1913 by Roland Asher, professor of history at the University of Washington, the contents of the prisoner in the spring of 1897 became known for the first time. "Agreement" or Treat(agreements or treaties) of a secret nature between England, America and France. This agreement established that in the event that Germany, or Austria, or both together began a war in the interests of "pan-Germanism", the United States would immediately take the side of England and France, and provide all their means to assist these powers. Professor Asher further cites all the reasons, including those of a colonial nature, that forced the United States to take part in the war against Germany, the proximity of which he predicted back in 1913. - Anonymous author "The problem of Japan" compiled a special table of points of the agreement concluded in 1897 between England, France and America, dividing them into separate headings, and thus depicting in a visual form the size of mutual obligations. This chapter of his book is read with extreme interest and gives a good idea of ​​the events preceding the World War, and of the preparations for it by the Entente countries, which, not yet speaking under the name "Entente cordiale", already then united against Germany. At the same time, the ex-diplomat notes: here we have an agreement concluded, according to Professor Asher, back in 1897, an agreement that provides for all stages of the participation of England, France and America in future events, including the conquest of the Spanish colonies, and control over Mexico and Central America, and the use of China, and the annexation of coal plants. However, Professor Asher wants to persuade us that these measures were necessary only to save the world from "Pan-Germanism". It is unnecessary to remind Professor Asher, the ex-diplomat continues, that even if the existence of the specter of "Pan-Germanism" were admitted, then in 1897, of course, no one had heard of it, because by that time Germany had not yet put forward its large naval program, made public only in 1898. Thus, if England, France, and the United States really cherished those general plans which Professor Asher ascribes to them, and if they entered into an alliance for the implementation of these plans, then it would hardly be possible to explain both the emergence of these plans and their implementation by such a weak pretext as the successes of "Pan-Germanism". So says the ex-diplomat. You can truly be amazed by this. Gauls and Anglo-Saxons, with the aim of destroying Germany and Austria, and eliminating their competition in the world market in an atmosphere of complete peace, without the slightest remorse, conclude this partition agreement directed against Spain, Germany, etc., worked out to the smallest detail. This treaty was concluded by the united Gallo-Anglo-Saxons 17 years before the start of the World War, and its goals were systematically developed during this period. One can now understand the ease with which King Edward VII could carry out his policy of encirclement; the main actors have long sang and were ready. When he christened this union "Entente cordiale"

The formation of the opposing blocs took place over a number of years. Their configuration changed under the influence of the dynamics of foreign policy contradictions.

Triple Alliance - the military-political unification of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy - was created back in 1882. However, distinct forms of bloc confrontation emerged during local armed conflicts at the turn of the century. These were the first wars for the redistribution of territories: the Spanish-American War (1898), the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) and the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905). The Moroccan crises, the Balkan wars, and the national liberation revolutions in a number of colonial and semi-colonial countries had no less active influence on the formation of the system of bloc confrontation.

At the time of the signing by England and France of the Entente Cordiale, Russia was at war with Japan. Before signing the treaty with France, England had already concluded a military-political alliance with Japan directed against Russia, thus the Anglo-French alliance was directed mainly against Germany. Under the circumstances, Germany tried to take advantage of the Russo-Japanese War to weaken the political and economic positions of Russia, but at the same time took into account the danger of the emerging alliance between England and France, inclining Russia towards an alliance. This was evidenced by the meeting of the German Kaiser Wilhelm II and the Russian Emperor Nicholas II in the summer of 1905.

The further aggravation of the contradictions between Germany, France and England served First Moroccan Crisis 1905-1906 At the Algeciras (Spain) conference on the problem of Morocco, France received firm support not only from England, but also from Russia, which was a step towards Russia's entry into the Entente. A member of the Triple Alliance - Italy - also supported France, recognizing its claims to Morocco, thereby moving away from Germany and Austria-Hungary.

A year after the end of the Russo-Japanese War, England, taking into account the imbalance of power in the East and the growing hostility on the part of Germany, signed an agreement with Russia, which determined the spheres of influence of the two countries in Iran, Afghanistan, Northeast China and Tibet.

The agreement between England and Russia finally formalized the bloc Entente.

The steady growth of the power of the German navy led to an intensification of its confrontation with the first maritime power in the world - England.

The main epicenter of controversy on the eve of the First World War was Balkans, where the interests of not only the great derwarriors of the Zhavs, but also the small peoples inhabiting this

region. Traditionally oriented towards Russia, Bulgaria and Serbia in 1912 concluded an alliance treaty with a number of secret annexes, which provided, in case of violation of their sovereignty, a joint armed action, as well as attempts to partition Macedonia. This treaty was directed primarily against Austria-Hungary and Turkey. It was soon joined by Greece and Montenegro, forming a broad coalition that went down in history as Balkan union.

In the autumn of 1912, the First Balkan War established military-political alliance with Turkey. The reason for the war was the anti-Turkish uprising in Albania and Macedonia and Turkey's refusal to grant autonomy to Macedonia. Intervention in the conflict of the great powers (Austria-Hungary, Russia and

The Franco-Prussian War and its aftermath profoundly changed the system of international relations in Europe. First, the contradictions between France and Germany not only were not overcome, but, on the contrary, became even more aggravated. Each article of the Frankfurt Peace of 1871 concealed the danger of a new war, giving rise to revanchist sentiments in France and, at the same time, the desire of Germany to get rid of this danger by the final defeat of its western neighbor.

On the other hand, the consequences of the war and the Franco-German contradictions had a rather noticeable impact on the relations of other European states. Intensifying its foreign policy expansion, Bismarck's Germany took into account that in the event of a conflict with any European state, France would certainly take advantage of the opportunity for revenge, and therefore sought to leave her in international isolation. France, weakened after the war, sought to buy time to restore its military potential and was actively looking for allies on the continent.

From 1871 until his resignation (March 17, 1890), the de facto ruler of the German Empire was Chancellor Prince Otto von Bismarck. The Chancellor understood that Germany, with all her strength, was surrounded by terrible dangers from outside, that for her the loss of a big war due to geographical and economic conditions was always more dangerous than for any other power, and that defeat for her could be tantamount to the destruction of great power.

His entire policy was aimed at preserving what was mined, and not at acquiring a new one. Even when he intended to attack France in 1875, this was due to Otto von Bismarck's fear of an undeniable future war. He deliberately tried to discount everything that in any way increased the likelihood of a war between Germany and any great power or coalition of powers. "Nightmare of coalitions" - this is how Otto von Bismarck's state of mind was defined.

After 1871, a new alignment of forces emerged in Europe. During the Franco-German war, the unification of the country of Germany was completed, the German Empire arose, the regime of the Second Empire collapsed in France and the Third Republic arose.

The peace treaty was signed on February 26, 1871 in Versailles. Departed for Germany French provinces Alsace and East Lorraine. In addition, a huge indemnity of 5 billion francs was imposed on France. Then negotiations between Germany and France in Frankfurt am Main led on 10 May to the signing of a final peace.

The Frankfurt Peace Treaty confirmed the annexation of Alsace and East Lorraine to Germany. In addition, Germany additionally annexed the iron ore region west of Thionville, returning to France the insignificant fortress of Belfort. The treaty thus established a new Franco-German frontier. He also determined the procedure for paying the 5 billion indemnity. France assumed the costs of maintaining the German occupation troops, who remained on its territory until the final payment of indemnity.

Russia considered France as a counterbalance to a united Germany, but having deep contradictions with England in Central Asia, in the Near and Middle East, she cherished Germany's benevolent position on the Eastern Question. Austria-Hungary also counted on German support in southeastern Europe. Otto von Bismarck sought to play the role of mediator in resolving disputes between Russia and Austria-Hungary in the Balkans.

Thus, after the Franco-German war, the diplomatic and military-strategic situation changes dramatically: France loses its role as a leader in European affairs, Italy is unified, Russia strengthens its positions, and most importantly, another new state is created - the German Empire, which very quickly begins to strengthen their positions and claim hegemony in Europe.

The foreign policy line of Otto von Bismarck, which most contributed to the formation of the Triple Alliance, is a very interest Ask. Otto von Bismarck himself believed that his main task as an imperial chancellor was to constantly protect the German Empire from danger from outside. Accordingly, he assessed internal political conflicts mainly in relation to the sphere of foreign policy, that is, to a possible threat to the empire from international revolutionary movements. The uprising of the Paris Commune in the spring of 1871, which was perceived throughout Europe as "lightning" social revolutions, helped Otto von Bismarck to convince Europe of the danger coming from France, not for the first time since 1789, and of the need to unite all conservative forces in the face of the coming revolutionary upheavals.

The implementation of the policy according to the logic of Otto von Bismarck is closely linked to the existence of a strategic alliance of Germany, Austria and Russia. Moreover, Otto von Bismarck emphasizes its significance precisely as an alliance based on an objective awareness of each of the participating powers of its need, and not on the thesis of monarchical and dynastic solidarity (on the contrary, in a number of places Otto von Bismarck complains about the too strong dependence of the foreign policy of monarchist countries from the personal will of the emperors and the presence of certain dynastic interests).

After the Russian-Turkish war, England for a time actually became the mistress of the Black Sea straits. She received the island of Cyprus, and her squadron was stationed in the Sea of ​​Marmara. British warships could freely enter the Black Sea and threaten the southern shores of Russia, which did not yet have a fleet there. Despite the contradictions, Russia and Germany were linked by economic interests, the relationship of the Romanovs with the Hohenzollerns, monarchist solidarity and fear of revolution. With the support of Berlin, Petersburg hoped to neutralize Vienna in the Balkans and prevent the British occupation of the Black Sea straits.

Even when the direct "alliance of the three emperors" broke up, Otto von Bismarck made a lot of efforts to ensure Germany's bilateral relations with Austria and Russia. Otto von Bismarck considers wars between these three powers to be contrary to any logic and their own interests. In addition, by maintaining good relations With both Austria and Russia, Germany is able to overcome the danger of isolation on the continent, as well as the no less formidable danger of the "Kaunitz coalition" between Austria, France and Russia. And the fact that in 1879 Otto von Bismarck was inclined to conclude a separate treaty with Austria directed against Russia does not at all mean, according to Otto von Bismarck, that the strategy of "wire to Russia" was abandoned.

On the contrary, it is the alliance with Russia (and not with Austria, the progressive decline, the inconsistency of the internal political structure and the growing social contradictions within which Otto von Bismarck was well aware) that he focuses on in his foreign policy doctrine, and if the anti-Russian agreement was signed, then, as Otto von Bismarck emphasizes, it was primarily due to the aggressively pan-Slavic foreign policy of Russia, which did not correspond to genuine Russian interests, and was emphatically temporary, not durable. Otto von Bismarck repeatedly emphasizes that "between Russia and Prussia-Germany there are no such strong contradictions that they could give rise to a break and war."

But after the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. relations between Russia and Germany deteriorated. Berlin supported Vienna in the European commissions on establishing new borders for the Balkan states, and in connection with the global agrarian crisis began to pursue a protectionist policy. It consisted, in particular, in an almost complete ban on the import of livestock and the establishment of high duties on bread from Russia. Germany also protested against the return of the Russian cavalry to the Baltic provinces after the war with Turkey. The "newspaper war" was added to the "customs war". Throughout 1879, the Slavophiles accused Germany of "black ingratitude" for Russia's benevolent neutrality during the Franco-German war, and Berlin recalled its role in the partial preservation of the Treaty of San Stefano.

In St. Petersburg, the mood in favor of rapprochement with France intensified, but in the late 1870s and early 1880s. there were no conditions for the implementation of this course. Russia, which was on the verge of war with England in Central Asia, was interested in the security of the western borders, and France, which pursued an active colonial policy in Africa and South-East Asia, in turn, did not want complications with London and Berlin.

Otto von Bismarck, in conditions of cool relations with Russia, was preparing the conclusion of the Austro-German alliance, an agreement on which was signed on October 7, 1879 (Appendix 1)

Initially, Otto von Bismarck sought from D. Andrássy such an agreement, which would be directed both against Russia and against France, but failed. According to the treaty, in the event of a Russian attack on one of the parties, the other was obliged to come to her aid, and in the event of an attack by another power, the other side had to observe benevolent neutrality, if Russia did not join the attacker.

Otto von Bismarck, who was familiar with the terms of the treaty, made it clear to Alexander II that Russia should not count on Germany's support in the event of an Austro-Russian conflict. The chancellor insisted on a tripartite alliance of Germany, Russia and Austria-Hungary.

The Austro-German Treaty of 1879 continued to exist independently of the "Union of the Three Emperors". The Austro-German Treaty of 1879 is an event that is called a milestone in the foreign policy of the German Empire. The Austro-German treaty proved to be the most durable of all the treaties and agreements concluded by Otto von Bismarck. He laid the foundation for a "dual alliance" that lasted until the First World War. So, the initial link in the system of imperialist coalitions, strangling each other in the world battle, was created by Otto von Bismarck 35 years before it began.

In 1882, Italy joined him, dissatisfied with the transformation of Tunisia into a French protectorate.

Here the best diplomatic skills of Otto von Bismarck were manifested. Encouraging the French government to seize Tunisia, Otto von Bismarck made a clever diplomatic maneuver. He involved Italy and France in a bitter struggle over this piece of North Africa. Paradoxical as it may sound, but by giving France diplomatic support against Italy, Otto von Bismarck made the Italians his allies. It can be said that he drove the small Italian predator into his political camp. At the time of the capture of Tunisia by the French in Italy, the ministry of B. Cairoli was in power. B. Cairoli was an ardent supporter of the annexation of Trieste and Tretino, which remained under the rule of the Habsburgs.

Shortly before the invasion of French troops in Tunisia, Cairoli publicly assured the alarmed Parliament that France would never commit such a treacherous act, but when this step was nevertheless taken, B. Cairoli resigned. As he left, he announced that the last Francophile ministry in Italy was leaving the stage in his person. The conflict with France prompted Italy to seek rapprochement with the Austro-German bloc. The strong indentation of the coast of Italy made it especially vulnerable to the English fleet, so allies were needed, especially in view of the possible aggravation of relations with England, with the beginning of the African colonial policy by Italy. To make up elsewhere for what she missed in Tunisia, Italy could only rely on a strong military power. Otto von Bismarck dismissively but aptly called the Italians jackals that stalk after larger predators.

In January 1882, the Italian ambassador Beauvais addressed Otto von Bismarck with a wish on behalf of his government to strengthen Italy's ties with Germany and Austria-Hungary. For Germany, Italy was an ally in the past, for Austria an enemy. This circumstance was taken into account by Otto von Bismarck when he formulated his reply to the ambassador. Bismarck expressed doubts about the possibility of formalizing friendly relations between the three countries in the form of a written treaty and rejected the ambassador's request to draft it, but he did not completely reject this idea. Particularly persistently sought an alliance with the Italian king Humbert I and the industrial bourgeoisie of Italy, seeking to protect themselves from French competition, advocated an alliance with Germany, but Otto von Bismarck let them know that "Italy can find the keys to the German doors only in Vienna." russia germany emperor entente

No matter how difficult it was for him, the Italian government decided to make an attempt to get closer to Austria. In January 1881, an Italian secret agent also appeared in Vienna. The addiction to secret agents instead of the usual methods of diplomatic communication was not an accident. It testified to the weakness of Italy; from this weakness stemmed the Italian government's self-doubt and fear of embarrassment if its advances were rejected. In view of this, it sought to act in the least official way possible.

For Austria, rapprochement with the Italians promised the provision of rear in case of war with Russia. Therefore, Vienna, after a series of delays, agreed to an alliance with Italy, no matter how much the Austrian court despised this country. Otto von Bismarck needed Italy to isolate France. All this led to the signing of an alliance treaty between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy (Appendix 2).

The secret treaty between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy was signed on May 20, 1882 and was called the Triple Alliance. Concluded for five years, it was repeatedly extended and lasted until 1915. The parties to the agreement pledged not to take part in any alliances or agreements directed against one of them. Germany and Austria-Hungary pledged to help Italy if she was attacked by France, and Italy pledged to do the same in the event of an unprovoked French attack on Germany. As for Austria-Hungary, it was exempted from rendering assistance to Germany against France, it was assigned the role of a reserve in case Russia entered the war.

In the event of an unprovoked attack on one or two parties to the treaty by two or more great powers, all three states enter the war with them. If England is one of the powers that attacked Italy's partners, then Rome is freed from military assistance to its allies (the coast of Italy was easily vulnerable to the English navy).

In the event of an unprovoked attack on one of the parties to the treaty by one of the great powers not participating in this treaty (except France), the other two parties were obliged to maintain benevolent neutrality in relation to their ally. Thus, the neutrality of Italy was guaranteed in the event of a Russo-Austrian war. Following the signing of the treaty, Germany and Austria-Hungary took note of Italy's declaration that Italy withdrew military assistance to its allies in the event of their war with Great Britain. In 1887, additions were made to the agreement in favor of Italy: she was promised the right to participate in resolving issues relating to the Balkans, Turkish coasts, islands in the Adriatic and Aegean seas. In 1891, a decision was made to support Italy in its claims in North Africa (Cyrenaica, Tripoli, Tunisia).

In the event of a common participation in a war, the powers were obliged not to conclude a separate peace and to keep the treaty secret. The 1882 treaty existed in parallel with the Austro-German alliance of 1879 and the "Union of the Three Emperors" of 1881. Being at the center of the three alliances, Germany was able to exert a huge influence on international relations. Joined the Austro-German bloc and Romania. In 1883, she concluded a secret treaty with Austria-Hungary, according to which Austria-Hungary was obliged to provide assistance to Romania in the event of an attack by Russia. The Romanian ruling elite linked itself with the Triple Alliance, on the one hand, because of the fear of Russia seizing the Black Sea straits, which could lead to Russian dominance over the economic life of Romania, on the other hand, because of the desire to increase the territory of the Romanian state at the expense of Bessarabia, and also Silistria, Shumla and other Bulgarian cities and regions. The formation of the Triple Alliance marked the beginning of the formation of those military coalitions that later clashed in the First World War. The German military clique sought to use the Triple Alliance to carry out its aggressive designs against France. Such an attempt was made at the end of January 1887, when it was decided in Germany to call up 73,000 reservists for training camps. Lorraine was chosen as the place of collection. Inspired articles appeared in the newspapers about France's supposedly intensified preparations for a war with Germany. Crown Prince Friedrich, the future Emperor Frederick III, wrote in his diary on 22 January 1887 that, according to Otto von Bismarck, the war with France was closer than he expected. However, the German chancellor failed to secure Russia's neutrality in the event of a Franco-German conflict. And Otto von Bismarck always considered a war with France without confidence that Russia would not intervene in the conflict to be dangerous and risky for Germany.

The emergence of the Triple Alliance in the center of Europe, the continuing deterioration of Franco-German relations, which reached its greatest tension by 1887, required the French government to quickly find ways to get out of the political isolation that had created for France. For a weakened France, which needed peace and at the same time did not leave the thought of revenge, time was needed to eliminate the consequences of the war of 1870-1871. French politicians they clearly understood that if a new war with Germany broke out (and the danger of new aggression from Germany was quite real), then France needed to have reliable allies, because single combat with the German armed forces would not bring success. And France saw such an ally in the first place in the largest state located in the east of Europe - in Russia, with which France began to seek cooperation the very next day after the signing of the Frankfurt Peace.

At the end of 1870s. the struggle between the great powers and their allies for the final division of spheres of influence in the world is becoming most acute. The main reason for the increase in colonial expansion was the rapid growth caused by the advent of new technologies. industrial production in Western countries, which led to the desire of governments to find new markets for the export of capital, and the sale of finished products. An equally important task was to seize sources of raw materials, the free exploitation of which allowed the industry of these countries to constantly increase production volumes without attracting additional funds.

Having the opportunity to decide economic problems with the help of unlimited exploitation of colonies and dependent countries, the governments of many European powers managed to mitigate internal social contradictions by redistributing the income received. This allowed the most economically developed metropolitan countries of Great Britain, France, the Netherlands and Belgium to subsequently avoid the social upheavals that Russia, Germany, Italy, Austria-Hungary, Spain and Portugal faced. The latter, for a number of reasons, have not been able to economically develop and effectively exploit the markets of their no less extensive territorial possessions. However, most of these states, compensating for economic weakness military force, managed to take an active part in the struggle for the final division of spheres of influence in the world in the late XIX - early XX centuries.

For this reason, despite the difference in expansion methods, all these countries can be classified as colonial empires, because their policy was based on the desire to seize or take control of the largest possible territory, in relation to the population of which the Europeans were obliged to carry out a "civilizing mission" .

Thus, the active trade, economic and military-political penetration of Western states into all regions of Asia and Africa was the final stage in the formation of the world economic system, within which competition continued between the great powers for control over the most profitable both in economic and military terms. strategic territories. By the end of the XIX century. a significant part of the Southern Hemisphere was divided between the great powers and their allies. Only a very few countries managed to maintain formal sovereignty, although they also became completely economically dependent on colonial empires. This happened with Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, China, Korea, Siam, Ethiopia, which, thanks to strong centralized power and a tough government policy towards national minorities, managed to avoid the fate of India, Burma, Vietnam and other feudal states that fell apart and were captured colonizers. The sovereignty of individual countries (Liberia, Uryankhai region) was guaranteed by the great powers (USA, Russia).

Particularly important in this regard are the aggravated contradictions between Germany and Great Britain - by and large the main factor in the international situation.

The alliance between Russia and France was dictated not only by the common military-strategic interests of both powers, the presence of a threat from common enemies. By that time, a solid economic foundation was already in place for the union. Russia since the 70s was in dire need of free capital to invest in industry and railway construction, France, on the contrary, did not find a sufficient number of objects for its own investment and actively exported its capital abroad. Since then, it has gradually grown specific gravity French capital in the Russian economy. For 1869-1887. 17 foreign enterprises were founded in Russia, 9 of them French.

French financiers very productively used the deterioration of Russian-German relations. The economic prerequisites for the union also had a special military-technical aspect. Already in 1888, his brother, who arrived in Paris on an unofficial visit Alexander III Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich managed to place a mutually beneficial order for the manufacture of 500,000 rifles for the Russian army at French military factories.

The cultural prerequisites for an alliance between Russia and France were long-standing and strong. No other country had such a powerful cultural impact on Russia as France. The names of F. Voltaire and J.J. Rousseau, A. Saint-Simon and C. Fourier, V. Hugo and O. Balzac, J. Cuvier and P.S. Laplace, J.L. David and O. Rodin, J. Wiese and C. Gounod were known to every educated Russian. In France, they always knew less about Russian culture than in Russia - about French. But since the 80s. the French, as never before, are joining the Russian cultural values. In the context of the growing rapprochement between Russia and France, champions of an active offensive policy against Germany advocated for an alliance in both countries. In France, as long as she was on the defensive with Germany, an alliance with Russia was not a burning need. Now, when France has recovered from the consequences of the defeat of 1870 and the question of revenge has become the order of the day for French foreign policy, among its leaders (including President S. Carnot and Prime Minister Ch. Freycinet) the course towards an alliance with Russia has sharply prevailed.

In Russia, meanwhile, the landlords and the bourgeoisie were pushing the government towards an alliance with France, offended by the economic sanctions of Germany and therefore advocating a turn in the domestic economy from German to French loans. In addition, wide (politically very different) circles of the Russian public were interested in the Russian-French alliance, which took into account the totality of mutually beneficial prerequisites for this alliance. A "French" party began to take shape in society, in the government, and even at the royal court. Its forerunner was the famous "white general" M.D. Skobelev.

True, the "German" party was also strong at the court and in the government of Russia: Minister of Foreign Affairs N.K. Gire, his closest assistant and future successor V.N. Lamzdorf, Minister of War P.S. Vannovsky, ambassadors in Germany P.A. Saburov and Pavel Shuvalov. In terms of influence on the tsar and the government, as well as in terms of energy, perseverance and "caliber" of the composition, the "German" party was inferior to the "French", but on the other hand, a number of objective factors that prevented the Russian-French rapprochement had an effect in favor of the first.

The first of these was the geographical factor of remoteness. The differences in their state and political system. Therefore, the Russo-French alliance took shape, albeit steadily, but slowly and with difficulty. It was preceded by a series of preliminary steps towards rapprochement between the two countries - mutual steps, but more active on the part of France.

Otto von Bismarck concluded an alliance with Austria in 1879, an alliance with Italy in 1882 (thus creating the Tripartite Alliance), in order to have support in case of war with Russia or France. He encouraged the aggressive policy of France in Africa and Asia in every possible way, firstly, in order to distract the French from the idea of ​​​​revenge - about the reverse conquest of Alsace and Lorraine, and secondly, in order to thereby contribute to the deterioration of France's relations with England and Italy. Finally, he very sparingly and reluctantly went to the creation of German colonies, so that, in turn, he would not get involved in dangerous quarrels with the great maritime power - England. This policy of abstinence and caution required many sacrifices, which irritated the German ruling circles. But Otto von Bismarck, yielding to them, nevertheless tried to yield as little as possible.

Using the idea of ​​monarchical solidarity in maintaining "order" in Europe, in 1873 Otto von Bismarck managed to create an "Union of three emperors" - Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia. The agreement was of a consultative nature, but Germany's role in international relations immediately increased. However, Soyuz was not and could not be stable. Too significant were the contradictions between its participants. And although in 1881 the agreement was renewed, and already in the form of a treaty of neutrality, by the mid-80s. Soyuz has completely exhausted its possibilities.

After the Russian-Turkish war at the Berlin Congress in 1878, Germany did not support Russia's claims in the Balkans. In turn, Russia refused to remain neutral in the event of a war between Germany and France. This three times (in 1875, in 1885 and 1887) kept Otto von Bismarck from a new attack on France. On top of that, after mutual promotion customs duties for the import of goods between Germany and Russia in the late 70s. a real customs war began.

The deterioration of relations with Russia led to the military-political rapprochement between Germany and Austria-Hungary. In 1879, the governments of the two countries entered into a secret alliance treaty, which provided for mutual assistance in the event of a Russian attack on any of these states and benevolent neutrality during a war with any other European country, unless Russia joined it. Defensive in form, the treaty had an aggressive character, since it provided for a real situation in which, in the event of a military conflict between Germany and France, if Russia provided assistance to the latter, Germany would receive Austrian support, and the war would acquire a European scale.

Undoubtedly, Otto von Bismarck was the only outstanding diplomat of the German Empire. He was a representative of the Prussian Junkers and the German bourgeoisie during the struggle for the national unification of Germany, and then for the strengthening of the state he created. He lived and acted in an epoch when imperialism was far from taking shape.

Distinctive feature foreign policy Otto von Bismarck was her aggressive nature. When Otto von Bismarck saw an enemy in front of him, the first move of the chancellor was to find his most vulnerable places in order to hit them as hard as possible. Pressure and blow were for Otto von Bismarck a means not only to defeat the enemy, but also to get friends. To ensure the loyalty of an ally, Otto von Bismarck always kept a stone in his bosom against him. If a suitable stone was not at his disposal, he tried to intimidate his friends with all sorts of imaginary troubles that he supposedly could cause them.

If pressure did not help, or for all his ingenuity, Otto von Bismarck could not find any means of pressure or blackmail, he turned to another of his favorite tricks - bribery, most often at someone else's expense. Gradually, he developed a kind of standard of bribes. He bought the British with assistance in Egyptian financial affairs, the Russians with the provision of assistance or freedom of action in one or another of the Eastern problems, the French with support in the seizure of a wide variety of colonial territories. Otto von Bismarck's arsenal of such "gifts" was quite large.

Otto von Bismarck was less willing to use such a diplomatic device as a compromise. It wasn't his style. Otto von Bismarck was a great realist. He liked, when necessary, to talk about monarchist solidarity. However, this did not prevent him from supporting the republicans in France, and in 1873 in Spain, as opposed to the monarchists, since then he believed that the republican governments in these countries, from the point of view of the German Empire, would be the most convenient

Otto von Bismarck did not give scope to feelings in his politics, but he always tried to be guided solely by calculation. If some feeling sometimes interfered with his logic, then most often it was anger. Anger and hatred were, perhaps, the only emotions that could sometimes divert the chancellor from the path of cold and sober calculation - and then only for a while.

Another trait of Otto von Bismarck's character was exceptional activity. The first chancellor of the German Empire was an energetic, extremely active person who literally did not know peace. Simplicity did not belong to the features of Bismarckian politics, despite the fact that its goal was usually expressed with the utmost clarity. Otto von Bismarck almost always clearly knew what he wanted, and was able to develop an amazing effort of will to achieve his goal. He walked towards her sometimes ahead of her, but more often - complex, sometimes confusing, dark, always varied and restless ways.

Foreign policy riveted the gaze of Otto von Bismarck. One of the reasons that led directly to his resignation was the disagreement between the Chancellor and the Kaiser on the question of their attitude towards Russia.

General Waldersee, who replaced the decrepit General von Moltke as Chief of the German General Staff in 1888, continued to insist on a preventive war against Russia. The young Kaiser leaned towards this point of view. Otto von Bismarck considered the war against Russia disastrous.

Sometimes in Western historiography, Otto von Bismarck is portrayed as almost a friend of Russia. This is not true, he was her enemy, because he saw in her the main obstacle to German superiority in Europe. Otto von Bismarck always tried to harm Russia, trying to draw her into conflicts with England and Turkey, but the chancellor was smart enough to understand what a huge power lurks in the Russian people. Harming Russia in every possible way, Otto von Bismarck tried to do it by proxy.

The lines dedicated by Otto von Bismarck to the problem of the Russian-German war sound like a terrible warning. "This war with the gigantic size of its theater would be full of dangers," said Otto von Bismarck. "The examples of Charles XII and Napoleon prove that the most capable commanders only with difficulty extricate themselves from expeditions to Russia." And Otto von Bismarck believed that a war with Russia would be "a great disaster" for Germany. Even if military fortune smiled on Germany in the fight against Russia, then even then "geographical conditions would make it infinitely difficult to bring this success to the end."

But Otto von Bismarck went further. He not only realized the difficulties of the war with Russia, but also believed that even if, contrary to expectations, Germany managed to achieve complete success in the purely military sense of the word, then even then she would not achieve a real political victory over Russia, because it is impossible to defeat the Russian people. Arguing with supporters of an attack on Russia, Otto von Bismarck wrote in 1888: “This could be argued if such a war really could lead to the fact that Russia would be defeated. But such a result would even after the most brilliant victories lies beyond all probability.Even the most favorable outcome of the war will never lead to the disintegration of the main force of Russia, which is based on millions of Russians proper ... These latter, even if they are divided by international treatises, will just as quickly reunite with each other , like particles of a cut piece of mercury. This indestructible state of the Russian nation is strong in its climate, its spaces and its limited needs ... ". These lines do not at all testify to the chancellor's sympathy for Russia. They talk about something else - Otto von Bismarck was cautious and far-sighted.

Bismarck was to a large extent a kind of personification of the alliance between the bourgeoisie and the Junkers. But as imperialist tendencies matured in the economy and politics of Germany, his policy became more and more the policy of "state capitalism".

Bismarck's policy was aimed at preserving what was mined, and not at acquiring a new one. He intended to attack France, this was due to Otto von Bismarck's fear of an undeniable future war. He deliberately tried to discount everything that in any way increased the likelihood of a war between Germany and any great power or coalition of powers.

Over time, using the Italo-French colonial rivalry, Otto von Bismarck managed to attract Italy to the coalition. In 1882, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy concluded a secret allied treaty of mutual assistance in case of war with France and a common action in the event of an attack on one of the participants in two or more European countries. This is how the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy arose, which marked the beginning of the split of Europe into warring military groups.

Deftly playing on the differences of European states, the Triple Alliance soon managed to win over Romania and Spain. However, all attempts by Otto von Bismarck and his successors to achieve participation in the union of England proved fruitless. Despite the sharp colonial contradictions with France and Russia, England, as before, did not want to bind itself to an agreement with any European state, remaining true to the policy of "brilliant isolation".

However, the likely accession of England to the German-Austrian bloc accelerated the military-political rapprochement between France and Russia. In 1891, the Franco-Russian alliance was formalized by a consultative pact, and in 1892, representatives of the general staffs of both countries signed a secret military convention on joint actions in the event of war with Germany. The Convention, which was to remain in force for the duration of the Triple Alliance, was ratified in late 1893 and early 1894.

90s 19th century characterized by a sharp intensification of Germany's foreign policy and a change in its direction. The rapid development of industry, which had outgrown the possibilities of the domestic market, forced the ruling circles of the country to support German trade expansion in Europe, to look for "new independent territories" for the sale of goods. Having embarked on the path of colonial conquests later than other countries, Germany was significantly inferior to them in terms of the size of the occupied territories. The German colonies were twelve times smaller than the English ones, and in addition, they were poor in raw materials. The imperial leadership was acutely aware of this "injustice" and, activating the colonial policy, for the first time raised the question of redistributing the world already divided by European countries.

Germany's transition to "world politics was embodied in its claims to dominance in Europe, the desire to gain a foothold in the Near, Middle and Far East, the desire to redistribute spheres of influence in Africa. "The Middle East became the main direction of German expansion. In 1899, the Kaiser obtained from the Turkish Sultan consent to the construction of a transcontinental railway that was supposed to connect Berlin and Baghdad, after which German capital began to actively penetrate into Balkans, Anatolia and Mesopotamia.

The advance of the Germans to the east and the undisguised territorial claims of Germany led to a sharp aggravation of its relations with the largest colonial state in the world - England. By the beginning of the XX century. Anglo-German contradictions become central to the system of international relations. The economic, political and colonial rivalry between the two countries was supplemented by a naval arms race. Having deployed in 1898 the construction of a powerful navy, Germany challenged the "mistress of the seas", threatening her intermediary trade and ties with the colonies.

For a long time, confident in the invulnerability of the island position of England and in the advantage of her navy, British diplomats considered it the best foreign policy not to tie their hands with alliances with other states, to encourage conflicts between them and to benefit from these conflicts for England. To maintain the "European balance" Great Britain usually opposed the strongest continental state, not allowing it to take a dominant position in Europe.

However, deterioration international position countries at the beginning of the 20th century. forced the British government to change its foreign policy. The sharp increase in the military and naval power of Germany, its undisguised territorial claims created a real threat to the existence of the British Empire. The policy of isolation was becoming dangerous, and British diplomacy began to look for allies on the Continent in a future clash with Germany.

In 1904, after the settlement of mutual colonial claims in Africa, England concluded a military-political agreement with France, which was called the Entente ("cordial consent"). In 1907, the Entente became tripartite: having signed a convention with England on the division of spheres of influence in Iran, Afghanistan and Tibet, Russia also joined it. Thus, as a result of the agreements of 1904-1907. the military-political bloc of three states, which opposed the countries of the Triple Alliance, finally took shape.

The formation of the Entente in 1904 was a serious warning to Germany in its expansionist plans. On the eve of the inevitable clash with England, the Franco-Russian alliance of 1891-1893 also became much more dangerous for her. Therefore, the Kaiser and German diplomacy repeatedly made attempts to break the hostile encirclement, inspiring the aggravation of Anglo-Russian differences and inciting distrust of the Russian ruling circles towards France.

After France had established "cordial agreement" with England, all that remained was to close the ends: to convince England and Russia of the need for rapprochement. It was not an easy task.

Anglo-Russian relations after the Crimean War were very tense. Despite the defeat of Russia in this war, Great Britain continued to be disturbed by its activity in the zones of British interests. The British were also worried about the prospect of the Russians taking possession of the Black Sea straits. After all, it was from the Mediterranean that the shortest route to India began - the Suez Canal. The defeat of Russia in Russian - Japanese war and the revolution of 1905-1907. finally convinced England that it was not Russia that now posed a danger to British interests. England, like France, needed a military alliance against Germany more than Russia. Therefore, the old Russian-English differences in the face of general German aggression were settled. In 1907 England and Russia managed to agree on the division of spheres of influence in Iran, Afghanistan and Tibet. So in 1907. Russia joined the Entente.

The results of the development of international relations from 1871 to 1893 can be summarized in the words of Engels: "The major military powers of the continent were divided into two large camps threatening each other: Russia and France on the one hand, Germany and Austria on the other." England remained for the time being outside these two blocs; she continued to base her policy on their contradictions. However, until the mid-90s. its diplomacy gravitated rather towards the German grouping, although objectively Anglo-German antagonism had been growing for quite a long time.

Therefore, in his work, V.P. Potemkin - "The History of Diplomacy" put it this way: "If the imperialist struggle for colonies and spheres of influence is overlooked as a factor in the impending world war, if the imperialist contradictions between England and Germany are also overlooked, if the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine by Germany, as a factor of war , is relegated to the background before the desire of Russian tsarism for Constantinople, as a more important and even determining factor in the war, if, finally, Russian tsarism represents the last stronghold of pan-European reaction, is it not clear that a war, say, between bourgeois Germany and tsarist Russia is not an imperialist, not a predatory, not an anti-people war, but a liberation war, or almost a liberation war?

After Russo-Japanese War In 1904-1905, using the family connections of the Romanovs and the Hohenzollerns, Wilhelm II increased pressure on Nicholas II, arguing in correspondence that the neutrality of France during the war bordered on treason, and that the Anglo-French agreement of 1904 was directed against Russia. During a personal meeting in Björk (Finland) in 1905, he managed to convince the Russian emperor to conclude a secret mutual assistance treaty with Germany, however, this diplomatic success remained inconclusive. Under pressure from the highest dignitaries of the empire, Nicholas II was soon forced to cancel this agreement. Just as futile was the attempt by German diplomacy to tear Russia away from her allies in the Entente during the Potsdam meeting of the two emperors in 1910.

Stirring up disagreements between European states, Germany sought, among other things, to ensure unhindered penetration into the Middle East. At the same time, she tried to establish herself in North Africa, claiming a part of Morocco that had not yet been captured by Europeans. Nevertheless, on the European "colonial exchange" Morocco has long been recognized as a sphere of French interests, and the intervention of William II in Moroccan affairs in 1905 caused a sharp aggravation of international relations. The Moroccan crisis almost led to the start of a European war, but the conflict was overcome through diplomacy. Convened in Algeciras (Spain) in 1906, an international conference, contrary to the expectations of the Germans, recognized the priority rights to Morocco for France.

In 1911, taking advantage of the unrest in the Fez region, France, under the pretext of "appeasement", sent its troops to the Moroccan capital. This caused an unexpected demarche of Germany. "After a noisy campaign raised in the press demanding the partition of Morocco, the German government sent the Panther gunboat, and then a light cruiser, to its shores, provoking a second Moroccan crisis." The French government took the "Panther jump" as a challenge and was ready to defend its colonial "rights". However, the war that threatened to take on European proportions did not start this time either. The resolute statement of the British government about the readiness to fight on the side of France forced Germany to retreat and recognize the French protectorate over most of Morocco.

The Bosnian crisis of 1908 also led to an acute international conflict. Under the terms of the Berlin Treaty of 1878, Bosnia and Herzegovina were occupied by Austria-Hungary, but formally remained part of the Ottoman Empire. After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, the Austrian government came to the conclusion that the moment had come for the final annexation of these two Slavic provinces. At the same time, Russia's consent was secured by a promise to support its demands regarding the opening of the Black Sea straits for Russian warships. But this promise was never fulfilled, since Russia's claims were not supported by either England or France. At the same time, the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina strengthened the Austrian position in the Balkans and inflicted swipe on the national liberation movement of the southern Slavs.

The annexation provoked a sharp protest from Serbia, which publicly declared that the rights of Slavic peoples and demanded from Austria-Hungary the granting of political autonomy to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Russia supported it, proposing to convene an international conference to resolve the Bosnian problem. Nevertheless, Russia's allies in the Entente took a neutral position, and the German government frankly invited Russia to confirm the annexation and force Serbia to do so. Having received an ultimatum warning from Berlin that in case of refusal, Germany would support Austria-Hungary in an attack on Serbia, and left alone, Russia was forced to yield.

Italy also took advantage of the weakening of the once powerful Ottoman Empire, which had long encroached on its possessions in North Africa. Enlisting the support of large European states, in 1911 she began military operations against Turkey and captured two of its provinces - Tripolitania and Cyrenaica. Political isolation and the beginning of a new crisis in the Balkans forced the Turkish government to make concessions, and under the Lausanne Peace Treaty, Turkey renounced the rights to Cyrenaica and Tripolitania, which became part of the Italian possessions in North Africa under the name of Libya. Under the treaty, Italy undertook to return the occupied Dodecanese Islands to Turkey, but never fulfilled the promise.

The aggravation of international relations at the beginning of the 20th century, the confrontation between the two warring military-political blocs - the Triple Alliance and the Entente was accompanied by an unprecedented arms race. The parliaments of European countries, one after another, pass laws on additional appropriations for the rearmament and increase in the size of armies, the development of fleets, and the creation of military aviation. So, in France in 1913, a law was adopted on a three-year military service, which increased the size of the French army in peacetime to 160 thousand people. In Germany, during the five pre-war years (1909-1914), military spending increased by 33% and accounted for half of the entire state budget. In 1913, its army numbered 666 thousand people.

Table 1

The degree of militarization of European countries in the 80s. XIX - early XX century

Long before the start of the war, the British government began to heavily arm the country. During the ten years before the war, Britain's military spending tripled. Created in 1910, the Imperial Defense Committee developed a strategic plan on an imperial scale. Along with the strengthening of the fleet in England, an army was created, ready, if necessary, for battles on the continent.

The burdensome naval arms race prompted British diplomacy to make one last attempt to reach a compromise with Germany.

To this end, in 1912, Minister of War Lord Holden was sent to Berlin, who proposed that the German government stop the competition in the construction of battleships in exchange for colonial concessions in Africa.

But the desire of England to maintain its naval superiority at all costs doomed Holden's mission to failure. Germany was not going to concede in anything to the "mistress of the seas", and by the beginning of 1914 she already had 232 new warships at her disposal.

Formation of the Triple Alliance and the Entente.

Since the system of collective security ceased to exist, each country began to look for an ally. France was the first to start this search. After the Franco-Prussian war, on its eastern border there were now not several dozen German monarchies independent of each other, but a single empire, surpassing France in population and economic power. In addition, France was forced to transfer its territories to the enemy: the province of Alsace and a third of the province of Lorraine. This gave Germany a strategic advantage: in her hands was the exit to the plain of Northern France. From that moment, realizing the impossibility of a one-on-one fight, France itself begins an active search for allies to balance the power of the new Germany.

German Chancellor Bismarck, who did more than anyone to unify the country, main goal saw his diplomacy in preventing the alliance of France with other great powers. He understood how vulnerable the position of the German Empire, which, unlike France, was surrounded on three sides by great powers: Austria-Hungary, Russia and France itself. An alliance of the latter with either of the remaining two exposed Germany to the prospect of a war on two fronts, which Bismarck considered a direct road to defeat.

Triple Alliance

The way out of this situation was found on the ways of rapprochement with Austria-Hungary. The latter, in turn, entering into an increasingly sharp rivalry with Russia in the Balkans, needed an ally.

Consolidating this rapprochement, Germany and Austria-Hungary signed an agreement in 1879, under which they pledged to support each other in the event of an attack on them. Russian Empire. Italy joined the alliance of these states, which was looking for support in the conflict with France over control of North Africa.

The Triple Alliance was formed in 1882. Germany and Italy assumed obligations of mutual assistance in the event of an attack by France, and Italy, in addition, promised neutrality to Austria-Hungary in the event of a conflict with Russia. Bismarck also hoped that Russia would refrain from conflict with Germany due to close economic, dynastic and traditional political ties with her and the unwillingness of the Russian emperor to ally with republican, democratic France.

In 1904, they settled all mutual claims that arose in connection with colonial division peace, and established "cordial agreement" among themselves. In French, it sounds "entente cordial", hence the Russian name for this union is the Entente. Russia signed a military convention with France back in 1893. In 1907, she settled all her differences with England and actually joined the Entente.

Features of new alliances

So there were unexpected and strange alliances. France and England have been enemies since the Hundred Years War, Russia and France since the Revolution of 1789. In the Entente, the two most democratic states of Europe - England and France - united with autocratic Russia.

Russia's two traditional allies - Austria and Germany - found themselves in the camp of its enemies. The union of Italy with its yesterday's oppressor and the main enemy of the unification, Austria-Hungary, also looked strange, on the territory of which, moreover, the Italian population remained. The Austrian Habsburgs and the Prussian Hohenzollerns, who had been vying for control of Germany for centuries, found themselves in the same coalition, and blood relatives, cousins, Wilhelm II, on the one hand, Nicholas II and King Edward VII of Great Britain, his wife, - in opposing alliances.

Thus, at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, two opposing coalitions formed in Europe - the Triple Alliance and the Entente. The rivalry between them was accompanied by an arms race.

Coalition building in itself was not unusual in European politics. Recall, for example, that the largest wars of the 18th century - the Northern and the Seven Years - were fought by coalitions, as were the wars against Napoleonic France in the 19th century.

Entente (from the French Entente, Entente cordiale - cordial agreement) - the union of Great Britain, France and Russia (Triple agreement), took shape in 1904-1907 and united during the First World War (1914-1918) against the coalition of the Central Powers more than 20 states including USA, Japan, Italy.

The creation of the Entente was preceded by the conclusion in 1891-1893 of the Russian-French alliance in response to the creation of the Triple Alliance (1882) led by Germany.

The formation of the Entente is associated with the delimitation of the great powers at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century, caused by a new balance of power in the international arena and the aggravation of contradictions between Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy on the one hand, France, Great Britain and Russia, on the other.
The sharp aggravation of the Anglo-German rivalry, caused by the colonial and commercial expansion of Germany in Africa, the Middle East and other areas, the naval arms race, prompted Great Britain to seek an alliance with France, and then with Russia.

In 1904, a British-French agreement was signed, followed by a Russo-British agreement (1907). These treaties actually formalized the creation of the Entente.

Russia and France were allies bound by mutual military obligations, determined by the military convention of 1892 and subsequent decisions of the general staffs of both states. The British Government, despite contacts between the British and French General Staffs and the Naval Command established in 1906 and 1912, made no definite military commitments. The formation of the Entente softened the differences between its members, but did not eliminate them. These disagreements were revealed more than once, which Germany used in an attempt to tear Russia away from the Entente. However, the strategic calculations and aggressive plans of Germany doomed these attempts to failure.

In turn, the Entente countries, preparing for war with Germany, took steps to separate Italy and Austria-Hungary from the Triple Alliance. Although Italy formally remained part of the Triple Alliance until the outbreak of the First World War, the ties of the Entente countries with it grew stronger, and in May 1915 Italy went over to the side of the Entente.

After the outbreak of the First World War, in September 1914 in London between Great Britain, France and Russia an agreement was signed on the non-conclusion of a separate peace, replacing the allied military treaty. In October 1915, Japan joined this agreement, which in August 1914 declared war on Germany.

During the war, new states gradually joined the Entente. By the end of the war, the states of the anti-German coalition (not counting Russia, which left the war after the October Revolution of 1917) included Great Britain, France, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Haiti, Guatemala, Honduras, Greece, Italy, China, Cuba, Liberia, Nicaragua , Panama, Peru, Portugal, Romania, San Domingo, San Marino, Serbia, Siam, USA, Uruguay, Montenegro, Hijaz, Ecuador, Japan.

The main participants in the Entente - Great Britain, France and Russia, from the first days of the war entered into secret negotiations about the goals of the war. The British-French-Russian agreement (1915) provided for the passage of the Black Sea straits to Russia, the London Treaty (1915) between the Entente and Italy determined the territorial acquisitions of Italy at the expense of Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Albania. The Sykes-Picot Treaty (1916) divided Turkey's Asian possessions between Britain, France and Russia.

During the first three years of the war, Russia pulled back significant enemy forces, quickly coming to the aid of the Allies as soon as Germany launched serious offensives in the West.

After the October Revolution of 1917, Russia's withdrawal from the war did not disrupt the victory of the Entente over the German bloc, for Russia fully fulfilled its allied obligations, unlike England and France, who more than once broke their promises of assistance. Russia gave England and France the opportunity to mobilize all their resources. The struggle of the Russian army allowed the United States to expand its production capacity, create an army and replace Russia that had withdrawn from the war - the United States officially declared war on Germany in April 1917.

After the October Revolution of 1917, the Entente organized an armed intervention against Soviet Russia - on December 23, 1917, Great Britain and France signed a corresponding agreement. In March 1918, the Entente intervention began, but the campaigns against Soviet Russia ended in failure. The goals that the Entente set for itself were achieved after the defeat of Germany in the First World War, but the strategic alliance between the leading countries of the Entente, Great Britain and France, was preserved in subsequent decades.

The general political and military leadership of the bloc's activities in various periods was carried out by: the Inter-Allied Conferences (1915, 1916, 1917, 1918), the Supreme Council of the Entente, the Inter-Allied (Executive) Military Committee, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Forces, the main headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, the commanders-in-chief and headquarters on separate theaters of war. Such forms of cooperation were used as bilateral and multilateral meetings and consultations, contacts between commanders in chief and general staffs through representatives of the allied armies and military missions. However, the difference in military-political interests and goals, military doctrines, the incorrect assessment of the forces and means of the opposing coalitions, their military capabilities, the remoteness of the theaters of military operations, the approach to the war as a short-term campaign did not allow the creation of a unified and permanent military-political leadership of the coalition in the war.

The material was prepared on the basis of information from RIA Novosti and open sources