Romanovs death of the family of Nicholas 2. In the name of the revolution

The commandant of the House of Special Purpose, Yakov Yurovsky, was entrusted with the execution of the members of the family of the former emperor. It was from his manuscripts that they later managed to restore the terrible picture that unfolded that night in the Ipatiev House.

According to the documents, the execution order was delivered to the place of execution at half past one in the night. Forty minutes later, the entire Romanov family and their servants were brought to the basement. “The room was very small. Nikolai stood with his back to me, - he recalled. —

I announced that the Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies of the Urals had decided to shoot them. Nicholas turned and asked. I repeated the order and commanded: "Shoot." I shot first and killed Nikolai on the spot.

The emperor was killed the first time - unlike his daughters. Commander of the execution royal family later wrote that the girls were literally “booked in bras made of a solid mass of large diamonds,” so the bullets bounced off them without causing harm. Even with the help of a bayonet, it was not possible to break through the “precious” bodice of the girls.

Photo report: 100 years since the execution of the royal family

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“For a long time I could not stop this shooting, which had taken on a careless character. But when I finally managed to stop, I saw that many were still alive. ... I was forced to shoot everyone in turn, ”wrote Yurovsky.

That night, even the royal dogs could not survive - together with the Romanovs, two of the three pets belonging to the emperor's children were killed in the Ipatiev House. The corpse of Grand Duchess Anastasia's spaniel, preserved in the cold, was found a year later at the bottom of a mine in Ganina Yama - the dog's paw was broken and its head was pierced.

The French bulldog Ortino, who belonged to Grand Duchess Tatiana, was also brutally killed - presumably hanged.

Miraculously, only Tsarevich Alexei's spaniel named Joy was saved, who was then sent to recover from what he had experienced in England to the cousin of Nicholas II - King George.

The place "where the people put an end to the monarchy"

After the execution, all the bodies were loaded into one truck and sent to the abandoned mines of Ganina Yama in the Sverdlovsk region. There, at first, they tried to burn them, but the fire would have been huge for everyone, so it was decided to simply dump the bodies into the shaft of the mine and throw them with branches.

However, it was not possible to hide what had happened - the very next day, rumors spread around the region about what had happened at night. As one of the members of the firing squad, forced to return to the place of the failed burial, later admitted, the icy water washed away all the blood and froze the bodies of the dead so that they looked like they were alive.

The Bolsheviks tried to approach the organization of the second burial attempt with great attention: the area was first cordoned off, the bodies were again loaded onto a truck, which was supposed to transport them to a more secure place. However, even here they were in for a failure: after a few meters of the way, the truck was firmly stuck in the swamps of the Porosenkov Log.

Plans had to be changed on the fly. Some of the bodies were buried right under the road, the rest were filled with sulfuric acid and buried a little further away, covered with sleepers from above. These cover-up measures proved to be more effective. After Yekaterinburg was occupied by Kolchak's army, he immediately gave the order to find the bodies of the dead.

However, the forensic investigator Nikolai y, who arrived at Porosenkov log, managed to find only fragments of burnt clothes and a cut off female finger. “This is all that remains of the August Family,” Sokolov wrote in his report.

There is a version that the poet Vladimir Mayakovsky was one of the first to know about the place where, in his words, "the people put an end to the monarchy." It is known that in 1928 he visited Sverdlovsk, having previously met with Pyotr Voikov, one of the organizers of the execution of the royal family, who could tell him secret information.

After this trip, Mayakovsky wrote the poem "Emperor", which contains lines with a fairly accurate description of the "Romanovs' grave": "Here the cedar was touched with an ax, notches under the root of the bark, at the root under the cedar there is a road, and the emperor is buried in it."

Confession of execution

At first, the new Russian authorities tried with all their might to assure the West of their humanity in relation to the royal family: they are all alive and in a secret place in order to prevent the implementation of the White Guard conspiracy. Many high-ranking politicians of the young state tried to avoid answering or answered very vaguely.

So, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs at the Genoa Conference of 1922 told reporters: “The fate of the daughters of the king is not known to me. I read in the papers that they were in America."

Pyotr Voikov, answering this question in a more informal setting, cut off all further inquiries with the phrase: "The world will never know what we did to the royal family."

Only after the publication of the investigation materials of Nikolai Sokolov, which gave a vague idea of ​​the massacre of the imperial family, did the Bolsheviks have to admit at least the very fact of the execution. However, the details and information about the burial still remained a mystery, shrouded in darkness. basement Ipatiev house.

Occult version

It is not surprising that a lot of falsifications and myths appeared regarding the execution of the Romanovs. The most popular of them was a rumor about a ritual murder and about the severed head of Nicholas II, which was allegedly taken away for storage by the NKVD. This, in particular, is evidenced by the testimony of General Maurice Janin, who oversaw the investigation of the execution from the Entente.

Supporters of the ritual nature of the murder of the imperial family have several arguments. First of all, attention is drawn to the symbolic name of the house in which everything happened: in March 1613, who laid the foundation for the dynasty, he ascended the kingdom in the Ipatiev Monastery near Kostroma. And after 305 years, in 1918, the last Russian Tsar Nikolai Romanov was shot in the Ipatiev House in the Urals, requisitioned by the Bolsheviks specifically for this.

Later, engineer Ipatiev explained that he bought the house six months before the events unfolding in it. There is an opinion that this purchase was made on purpose to give symbolism to the gloomy murder, since Ipatiev communicated quite closely with one of the organizers of the execution, Pyotr Voikov.

Investigating the murder of the royal family on behalf of Kolchak, Lieutenant General Mikhail Diterikhs concluded in his conclusion: “It was a systematic, premeditated and prepared extermination of the members of the Romanov House and those who were exceptionally close to them in spirit and beliefs.

The direct line of the Romanov Dynasty ended: it began in the Ipatiev Monastery in the Kostroma province and ended in the Ipatiev House in the city of Yekaterinburg.

Conspiracy theorists also drew attention to the connection between the murder of Nicholas II and the Chaldean ruler of Babylon, King Belshazzar. So, some time after the execution in the Ipatiev House, lines from Heine's ballad dedicated to Belshazzar were discovered: "Belzatsar was killed that night by his servants." Now a piece of wallpaper with this inscription is stored in the State Archives of the Russian Federation.

According to the Bible, Belshazzar, like him, was the last king of his kind. During one of the celebrations in his castle, mysterious words appeared on the wall, predicting his imminent death. That same night, the biblical king was killed.

Prosecutorial and ecclesiastical investigation

The remains of the royal family were officially found only in 1991 - then nine bodies were discovered buried in the Piglet Meadow. Nine years later, the missing two bodies were discovered - severely burned and mutilated remains, presumably belonging to Tsarevich Alexei and Grand Duchess Maria.

Together with specialized centers in the UK and the USA, she conducted many examinations, including molecular genetics. With its help, DNA isolated from the found remains and samples of Nicholas II's brother Georgy Alexandrovich, as well as his nephew, the son of Olga's sister Tikhon Nikolaevich Kulikovsky-Romanov, were deciphered and compared.

The examination also compared the results with the blood on the king's shirt, stored in. All researchers agreed that the found remains really belong to the Romanov family, as well as their servants.

However, the Russian Orthodox Church still refuses to recognize the remains found near Yekaterinburg as authentic. According to officials, this was due to the fact that the church was not initially involved in the investigation. In this regard, the patriarch did not even come to the official burial of the remains of the royal family, which took place in 1998 in the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg.

After 2015, the study of the remains (which had to be exhumed for this) continues with the participation of a commission formed by the patriarchate. According to the latest conclusions of experts, published on July 16, 2018, complex molecular genetic examinations “confirmed that the discovered remains belong to the former Emperor Nicholas II, members of his family and people from their entourage.”

The lawyer of the imperial house, German Lukyanov, said that the church commission would take into account the results of the examination, but the final decision would be announced at the Bishops' Council.

The canonization of the martyrs

Despite the unceasing disputes over the remains, back in 1981 the Romanovs were canonized as martyrs of the Russian Orthodox Church abroad. In Russia, this happened only eight years later, since from 1918 to 1989 the tradition of canonization was interrupted. In 2000, the murdered members of the royal family were given a special church rank - passion-bearers.

As the scientific secretary of the St. Philaret Orthodox Christian Institute, church historian Yulia Balakshina told Gazeta.Ru, the martyrs are a special rite of holiness, which some call the discovery of the Russian Orthodox Church.

“The first Russian saints were also canonized precisely as passion-bearers, that is, people who humbly, imitating Christ, accepted their death. Boris and Gleb - from the hands of their brother, and Nicholas II and his family - from the hands of the revolutionaries, ”Balakshina explained.

According to the church historian, it was very difficult to rank the Romanovs among the saints in fact of life - the family of rulers was not distinguished by pious and virtuous deeds.

It took six years to complete all the documents. “In fact, there are no terms for canonization in the Russian Orthodox Church. Nevertheless, disputes about the timeliness and necessity of the canonization of Nicholas II and his family are ongoing to this day. The main argument of the opponents is that by transferring the innocently murdered Romanovs to the level of celestials, the Russian Orthodox Church deprived them of elementary human compassion, ”said the church historian.

There were also attempts to canonize the rulers in the West, Balakshina added: “At one time, a brother and direct heir Scottish Queen Mary Stuart, arguing that at the hour of her death she demonstrated great generosity and commitment to the faith. But she is still not ready to positively resolve this issue, referring to the facts from the life of the ruler, according to which she was involved in the murder and accused of adultery.

Interview with Vladimir Sychev on the Romanov case

In June 1987 I was in Venice with the French press accompanying François Mitterrand to the G7 summit. During the breaks between pools, an Italian journalist approached me and asked me something in French. Realizing from my accent that I was not French, he looked at my French accreditation and asked where I was from. - Russian, - I answered. - That's how? - my interlocutor was surprised. Under his arm, he held an Italian newspaper, from where he translated a huge, half-page article.

Sister Pascalina dies in a private clinic in Switzerland. She was known throughout the Catholic world, because. passed with the future Pope Pius XXII from 1917, when he was still Cardinal Pacelli in Munich (Bavaria), until his death in the Vatican in 1958. She had such a strong influence on him that he entrusted the entire administration of the Vatican to her, and when the cardinals asked for an audience with the Pope, she decided who was worthy of such an audience and who was not. This is a short retelling of a large article, the meaning of which was that the phrase uttered at the end and not a mere mortal, we had to believe. Sister Pascalina asked to invite a lawyer and witnesses, as she did not want to take her to the grave the secret of your life. When they arrived, she only said that the woman buried in the village Morcote, near Lake Maggiore - indeed daughter of the Russian Tsar - Olga!!

I convinced my Italian colleague that this was a gift from Fate and that it was useless to resist it. Having learned that he was from Milan, I told him that I would not fly back to Paris on the presidential press plane, but we would go to this village for half a day. We went there after the summit. It turned out that this was no longer Italy, but Switzerland, but we quickly found a village, a cemetery and a cemetery watchman who led us to the grave. On the gravestone is a photograph of an elderly woman and an inscription in German: Olga Nikolaevna(without a surname), the eldest daughter of Nikolai Romanov, Tsar of Russia, and dates of life - 1985-1976 !!!

The Italian journalist was an excellent translator for me, but he clearly did not want to stay there for the whole day. I had to ask questions.

When did she move in here? - In 1948.

She said that she is the daughter of the Russian Tsar? - Of course, and the whole village knew about it.

Did it get into the press? - Yes.

How did the other Romanovs react to this? Did they sue? - Served.

And did she lose? - Yes, I lost.

In this case, she had to pay the opposing party's legal costs. - She paid.

She worked? - Not.

Where does she get the money from? - Yes, the whole village knew that the Vatican contained it !!

The ring is closed. I went to Paris and began to look for what is known on this issue ... And quickly came across a book by two English journalists.

Tom Mangold and Anthony Summers published a book in 1979 "Dossier on the king"(“The Case of the Romanovs, or the execution that never happened”). They began with the fact that if the secrecy stamp is removed from state archives after 60 years, then in 1978 60 years from the date of the signing of the Treaty of Versailles expire, and you can “dig up” something there by looking into the declassified archives. That is, at first there was an idea just to look ... And they very quickly got on telegrams English ambassador to his Foreign Office that the royal family was taken from Yekaterinburg to Perm. There is no need to explain to professionals from the BBC that this is a sensation. They rushed to Berlin.

It quickly became clear that the Whites, having entered Yekaterinburg on July 25, immediately appointed an investigator to investigate the execution of the royal family. Nikolai Sokolov, whose book everyone still refers to, is the third investigator who received the case only at the end of February 1919! Then a simple question arises: who were the first two and what did they report to the authorities? So, the first investigator named Nametkin, appointed by Kolchak, having worked for three months and declaring that he is a professional, is a simple matter, and he does not need additional time (and the Whites were advancing and had no doubts about their victory at that time - i.e. all the time is yours, don’t rush, work!), puts a report on the table that there was no shooting, but there was a staged execution. Kolchak this report - under the cloth and appoints a second investigator by the name of Sergeev. He also works for three months and at the end of February gives Kolchak the same report with the same words (“I am a professional, it’s a simple matter, no extra time is needed,” there was no shooting- there was a staged execution).

Here it is necessary to explain and remind that it was the Whites who overthrew the tsar, and not the Reds, and they sent him into exile in Siberia! Lenin in these February days was in Zurich. Whatever ordinary soldiers say, the white elite are not monarchists, but republicans. And Kolchak did not need a living tsar. I advise those who have doubts to read Trotsky's diaries, where he writes that "if the whites put up any tsar - even a peasant one - we would not have lasted even two weeks"! These are the words of the Supreme Commander of the Red Army and the ideologist of the Red Terror!! Please believe.

Therefore, Kolchak already puts "his" investigator Nikolai Sokolov and gives him a task. And Nikolai Sokolov also works for only three months - but for a different reason. The Reds entered Yekaterinburg in May, and he retreated along with the Whites. He took the archives, but what did he write?

1. He did not find the bodies, and for the police of any country in any system "no bodies - no murder" - this is a disappearance! After all, when arresting serial killers, the police demand to show where the corpses are hidden !! You can say whatever you want, even at yourself, and the investigator needs material evidence!

And Nikolai Sokolov "hangs the first noodles on his ears": “thrown into a mine, filled with acid”. Now they prefer to forget this phrase, but we heard it until 1998! And for some reason no one ever doubted. Is it possible to flood the mine with acid? But acid is not enough! In the local history museum of Yekaterinburg, where the director Avdonin (the same, one of the three who "accidentally" found bones on the Starokotlyakovskaya road, cleared to them by three investigators in 1918-19), hangs a certificate about those soldiers on the truck that they had 78 liters of gasoline (not acid). In July, in the Siberian taiga, having 78 liters of gasoline, you can burn the entire Moscow zoo! No, they went back and forth, first they threw it into the mine, poured it with acid, and then they took it out and hid it under the sleepers ...

By the way, on the night of the "execution" from July 16 to July 17, 1918, a huge train with the entire local Red Army, the local Central Committee and the local Cheka left Yekaterinburg for Perm. The Whites entered on the eighth day, and Yurovsky, Beloborodov and his comrades shifted the responsibility to two soldiers? The inconsistency, - tea, they did not deal with a peasant revolt. And if they shot at their own discretion, they could have done it a month earlier.

2. The second "noodle" of Nikolai Sokolov - he describes the basement of the Ipatievsky house, publishes photographs where it is clear that bullets are in the walls and in the ceiling (apparently, they do this when staging an execution). Conclusion - women's corsets were stuffed with diamonds, and the bullets ricocheted! So, like this: the king from the throne and into exile in Siberia. Money in England and Switzerland, and they sew diamonds into corsets to sell to peasants in the market? Well well!

3. In the same book by Nikolai Sokolov, the same basement in the same Ipatiev house is described, where in the fireplace lies clothes from each member of the imperial family and hair from each head. Were they sheared and changed (undressed??) before being shot? Not at all - they were taken out by the same train on that same "night of execution", but they cut their hair and changed clothes so that no one would recognize them there.

Tom Magold and Anthony Summers intuitively realized that the clue to this intriguing detective story must be sought in Brest Peace Treaty. And they began to look for the original text. And what?? With all the removal of secrets after 60 years of such an official document nowhere! It is not in the declassified archives of London or Berlin. They searched everywhere - and everywhere they found only quotes, but nowhere could they find the full text! And they came to the conclusion that the Kaiser demanded the extradition of women from Lenin. The tsar's wife is a relative of the Kaiser, the daughters are German citizens and did not have the right to the throne, and besides, the Kaiser at that moment could crush Lenin like a bug! And here are Lenin's words that "the world is humiliating and obscene, but it must be signed", and the July coup attempt of the Socialist-Revolutionaries with Dzerzhinsky, who joined them at the Bolshoi Theater, take on a completely different look.

Officially, we were taught that the Trotsky treaty was signed only on the second attempt and only after the start of the offensive of the German army, when it became clear to everyone that the Republic of Soviets could not resist. If there is simply no army, what is “humiliating and obscene” here? Nothing. But if it is necessary to hand over all the women of the royal family, and even to the Germans, and even during the First World War, then ideologically everything is in its place, and the words are read correctly. What Lenin did, and the entire ladies' section was handed over to the Germans in Kyiv. And immediately the murder of the German ambassador Mirbach in Moscow and the German consul in Kyiv makes sense.

"Dossier on the Tsar" is a fascinating investigation into one cunningly tangled intrigue of world history. The book was published in 1979, so the words of Sister Pascalina in 1983 about Olga's grave could not get into it. And if there were no new facts, then simply retelling someone else's book here would not make sense ...

First, the Provisional Government agrees to fulfill all conditions. But already on March 8, 1917, General Mikhail Alekseev informs the tsar that he "may consider himself, as it were, under arrest." After some time, from London, which had previously agreed to accept the Romanov family, a notification of refusal comes. On March 21, former Emperor Nicholas II and his entire family were officially taken into custody.

A little more than a year later, on July 17, 1918, the last royal family Russian Empire will be shot in a cramped basement in Yekaterinburg. The Romanovs were subjected to hardships, getting closer and closer to their gloomy finale. Let's look at rare photos members of the last royal family of Russia, made some time before the execution.

After the February Revolution of 1917, the last royal family of Russia, by decision of the Provisional Government, was sent to the Siberian city of Tobolsk to protect them from the wrath of the people. A few months earlier, Tsar Nicholas II had abdicated, bringing to an end more than three hundred years of the Romanov dynasty.

The Romanovs began their five-day journey to Siberia in August, on the eve of Tsarevich Alexei's 13th birthday. The seven members of the family were joined by 46 servants and a military escort. The day before reaching their destination, the Romanovs sailed past Rasputin's home village, whose eccentric influence on politics may have contributed to their gloomy end.

The family arrived in Tobolsk on August 19 and began living in relative comfort on the banks of the Irtysh River. In the Governor's Palace, where they were placed, the Romanovs were well fed, and they could communicate a lot with each other, without being distracted by state affairs and official events. The children put on plays for their parents, and the family often went to the city for religious services - this was the only form of freedom allowed to them.

When the Bolsheviks came to power at the end of 1917, the regime of the royal family slowly but surely began to tighten. The Romanovs were forbidden to visit the church and generally leave the territory of the mansion. Soon coffee, sugar, butter and cream disappeared from their kitchen, and the soldiers assigned to protect them wrote obscene and offensive words on the walls and fences of their dwelling.

Things went from bad to worse. In April 1918, a commissar, a certain Yakovlev, arrived with an order to transport the former tsar from Tobolsk. The empress was adamant in her desire to accompany her husband, but Comrade Yakovlev had other orders that complicated everything. At this time, Tsarevich Alexei, suffering from hemophilia, began to suffer from paralysis of both legs due to a bruise, and everyone expected that he would be left in Tobolsk, and the family would be divided during the war.

The commissar's demands for the move were adamant, so Nikolai, his wife Alexandra and one of their daughters, Maria, soon left Tobolsk. They eventually boarded a train to travel via Yekaterinburg to Moscow, where the headquarters of the Red Army was located. However, Commissar Yakovlev was arrested for trying to save the royal family, and the Romanovs got off the train in Yekaterinburg, in the heart of the territory captured by the Bolsheviks.

In Yekaterinburg, the rest of the children joined their parents - they were all locked in the Ipatiev house. The family was placed on the second floor and completely cut off from outside world boarding up the windows and posting guards at the doors. The Romanovs were allowed to go out Fresh air just five minutes a day.

In early July 1918, the Soviet authorities began to prepare for the execution of the royal family. Ordinary soldiers on guard were replaced by representatives of the Cheka, and the Romanovs were allowed to go to worship for the last time. The priest who conducted the service later admitted that none of the family spoke a word during the service. For July 16 - the day of the murder - five truckloads of barrels of benzidine and acid were ordered to quickly dispose of the bodies.

Early in the morning of July 17, the Romanovs were gathered and told about the advance of the White Army. The family believed that they were simply being transferred to a small lighted basement for their own protection, because soon it would not be safe here. Approaching the place of execution, the last tsar of Russia passed by trucks, one of which will soon contain his body, not even suspecting what a terrible fate awaits his wife and children.

In the basement, Nikolai was told that he was about to be executed. Not believing his own ears, he asked again: "What?" - immediately after which the Chekist Yakov Yurovsky shot the tsar. Another 11 people pulled their triggers, flooding the basement with the blood of the Romanovs. Aleksey survived after the first shot, but Yurovsky's second shot finished him off. The next day, the bodies of members of the last royal family of Russia were burned 19 km from Yekaterinburg, in the village of Koptyaki.

Ilya Belous

Today, the tragic events of July 1918, when the Imperial Family died as a martyr, are increasingly becoming a tool for various political manipulations and suggestions of public opinion.

Many consider the leadership of Soviet Russia, namely V. I. Lenin and Y. M. Sverdlov, to be the direct organizers of the execution. It is very important to understand the truth about who conceived and committed this cruel crime, and why. Let's look into everything in detail, objectively using verified facts and documents.

On August 19, 1993, in connection with the discovery of the alleged burial of the royal family on the old Koptyakovskaya road near Sverdlovsk, at the direction of the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation, criminal case No. 18 / 123666-93 was initiated.

Investigator for Particularly Important Cases of the Main Investigative Committee of the Investigative Committee under the RF Prosecutor's Office V.N. Solovyov, who led the criminal investigation into the death of the royal family, testified that there was not a single evidence that the execution was sanctioned by Lenin or Sverdlov, or of any involvement in the murder.

But first things first.

In August 1917 The provisional government sent the royal family to Tobolsk.

Kerensky originally intended to send Nicholas II to England via Murmansk, but this initiative met with no support from either the British or the Provisional Government.

It is not clear what made Kerensky send the Romanovs to the peasant-revolutionary Siberia, which was then under the rule of the Socialist-Revolutionaries.

According to Karabchevsky's lawyer, Kerensky did not rule out a bloody denouement:

Kerensky leaned back in his chair, thought for a moment, and, passing the forefinger of his left hand along his neck, made an energetic gesture upwards. I and everyone understood that this was a hint of hanging. - Two, three victims, perhaps, are necessary! - said Kerensky, looking around us with his eyes that were either mysterious or half-sighted thanks to the upper eyelids hanging heavily over our eyes. // Karabchevsky N. P. Revolution and Russia. Berlin, 1921. Vol. 2. What my eyes have seen. Ch. 39.

After October revolution According to Nicholas II, the Soviet government took a position on the organization open court over the former emperor.

February 20, 1918 At a meeting of the commission under the Council of People's Commissars, the issue of "preparing an investigative material on Nikolai Romanov" was considered. Lenin spoke out for the trial of the former tsar.

April 1, 1918 The Soviet government decided to transfer the royal family from Tobolsk to Moscow. This was categorically opposed by the local authorities, who believed that the royal family should remain in the Urals. They offered to transfer her to Yekaterinburg. // Kovalchenko I.D. age old problem Russian history// Journal of the Russian Academy of Sciences, No. 10, 1994. P.916.

At the same time, Soviet leaders, including Yakov Sverdlov, the issue of the security of the Romanovs was worked out. In particular, April 1, 1918 The Central Executive Committee issued the following resolution:

“... Instruct the commissar for military affairs to immediately form a detachment of 200 people. (including 30 people from the Partisan detachment of the Central Executive Committee, 20 people from the detachment of the Left S.R.) and send them to Tobolsk to reinforce the guard and, if possible, immediately transport all those arrested to Moscow. This resolution is not subject to publication in the press. Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Ya. Sverdlov. Secretary of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee V. Avanesov.

Academician-Secretary of the Department of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences Ivan Dmitrievich Kovalchenko in 1994 gives information similar to the testimony of investigator Solovyov:

“Judging by the documents we found, the fate of the royal family as a whole was not discussed in Moscow at any level. It was only about the fate of Nicholas II. It was proposed to hold a trial against him, Trotsky volunteered to be the accuser. The fate of Nicholas II was actually a foregone conclusion: the court could only pass a death sentence on him. Representatives of the Urals took a different position.

They believed that it was urgent to deal with Nicholas II. A plan was even developed to kill him on the way from Tobolsk to Moscow. Chairman of the Ural Regional Council Beloborodov wrote in his memoirs in 1920: “We thought that, perhaps, there was no need to bring Nikolai to Yekaterinburg, that if favorable conditions during his transfer, he must be shot on the road. Zaslavsky had such an order (the commander of the Yekaterinburg detachment sent to Tobolsk. - I.K.) and all the time tried to take steps to implement it, although to no avail. // Kovalchenko I.D. The age-old problem of Russian history // Journal of the Russian Academy of Sciences, No. 10, 1994.

April 6, 1918 The All-Russian Central Executive Committee made a new decision - to transfer Nicholas II and his family to Yekaterinburg. Such a quick change of decision is the result of a confrontation between Moscow and the Urals, academician Kovalchenko claims.

In a letter from the chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Sverdlov, Ya.M. Uraloblsovet says:

“The task of Yakovlev is to deliver | Nicholas II | to Yekaterinburg alive and hand over either to the chairman Beloborodov or Goloshchekin. // Resolution on the termination of the criminal case No. 18/123666-93 "On the clarification of the circumstances of the death of members of the Russian Imperial House and persons from their entourage in the period 1918-1919", paragraphs 5-6.

Yakovlev Vasily Vasilyevich is a professional Bolshevik with many years of experience, a former Ural militant. Real surname- Myachin Konstantin Alekseevich, pseudonyms - Stoyanovich Konstantin Alekseevich, Krylov. Yakovlev was given 100 revolutionary soldiers to the detachment, and he himself was endowed with emergency powers.

By this time, the leadership of the Council in Yekaterinburg decided the fate of the Romanovs in its own way - it made an unspoken decision on the need for the secret destruction of all members of the family of Nicholas II without trial or investigation during their move from Tobolsk to Yekaterinburg.

Chairman of the Ural Council A.G. Beloborodov recalled:

“... it is necessary to dwell on one extremely important circumstance in the line of conduct of the Regional Council. We thought that there was probably no need to bring Nikolai to Yekaterinburg, that if favorable conditions were provided during his transfer, he should be shot on the road. Such an order had | the commander of the Yekaterinburg detachment | Zaslavsky and all the time tried to take steps towards its implementation, although to no avail. In addition, Zaslavsky, obviously, behaved in such a way that his intentions were unraveled by Yakovlev, which to some extent explains the misunderstandings that arose later between Zaslavsky and Yakovlev on a rather large scale. // Resolution on the termination of the criminal case No. 18/123666-93 "On the clarification of the circumstances of the death of members of the Russian Imperial House and persons from their entourage in the period 1918-1919", paragraphs 5-6.

At the same time, the Ural leadership was ready to go into direct conflict with Moscow. An ambush was being prepared to kill the entire Yakovlev detachment.

Here is the statement of the statement of the Red Guard of the Ural detachment A.I. Nevolin to Commissioner Yakovlev V.V.

“... He was a member of the Red Army in the 4th hundred in Yekaterinburg ... Gusyatsky ... says that Commissar Yakovlev is traveling with the Moscow detachment, we need to wait for him ... assistant instructor Ponomarev and instructor Bogdanov begin: “We ... now decided this: on the way to Tyumen let's set up an ambush. When Yakovlev rides with Romanov, as soon as they catch up with us, you must use machine guns and rifles to whip the entire Yakovlev detachment to the ground. And don't tell anyone. If they ask what kind of detachment you are, then say that you are from Moscow, and do not say who your boss is, because you need to do this apart from the regional one and in general all the Soviets. I then asked the question: “Robbers, then, to be?” I, they say, personally do not agree with your plans. If you need to kill Romanov, then let someone alone decide, but I don’t allow such a thought in my head, bearing in mind that our entire armed force is on guard for the defense of Soviet power, and not for individual benefits, and people, if Commissar Yakovlev, seconded after him, is from the Council of People's Commissars, then he must introduce him to where he was ordered. But we were not and cannot be robbers, so that because of one Romanov, they would shoot the same Red Army comrades as we are. ... After that, Gusyatsky became even more angry with me. I see that the matter is beginning to touch my life. Looking for ways out, I finally decided to escape with Yakovlev's detachment. // Resolution on the termination of the criminal case No. 18/123666-93 "On the clarification of the circumstances of the death of members of the Russian Imperial House and persons from their entourage in the period 1918-1919", paragraphs 5-6.

There was also a plan, tacitly approved by the Ural Council, to liquidate the royal family with the help of a train wreck on the way from Tyumen to Yekaterinburg.

A set of documents related to the relocation of the royal family from Tobolsk to Yekaterinburg indicates that the Ural Council on issues related to the security of the royal family was in sharp confrontation with the central authorities.

A telegram from the Chairman of the Ural Council A.G. Beloborodov, sent by V.I. Lenin, in which he complains in an ultimatum form about the actions of the chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Ya.M. Sverdlov, in connection with his support for the actions of Commissioner V.V. Yakovlev (Myachin), aimed at the safe transfer of the royal family from Tobolsk to Yekaterinburg.

Correspondence of Yakovlev V.V. with the chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Sverdlov Ya.M. shows the true intentions of the Bolsheviks of the Urals in relation to the royal family. Despite the clearly expressed position of Lenin V.I. and Sverdlov Ya.M. about the delivery of the royal family to Yekaterinburg alive, the Bolsheviks of Yekaterinburg went against the leadership of the Kremlin in this matter and made an official decision to arrest Yakovlev V.V. and even the use of armed force against his detachment.

On April 27, 1918, Yakovlev sends a telegram to Sverdlov, in which he testifies to the attempts of the local Bolsheviks to kill the Tsar's family (calling it with the code word "baggage") reflected by his fighters:

“I just brought some of my luggage. I want to change the itinerary due to the following extremely important circumstances. From Ekaterinburg to Tobolsk, special people arrived before me to destroy the luggage. The special-purpose detachment fought back - it almost came to bloodshed. When I arrived, the residents of Yekaterinburg gave me a hint that there was no need to bring luggage to the place. ... They asked me not to sit next to the luggage (Petrov). It was a direct warning that I might also be destroyed. ... Not having achieved their goal either in Tobolsk, or on the road, or in Tyumen, the Yekaterinburg detachments decided to ambush me near Yekaterinburg. They decided that if I did not give them the luggage without a fight, they decided to kill us too. ... Yekaterinburg, with the exception of Goloshchekin, has one desire: to do away with luggage at all costs. The fourth, fifth and sixth companies of the Red Army are preparing an ambush for us. If this is at odds with the central opinion, then it is madness to carry luggage to Yekaterinburg. // Resolution on the termination of the criminal case No. 18/123666-93 "On the clarification of the circumstances of the death of members of the Russian Imperial House and persons from their entourage in the period 1918-1919", paragraphs 5-6.

When Nicholas II arrived in Yekaterinburg, local authorities provoked a crowd at the Yekaterinburg I station, which tried to arrange lynching of the family of the former emperor. Commissar Yakovlev acted decisively, threatening those who attempted on the tsar to use machine guns against them. Only this allowed to avoid the death of the royal family.

April 30, 1918 Yakovlev handed over to the representatives of the Ural Regional Council Nicholas II, Alexandra Fedorovna, Grand Duchess Maria Nikolaevna, Chamberlain V.A. Dolgorukov and life physician prof. Botkin, valet T.I. Chemodurov, footman I.L. Sednev and room girl A.S. Demidov. Dolgorukov and Sednev were arrested upon arrival and placed in a prison in Yekaterinburg. The rest were sent to the house of the industrialist and engineer Ipatiev N.N.

23 May 1918 Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich, Grand Duchesses Olga Nikolaevna, Tatyana Nikolaevna and Anastasia Nikolaevna were transported from Tobolsk to Yekaterinburg. Came with them large group servants and people from the environment. In Yekaterinburg, immediately after their arrival, Tatishchev, Gendrikova, Schneider, Nagornov, Volkov were arrested and placed in prison. The following were placed in the Ipatiev house: Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich, Grand Duchesses Olga Nikolaevna, Tatyana Nikolaevna and Anastasia Nikolaevna, the boy Sednev and the footman Trupp A.E. Footman Chemodurov was transferred from the Ipatiev house to the prison in Yekaterinburg.

June 4, 1918 at a meeting of the Board of the People's Commissariat of Justice of the RSFSR, the order of the Council of People's Commissars was considered, according to which a decision was made: to delegate to the Council of People's Commissars a representative from the People's Commissariat of Justice "as an investigator Comrade Bogrov." Materials relating to Nicholas II were systematically collected. Such a trial could only take place in the capitals. In addition, V.I. Lenin and L.D. Trotsky received messages from the Urals and from Siberia about the unreliability of the protection of the royal family. // Resolution on the termination of the criminal case No. 18/123666-93 "On the clarification of the circumstances of the death of members of the Russian Imperial House and persons from their entourage in the period 1918-1919", paragraphs 5-6. 5.4. The situation of the family and people from the environment of the former Emperor Nicholas II after the Bolsheviks came to power

Sentiment towards Nicholas II in the Urals

Archival, newspaper and memoir sources coming from the Bolsheviks have preserved a lot of evidence that the “working masses” of Yekaterinburg and the Urals in general constantly expressed concern about the reliability of the protection of the royal family, the possibility of releasing Nicholas II and even demanded his immediate execution. If you believe the editor of the "Uralsky Rabochy" V. Vorobyov, "they wrote about this in letters that came to the newspaper, they spoke at meetings and rallies." This was probably true, and not only in the Urals. Among the archival documents there is, for example, this one.

July 3, 1918 The Council of People's Commissars received a telegram from the Kolomna District Committee of the Party. It reported that the Kolomna Bolshevik organization

"unanimously decided to demand from the Council of People's Commissars the immediate destruction of the entire family and relatives of the former tsar, because the German bourgeoisie, together with the Russian, are restoring the tsarist regime in the captured cities." “In case of refusal,” the Kolomna Bolsheviks threatened, “it was decided on your own enforce this decision." // Ioffe, G. Z. Revolution and the fate of the Romanovs / M .: Respublika, 1992 . pp.302-303

The Ural elite was all “leftist”. This was manifested in the issue of the Brest peace, and in the separatist aspirations of the Ural Regional Council, and in relation to the deposed tsar, whom the Urals did not trust Moscow. Ural Chekist I. Radzinsky recalled:

“The dominance in the head was left, left-communist ... Beloborodov, Safarov, Nikolai Tolmachev, Evgeny Preobrazhensky - they were all leftists.”

The party line, according to Radzinsky, was led by Goloshchekin, who was also a “leftist” at that time.

In their "leftism" the Ural Bolsheviks were forced to compete with the Left Social Revolutionaries and anarchists, whose influence was always tangible, and by the summer of 1918 even increased. Even in the winter of 1918, a member of the Ural Regional Committee of the Party, I. Akulov, wrote to Moscow that the Left SRs were simply "puzzling" with "their unexpected radicalism."

The Ural Bolsheviks could not and did not want to give their political rivals the opportunity to reproach them for "slipping to the right." The SRs made similar announcements. Maria Spiridonova reproached the Bolshevik Central Committee for dismissing “tsars and sub-tsars” in “Ukraine, Crimea and abroad” and raising a hand against the Romanovs “only at the insistence of the revolutionaries,” referring to the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries and anarchists.

Commandant of the Ipatiev House (until 07/04/1918) A.D. Avdeev testified in his memoirs that a group of anarchists tried to pass a resolution "that the former tsar be executed immediately." Extremist-minded groups were not limited to some demands and resolutions. // Avdeev A. Nicholas II in Tobolsk and Yekaterinburg // Krasnaya Nov. 1928. No. 5. S. 201.

Chairman of the Yekaterinburg City Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies P.M. Bykov in his memoirs points to attempts to organize an attack on the Ipatiev house and eliminate the Romanovs. // Bulls P. The last days of the Romanovs. Uralbook. 1926. S. 113

“In the morning, for a long time, but in vain, they waited for the arrival of the priest to perform the service; everyone was busy in churches. During the day, for some reason, they didn’t let us out into the garden. Avdeev came and talked for a long time with Evg. Serg. According to him, he and the Regional Council are afraid of the actions of the anarchists and therefore, perhaps, we will have to leave soon, probably to Moscow! He asked to be prepared for departure. They immediately began to pack, but quietly, so as not to attract the attention of the guards, at the special request of Avdeev. Around 11 o'clock. In the evening he returned and said that we would stay a few more days. Therefore, on June 1, we stayed in bivouac, without laying out anything. The weather was good; The walk took place, as always, in two turns. Finally, after dinner, Avdeev, slightly tipsy, announced to Botkin that the anarchists had been captured and that the danger had passed and our departure had been cancelled! After all the preparations, it even became boring! In the evening we played bezique. // Diary of Nikolai Romanov // Red Archive. 1928. No. 2 (27). pp. 134-135

The next day, Alexandra Feodorovna wrote in her diary:

"Now they say that we are staying here, because they managed to capture the leader of the anarchists, their printing house and the whole group." //TSGAOR. F. 640. Op.1. D.332. L.18.

Rumors of lynching of the Romanovs swept the Urals in June 1918. Moscow began to send disturbing requests to Yekaterinburg. On June 20, the following telegram arrived:

“Information spread in Moscow that the former Emperor Nicholas II had allegedly been killed. Provide the information you have. Manager of the affairs of the Council of People's Commissars V. Bonch-Bruevich. // TsGAOR. F. 130. Op.2. D.1109. L.34

In accordance with this request, the commander of the North Urals group Soviet troops R. Berzin, together with the military commissar of the Urals military district Goloshchekin and other officials, checked the Ipatiev House. In telegrams to the Council of People's Commissars, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs, he reported that

“All members of the family and Nicholas II himself are alive. All information about his murder is a provocation.” // TsGAOR. F.1235. op.93. D.558.L.79; F.130.Op.2.D.1109.L.38

June 20, 1918 In the premises of the Postal and Telegraph Office of Yekaterinburg, a conversation took place over a direct wire between Lenin and Berzin.

According to three former officials of this office (Sibirev, Borodin and Lenkovsky), Lenin ordered Berzin:

“... take the entire Royal Family under your protection, and prevent any violence against it, answering in this case with your (i.e. Berzina) own life.” // Summary of information on the Royal Family of the Department of Military Field Control under the Commissioner for the Protection of State Order and Public Peace in the Perm Province dated 11/III/1919. Published: The death of the Royal Family. Materials of the investigation in the case of the murder of the Royal Family, (August 1918 - February 1920), p. 240.

Newspaper "Izvestia" June 25 and 28, 1918 published denials of rumors and reports from some newspapers about the execution of the Romanovs in Yekaterinburg. // Ioffe, G. Z. Revolution and the fate of the Romanovs / M .: Respublika, 1992 . pp.303-304

Meanwhile, the White Czechs and Siberian troops were already bypassing Yekaterinburg from the south, trying to cut it off from the European part of Russia, capturing Kyshtym, Miass, Zlatoust and Shadrinsk.

Seems to be, the Ural authorities made a fundamental decision on execution by July 4, 1918: on this day, commandant Avdeev, loyal to Nicholas II, was replaced by Chekist Ya.M. Yurovsky. There was a change in the protection of the royal family.

Security guard Netrebin V.N. wrote in his memoirs:

“Soon [after entering the internal guard on July 4, 1918 - S.V.], it was explained to us that ... we might have to execute the b / c [former tsar. - S.V.], and that we must strictly keep everything a secret, everything that can happen in the house ... Having received explanations from comrade. Yurovsky, that we need to think about how best to carry out the execution, we began to discuss the issue ... The day when the execution would have to be carried out was unknown to us. But we still felt that it would come soon.”

“The All-Russian Central Executive Committee does not give sanctions for execution!”

In early July 1918, the Ural Regional Council tried to convince Moscow to shoot the Romanovs. At this time, a member of the Presidium of the Regional Council, Philip Isaevich Goloshchekin, who knew Yakov Sverdlov well from underground work, went there. He was in Moscow during the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets from 4 to 10 July 1918. The congress ended with the adoption of the Constitution of the RSFSR.

According to some reports, Goloshchekin stopped at Sverdlov's apartment. Among the main questions then could be: the defense of the Urals from the troops of the Siberian army and the White Czechs, the possible surrender of Yekaterinburg, the fate of the gold reserves, the fate of the former tsar. It is possible that Goloshchekin tried to coordinate the imposition of a death sentence on the Romanovs.

Probably, Goloshchekin did not receive permission to be shot from Sverdlov, and the central Soviet government, in the person of Sverdlov, insisted on a trial for which it was preparing. A participant in the execution of the royal family Medvedev (Kudrin) M.A. writes:

“... When I entered [the premises of the Ural Cheka on the evening of July 16, 1918], those present were deciding what to do with the former Tsar Nicholas II Romanov and his family. Information about a trip to Moscow to Ya.M. Sverdlov was made by Philip Goloshchekin. Goloshchekin failed to obtain sanctions from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee for the execution of the Romanov family. Sverdlov consulted with V.I. Lenin, who spoke in favor of bringing the royal family to Moscow and an open trial of Nicholas II and his wife Alexandra Fedorovna, whose betrayal during the First World War cost Russia dearly ... Ya.M. Sverdlov tried to give [Lenin] Goloshchekin’s arguments about the dangers of transporting the royal family’s train through Russia, where counter-revolutionary uprisings broke out in cities every now and then, about the difficult situation on the fronts near Yekaterinburg, but Lenin stood his ground: “Well, what if the front is retreating ? Moscow is now a deep rear! And here we will arrange a trial for them all over the world.” At parting, Sverdlov said to Goloshchekin: “Say so, Philip, to your comrades: the All-Russian Central Executive Committee does not give official sanction for execution.” // Decree on the termination of the criminal case No. 18 / 123666-93 "On the clarification of the circumstances of the death of members of the Russian Imperial House and persons from their entourage in the period 1918-1919", paragraphs 5-6

This position of the Moscow leadership must be considered in the context of the events taking place at that time on the fronts. For several months now, by July 1918, the situation had become increasingly critical.

Historical context

At the end of 1917, the Soviet government was strenuously trying to get out of the First World War. Great Britain sought the resumption of the clash between Russia and Germany. On December 22, 1917, peace negotiations began in Brest-Litovsk. On February 10, 1918, the German coalition in an ultimatum demanded that the Soviet delegation accept extremely difficult peace conditions (Russia's rejection of Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, parts of Latvia, Estonia and Belarus). Contrary to Lenin's instructions, the head of the delegation, Trotsky, arbitrarily interrupted the peace negotiations, although the ultimatum had not yet been officially received, and stated that Soviet Russia did not sign peace, but stopped the war and demobilized the army. The negotiations were interrupted, and soon the Austro-German troops (over 50 divisions) went on the offensive from the Baltic to the Black Sea. On February 12, 1918, the offensive of Turkish troops began in Transcaucasia.

In an attempt to provoke Soviet Russia into continuing the war with Germany, the Entente governments offered her "help," and on March 6 the British troops occupied Murmansk under the false pretext of the need to protect the Murmansk Territory from the powers of the German coalition.

The open military intervention of the Entente began. // Ilya Belous / "Red" terror arose in response to international and "white" terror

Not having sufficient forces to repulse Germany, the Soviet Republic on March 3, 1918 was forced to sign the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. On March 15, the Entente announced the non-recognition of the Brest Peace and accelerated the deployment military intervention. On April 5, Japanese troops landed in Vladivostok.

Despite its severity, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk temporarily stopped the advance of German troops in the central directions and gave the Soviet Republic a little respite.

In March-April 1918, an armed struggle unfolded in Ukraine against the occupying Austro-German troops and the Central Rada, which, on February 9, concluded a “peace treaty” with Germany and its allies. The small Ukrainian Soviet units with battles retreated to the borders of the RSFSR in the direction of Belgorod, Kursk and to the Don region.

In mid-April 1918, German troops, violating the Brest Treaty, occupied the Crimea and liquidated Soviet power there. Part of the Black Sea Fleet went to Novorossiysk, where, in view of the threat of the seizure of ships by the German invaders, they were flooded on June 18 by order Soviet government. Also, German troops landed in Finland, where they helped the Finnish bourgeoisie to eliminate the revolutionary power of the workers.

The Baltic Fleet, which was in Helsingfors, made the transition to Kronstadt under difficult conditions. On April 29, the German invaders in Ukraine eliminated the Central Rada, putting in power the puppet hetman P. P. Skoropadsky.

The Don Cossack counter-revolution also adopted a German orientation, again launching a civil war on the Don in mid-April.

On May 8, 1918, German units occupied Rostov, and then helped to take shape in the kulak-Cossack "state" - the "Great Don Host" led by Ataman Krasnov.

Turkey, taking advantage of the fact that the Transcaucasian Commissariat declared its independence from Soviet Russia, launched a broad intervention in the Transcaucasus.

On May 25, 1918, the rebellion of the Czechoslovak Corps, prepared and provoked by the Entente, began, the echelons of which were located between Penza and Vladivostok due to the upcoming evacuation to Europe. At the same time, German troops, at the request of the Georgian Mensheviks, landed in Georgia. The rebellion caused a sharp revival of the counter-revolution. Mass counter-revolutionary rebellions unfolded in the Volga region, in the South Urals, the North Caucasus, in the Trans-Caspian and Semirechensk regions. and other areas. With renewed vigor, the Civil War began to unfold in the Don, the North Caucasus and Transcaucasia.

Soviet power and the Soviet state were under the threat of complete occupation and liquidation. The Central Committee of the Communist Party directed all its forces to the organization of defense. Volunteer units of the Red Army were being formed all over the country.

In parallel, the Entente allocated significant funds and agents for the creation of military conspiratorial organizations within the country: the right-wing Socialist-Revolutionary Union for the Defense of the Homeland and Freedom, headed by Boris Savinkov, the right-wing Kadet monarchist National Center, and the coalition Union for the Revival of Russia. The Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks supported the petty-bourgeois counter-revolution, ideologically and organizationally. Work was carried out to destabilize the internal political life in the country.

On July 5, 1918, the Left Socialist-Revolutionary Yakov Blyumkin killed in Moscow the German ambassador to Moscow under the government of the RSFSR, Count Wilhelm Mirbach. The attack was designed to break the Brest Peace and a possible resumption of war with Germany. Simultaneously with the terrorist attack on July 6, 1918, in Moscow and a number of large Russian cities There was an uprising of the Left SRs.

The Entente began to land large landings in Vladivostok, the bulk of which were Japanese (about 75 thousand people) and American (about 12 thousand people) troops. The interventionist troops in the North were reinforced, consisting of British, American, French and Italian units. In July, the Right SR Yaroslavl mutiny of 1918, prepared with the support of the Entente, and smaller mutinies in Murom, Rybinsk, Kovrov, and others took place. A Left SR mutiny broke out in Moscow, and on July 10 the commander Eastern front the Left Socialist-Revolutionary Muravyov, who tried to capture Simbirsk in order, having concluded an agreement with the White Czechs, to move with them to Moscow.

The efforts of the interventionists and the internal counter-revolution were united.

“Their war with the civil war merges into one single whole, and this is the main source of the difficulties of the present moment, when the military question, military events, has again come to the fore as the main, fundamental question of the revolution” // Lenin V.I. Full coll. soch., 5th ed., vol. 37, p. fourteen.

English trace

Western services, based on Socialist-Revolutionary-anarchist elements, posed a serious threat to Russia, inflating chaos and banditry in the country in opposition to the policy of the new government.

The former Minister of War of the Provisional Government and Kolchakist A.I. Verkhovsky joined the Red Army in 1919. // Verkhovsky Alexander Ivanovich. On a difficult pass.

In his memoirs, Verkhovsky wrote that he was a member of the Union for the Revival of Russia, which had a military organization that trained personnel for anti-Soviet armed uprisings, which was financed by the "allies".

“In March 1918, I was personally invited by the Union for the Revival of Russia to join the military headquarters of the Union. The military headquarters was an organization that had the goal of organizing an uprising against the Soviet regime ... The military headquarters had connections with the allied missions in Petrograd. General Suvorov was in charge of relations with allied missions... Representatives of the allied missions were interested in my assessment of the situation from the point of view of the possibility of restoring ... the front against Germany. I had conversations on this subject with General Nissel, the representative of the French mission. Military headquarters through the cashier of the headquarters of Suvorov received funds from allied missions». // Golinkov D. L. Secret operations of the Cheka

The testimonies of A. I. Verkhovsky are fully consistent with the memoirs of another figure in the Union for the Revival of Russia, V. I. Ignatiev (1874-1959, died in Chile).

In the first part of his memoirs Some Facts and Results of the Four Years of the Civil War (1917-1921), published in Moscow in 1922, Ignatiev confirms that the organization's source of funds was "exclusively allied". the first amount from foreign sources Ignatiev received from General A.V. Gerua, to whom General M.N. Suvorov sent him. From a conversation with Gerua, he learned that the general was instructed to send officers to the Murmansk region at the disposal of the English general F. Poole, and that funds had been allocated to him for this business. Ignatiev received a certain amount from Gerua, then received money from one agent of the French mission - 30 thousand rubles.

An espionage group was operating in Petrograd, headed by the sanitary doctor V.P. Kovalevsky. She also sent officers, mostly guards, to the English General Poole in Arkhangelsk through Vologda. The group called for the establishment of a military dictatorship in Russia and was supported by British funds. The representative of this group, the English agent Captain G. E. Chaplin, worked in Arkhangelsk under the name Thomson. December 13, 1918 Kovalevsky was shot on charges of creating a military organization associated with the British mission.

On January 5, 1918, the Union for the Defense of the Constituent Assembly was preparing a coup d'etat, which prevented the Cheka. The English plan failed. The Constituent Assembly was dispersed.

Dzerzhinsky was aware of the counter-revolutionary activities of the socialists, mainly the Socialist-Revolutionaries; their connections with the British services, about the flows of their financing by the Allies.

Detailed information about the activities of the Socialist-Revolutionaries in the various committees "Salvation of the Motherland and the Revolution", "Protection of the Constituent Assembly" and others disclosed by the Cheka was given already in 1927 by Vera Vladimirova in her book "The Year of Service of the "Socialists" to the Capitalists. Essays on history, counter-revolution in 1918"

Russian historian and politician V. A. Myakotin, one of the founders and leaders of the Union for the Revival of Russia, also published his memoirs in 1923 in Prague “From the recent past. On the other side." According to his story, relations with the diplomatic representatives of the allies were conducted by members of the Union for the Revival of Russia, specially authorized for this. These communications were carried out through the French ambassador Noulens. Later, when the ambassadors left for Vologda, through the French consul Grenard. The French financed the "Union", but Noulens directly stated that "the allies, in fact, do not need the assistance of Russian political organizations" and may well land their troops in Russia themselves. // Golinkov D. L. Secret operations of the Cheka.

The Russian Civil War was actively supported by British Prime Minister Lloyd George and US President Woodrow Wilson.

The US President personally oversaw the work of agents to discredit the Soviet government, and above all, the young government headed by Lenin, both in the West and in Russia.

In October 1918, on the direct orders of Woodrow Wilson, an edition was published in Washington. "German-Bolshevik conspiracy", better known as "The Sisson Documents", allegedly proving that the Bolshevik leadership consisted of direct agents of Germany, controlled by the directives of the German General Staff. // The German-Bolshevik conspiracy / by United States. Committee on Public Information; Sisson, Edgar Grant, 1875-1948; National Board for Historical Service

"Documents" was acquired at the end of 1917 by Edgar Sisson, special envoy of the US President in Russia, for 25 thousand dollars. The publisher of the publication was CPI - the Committee of Public Information under the US government. This committee was created by US President Woodrow Wilson and pursued the task of "influencing public opinion on the issues of US participation in the First World War", that is, CPI was a propaganda structure that served the US military. The committee existed from April 14, 1917 to June 30, 1919.

The Documents were fabricated by the Polish journalist and traveler Ferdinand Ossendowski. They allowed the myth to be spread throughout Europe about the leader of the Soviet state, Lenin, who allegedly "made a revolution with German money."

Sisson's mission went "brilliantly". He "obtained" 68 documents, some of which allegedly confirmed the existence of Lenin's connection with the Germans and even the direct dependence of the Council of People's Commissars on the Government of Kaiser Germany until the spring of 1918. More information about forged documents can be found on the website of academician Yu. K. Begunov.

Fake continues to spread in modern Russia. So, in 2005, the documentary film “Secrets of Intelligence. Revolution in a suitcase.

Murder

In July, the White Czechs and the White Guards captured Simbirsk, Ufa and Yekaterinburg, where the "regional government of the Urals" was created. Germany demanded that the Kremlin give permission to send a battalion of German troops to Moscow to protect its subjects.

Under these conditions, the execution of the royal family could have a negative impact on the development of relations with Germany, since the former Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and the Grand Duchesses were German princesses. Given the current situation, under certain conditions, the extradition of one or more members of the royal family of Germany was not ruled out in order to alleviate the serious conflict caused by the assassination of the German ambassador Mirbach.

On July 16, 1918, a telegram arrived from Petrograd to Moscow with a quote from another telegram from a member of the presidium of the Ural Regional Council F. I. Goloshchekin to Moscow:

“July 16, 1918. Submitted on July 16, 1918 [at] 5:50 pm. Accepted on July 16, 1918 [at] 21:22. From Petrograd. Smolny. HP 142.28 Moscow, Kremlin, copy to Lenin.
From Yekaterinburg, the following is transmitted by direct wire: “Inform Moscow that the [trial] agreed with Filippov, due to military circumstances, cannot wait, we cannot wait. If your opinions are different, please let me know right now, out of turn. Goloshchekin, Safarov”
Get in touch with Yekaterinburg about this yourself
Zinoviev.

At that time, there was no direct connection between Yekaterinburg and Moscow, so the telegram went to Petrograd, and from Petrograd Zinoviev sent it to Moscow, to the Kremlin. The telegram arrived in Moscow on July 16, 1818 at 21:22. It was already 23:22 in Yekaterinburg.

“At this time, the Romanovs were already offered to go down to the execution room. We do not know if Lenin and Sverdlov read the telegram before the first shots were fired, but we know that the telegram did not say anything about the family and servants, so accusing the Kremlin leaders of killing children is at least unfair, ”says the investigator Solovyov in an interview with Pravda

On July 17, at 12 noon, a telegram addressed to Lenin from Yekaterinburg arrived in Moscow with the following content:

“In view of the approach of the enemy to Yekaterinburg and the disclosure by the Extraordinary Commission of a large White Guard conspiracy aimed at kidnapping the former tsar and his family ... by order of the Presidium of the Regional Council, Nikolai Romanov was shot on the night of July 16 to July 17. His family has been evacuated to a safe place.” // Heinrich Joffe. Revolution and the Romanov family

In this way, Yekaterinburg lied to Moscow: the whole family was killed.

Lenin learned about the murder not immediately. On July 16, the editors of the Danish newspaper National Tidende sent Lenin the following request:

“There are rumors here that the former tsar has been killed. Please report the actual state of affairs." // IN AND. Lenin. unknown documents. 1891-1922 M., Russian Political Encyclopedia (ROSSPEN). 2000. p. 243

Lenin sent a reply to the telegraph:

"National Tidende. Copenhagen. The rumor is false, the former tsar is unharmed, all the rumors are just lies of the capitalist press.” //IN AND. Lenin. unknown documents. 1981-1922 M., Russian Political Encyclopedia (ROSSPEN). 2000. p. 243

Here is the conclusion of the investigator of the ICR for especially important cases Solovyov:

“The investigation has reliably established that Yakov Mikhailovich (Yankel Khaimovich) Yurovsky, his deputy Grigory Petrovich Nikulin, Chekist Mikhail Alexandrovich Medvedev (Kudrin), head of the 2nd Ural squad Pyotr Zakharovich Ermakov, his assistant Stepan Petrovich Vaganov, security guard Pavel Spiridonovich Medvedev, Chekist Alexei Georgievich Kabanov. Participation in the execution of the guard Viktor Nikiforovich Netrebin, Jan Martynovich Tselms and the Red Guard Andrey Andreyevich Strekotin is not excluded. There is no reliable information about the other participants in the execution.

By national composition the "firing" team included Russians, Latvians, one Jew (Yurovsky), possibly one Austrian or Hungarian.

These persons, as well as other participants in the execution, after Yurovsky pronounced Ya.M. The sentence began indiscriminate shooting, and the shooting was carried out not only in the room where the execution was carried out, but also from the adjacent room. After the first volley, it turned out that Tsarevich Alexei, the daughters of the Tsar, the maid A.S. Demidova and Dr. E.S. Botkin show signs of life. Grand Duchess Anastasia screamed, the maid Demidova A.S. rose to her feet, Tsarevich Alexei remained alive for a long time. They were shot with pistols and revolvers, Ermakov P.Z. finished off the survivors with a rifle bayonet. After the statement of death, all the corpses began to be transferred to the truck.

As established by the investigation, on the night of July 16-17, 1918, in the Ipatiev house in Yekaterinburg, the following were shot: the former Emperor Nicholas II (Romanov), the former Empress Alexandra Feodorovna Romanova, their children - Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich Romanov, Grand Duchesses Olga Nikolaevna Romanova, Tatyana Nikolaevna Romanova, Maria Nikolaevna Romanova and Anastasia Nikolaevna Romanova, life physician Evgeny Sergeevich Botkin, maid Anna Stepanovna Demidova, cook Ivan Mikhailovich Kharitonov and footman Aloisy Egorovich Trupp.

The version is often circulated that the murder was “ritual”, that the heads of the corpses of members of the royal family were cut off after death. This version is not confirmed by the results of the forensic examination.

“In order to study the possible postmortem amputation of the head, the necessary forensic medical examinations were carried out on all sets of skeletons. According to the categorical conclusion of the forensic medical examination on cervical vertebrae Skeletons ## 1-9 there are no traces that could indicate a post-mortem detachment of heads. At the same time, the version about a possible opening of the burial in 1919-1946 was checked. Investigative and expert data indicate that the burial was not opened until 1979, and during this opening, the remains of Nicholas II and Empress Alexandra Feodorovna were not affected. An audit by the FSB Directorate for Yekaterinburg and the Sverdlovsk Region showed that the UFSB does not have data on a possible opening of the burial in the period from 1919 to 1978. // Resolution on the termination of the criminal case No. 18/123666-93 "On the clarification of the circumstances of the death of members of the Russian Imperial House and persons from their entourage in the period 1918-1919", paragraphs 7-9.

The All-Russian Central Executive Committee did not punish the Uraloblsovet for arbitrariness. Some consider this evidence that the sanction to kill did exist. Others - that the central government did not go into conflict with the Urals, because in the conditions of the successful offensive of the Whites, the loyalty of the local Bolsheviks, and the propaganda of the Social Revolutionaries about Lenin's slipping "to the right" were more important factors than the disobedience and execution of the Romanovs. The Bolsheviks may have feared a split under difficult conditions.

People's Commissar for Agriculture in the first Soviet government, Chairman of the Supreme Economic Council of the RSFSR V.P. Milyutin recalled:

“I returned late from the Council of People's Commissars. There were "current" cases. During the discussion of the draft on health care, Semashko's report, Sverdlov entered and sat down in his place on a chair behind Ilyich. Semashko finished. Sverdlov went up, leaned over to Ilyich and said something.
— Comrades, Sverdlov is asking for the floor for a message.
“I must say,” Sverdlov began in his usual tone, “a message has been received that in Yekaterinburg, by order of the regional Soviet, Nikolai was shot ... Nikolai wanted to run away. The Czechoslovaks advanced. The Presidium of the CEC decided to approve...
“Now let’s move on to reading the project article by article,” suggested Ilyich ... ” // Sverdlova K. T. Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov. - 4th. - M .: Young Guard, 1985.

“On July 8, the first meeting of the Presidium of the Central I.K. of the 5th convocation took place. Comrade presided. Sverdlov. Members of the Presidium were present: Avanesov, Sosnovsky, Teodorovich, Vladimirsky, Maksimov, Smidovich, Rozengolts, Mitrofanov and Rozin.
Chairman comrade. Sverdlov announces a message just received via a direct wire from the Regional Ural Council about the execution of the former Tsar Nikolai Romanov.
AT last days the capital of the Red Urals, Yekaterinburg, was seriously threatened by the danger of the approach of the Czecho-Slovak gangs. At the same time, a new conspiracy of counter-revolutionaries was uncovered, with the aim of wresting the crowned executioner from the hands of Soviet power. In view of this, the Presidium of the Ural Regional Council decided to shoot Nikolai Romanov, which was carried out on July 16th.
The wife and son of Nikolai Romanov were sent to safe place. Documents about uncovered conspiracy sent to Moscow with a special courier.
Having made this message, comrade. Sverdlov recalls the story of the transfer of Nikolai Romanov from Tobolsk to Yekaterinburg after the disclosure of the same organization of the White Guards, which was preparing the escape of Nikolai Romanov. In recent times, it has been proposed to bring the former king to justice for all his crimes against the people, and only the events of recent times have prevented this from being carried out.
The Presidium of the Central I.K., having discussed all the circumstances that forced the Ural Regional Council to decide on the execution of Nikolai Romanov, decided:
The All-Russian Central I.K., represented by its Presidium, recognizes the decision of the Ural Regional Council as correct.

The historian Ioffe believes that specific people played a fatal role in the fate of the royal family: the head of the Ural party organization and military commissar of the Ural region F.I. Goloshchekin, Chairman of the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Ural Regional Council A. Beloborodov, and a member of the collegium of the Ural Cheka, the commandant of the "special purpose house" Ya.M. Yurovsky. // Ioffe, G. Z. Revolution and the fate of the Romanovs / M .: Respublika, 1992 . pp.311-312 Holo

It should be noted that in the summer of 1918 a whole "campaign" was carried out in the Urals to exterminate the Romanovs.

At night from 12 to 13 June 1918 Several armed men came to a hotel in Perm, where Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and his personal secretary and friend Brian Johnson were living in exile. They took their victims into the forest and killed them. The remains have not been found so far. The murder was presented to Moscow as the kidnapping of Mikhail Alexandrovich by his supporters or a secret escape, which was used by local authorities as a pretext for tightening the regime for the detention of all the exiled Romanovs: the royal family in Yekaterinburg and the grand dukes in Alapaevsk and Vologda.

At night from 17 to 18 July 1918, simultaneously with the execution of the royal family in the Ipatiev House, the murder of six grand dukes who were in Alapaevsk was committed. The victims were taken to an abandoned mine and dumped into it.

The corpses were discovered only on October 3, 1918, after policeman Malshikov T.P. excavations in an abandoned coal mine located 12 versts from the city of Alapaevsk at a fork in the roads leading from the city of Alapaevsk to the Verkhotursky tract and to the Verkhne-Sinyachikhinsky plant. The doctor of the military hospital train No. 604 Klyachkin, on the instructions of the chief of police of the city of Alapaevsk, opened the corpses and established the following:

“Based on the data of a forensic autopsy of a citizen of the city of Petrograd, doctor Fyodor Semenovich REMEZ, I conclude:
Death occurred from hemorrhage of the pleural cavity and hemorrhages under the dura due to contusion.
Bruised injuries are fatal...
1. Death b. Grand Duke Sergei Mikhailovich occurred from a hemorrhage under the dura mater and a violation of the integrity of the substance of the brain as a result of a gunshot wound.
This damage is classified as lethal.
2. Death b. Prince John Konstantinovich's death occurred from a hemorrhage under the dura mater and in both pleural cavities. The indicated injuries could have occurred from blows with a blunt hard object or from bruises when falling from a height onto some hard object.
3. Death b. Prince Konstantin Konstantinovich's death occurred from a hemorrhage under the dura mater and in the region of the pleural sacs. The indicated injuries occurred either as a result of blows to the head and chest with some hard blunt object, or from a bruise when falling from a height. Damage is classified as lethal.
4. Death b. Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna occurred from a hemorrhage under the dura mater. This injury could have occurred from a blow to the head with some blunt heavy object or from a fall from a height. The injury is classified as lethal.
5. The death of Prince Vladimir Paley occurred from hemorrhages under the dura mater and into the substance of the brain and into the pleura. These injuries could occur when falling from a height or from blows to the head and chest with a blunt hard tool. Damage is classified as lethal.
6. Death b. Prince Igor Konstantinovich occurred from a hemorrhage under the dura mater and a violation of the integrity of the cranial bones and the base of the skull and from hemorrhages into the pleural cavity and into the peritoneal cavity. These injuries occurred from blows by some blunt solid object or from a fall from a height. Damage is classified as lethal.
7. The death of the nun Varvara Yakovleva occurred from a hemorrhage under the dura mater. The damage in question could have been caused by blows with a blunt hard object or a fall from a height.
This whole act was drawn up in the most essential justice and conscience, in accordance with the rules of medical science and on duty, which we certify with our signatures ... "

Investigator Sokolov, Judicial Investigator for Particularly Important Cases of the Omsk District Court N. A. Sokolov, whom Kolchak instructed in February 1919 to continue the case of the murder of the Romanovs, testified:

“Both the Yekaterinburg and Alapaevsk murders are the product of the same will of the same people.” // Sokolov N. The murder of the royal family. S. 329.

Obviously: the incitement of the Ural Bolshevik elite to the murder of the royal family, and the incitement by the Socialist-Revolutionaries of such public requests in the Urals; financial and consulting support white movement; sabotage activities of the counter-revolution within Russia; attempts to stir up a conflict between Russia and Germany; the accusation of the Soviet leadership of "involvement in German intelligence", which allegedly was the reason for his unwillingness to continue the war with Germany - all links in the same chain that stretches to the British and American intelligence services. We should not forget that a similar policy of clash between Russia and Germany was supported by British and American bankers just a few years after the events we are considering, taking on the financing of the Nazi military machine and fanning the fire of a new World War. // .

At the same time, even during the Second World War, the Third Reich, with all its sophisticated propaganda, did not release any German intelligence documents that would indicate connections with Lenin. But what a moral blow to Leninism, to the system of ideological coordinates of the Red Army soldiers who went into battle under Lenin's banners, and in general all Soviet citizens, would be! Obviously: such documents simply did not exist, just as Lenin's connection with German intelligence did not exist.

Note: the version that the execution of the Royal Family was initiated by the Soviet leadership does not find a single scientific confirmation, as well as the myth of the “ritual murder”, which today has become the core of monarchist propaganda, through which Western intelligence incites extremism of the Black Hundreds, anti-Semitic persuasion in Russia.

November 27, 2017, 09:35

According to official history, on the night of July 16-17, 1918, Nicholas II, along with his wife and children, was shot. After the burial was opened and identified, the remains were reburied in 1998 in the tomb of the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg. However, then the ROC did not confirm their authenticity.

“I cannot rule out that the church will recognize the royal remains as authentic if convincing evidence of their authenticity is found and if the examination is open and honest,” said Metropolitan Hilarion of Volokolamsk, head of the Department for External Church Relations of the Moscow Patriarchate, in July this year. In December, all the conclusions of the Investigative Committee and the commission of the Russian Orthodox Church will be considered by the Council of Bishops. It is he who will decide on the attitude of the church to the Yekaterinburg remains.

Almost a detective story with the remains

As you know, the Russian Orthodox Church did not participate in the burial of the remains of the royal family in 1998, explaining this by the fact that the church is not sure whether the true remains of the royal family are buried. The Russian Orthodox Church refers to the book of the Kolchak investigator Nikolai Sokolov, who concluded that all the bodies were burned. Some of the remains collected by Sokolov at the place of burning are stored in Brussels, in the church of St. Job the Long-suffering, and they have not been examined.

For the first time, researchers were led to the place of discovery of the remains (on the Old Koptyakovskaya Road) by Yurovsky's note, in which he describes in detail where and how he buried the corpses of the royal family. But why did the malicious murderer give a detailed report to his descendants, where should they look for evidence of the crime? Moreover, a number of modern historians put forward the version that Yurovsky belonged to an occult sect and certainly was not interested in the further veneration of holy relics by believers. If he wanted to confuse the investigation in this way, then he definitely achieved his goal - the case of the murder of Nicholas II and his family under the symbolic number 18666 has been shrouded in a halo of mystery for many years and contains a lot of conflicting data

Is Yurovsky's note authentic, on the basis of which the authorities were looking for a burial place? And now, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor Buranov, finds in the archive a handwritten note written by Mikhail Nikolaevich Pokrovsky, and by no means Yakov Mikhailovich Yurovsky. The grave is clearly marked there. That is, the note is a priori false. Pokrovsky was the first director of the Rosarkhiv. It was used by Stalin when history had to be rewritten. He has a famous expression: "History is politics turned into the past." Since Yurovsky's note was a fake, it was impossible to detect a burial from it.

And now, in the coming year of the 100th anniversary of the execution of the Romanov family, the Russian Orthodox Church has been instructed to give a final answer to all dark places execution near Yekaterinburg. To obtain a final answer under the auspices of the Russian Orthodox Church, research has been conducted for several years. Once again, historians, geneticists, graphologists, pathologists and other specialists are rechecking the facts, powerful scientific forces and the forces of the prosecutor's office, and all these actions again take place under a dense veil of secrecy.

But at the same time, no one remembers that after the capture of Yekaterinburg by the Whites, in turn, three commissions of the Whites made an unequivocal conclusion - there was no execution. Neither the Reds nor the Whites wanted to disclose this information. The Bolsheviks were interested in the money of the king, and Kolchak declared himself the Supreme Ruler of Russia, which could not be with a living sovereign. Before investigator Sokolov, the only investigator who published a book about the execution of the royal family, there were investigators Malinovsky, Nametkin (his archive was burned along with his house), Sergeev (dismissed from the case and killed). The investigating commissions cited facts and testimonies refuting the execution. But they were soon forgotten, since the 4th commission of Sokolov and Diteriks essentially fabricated the case of the execution of the Romanovs. They did not bring any facts to prove their theory, just as the investigators did not bring any facts in the 90s.

In the fall of 2015, investigators resumed the investigation into the death of members of the Romanov family. Currently, research on genetic identification is carried out by four independent groups of scientists. Two of them are foreign, working directly with the ROC. In early July 2017, the secretary of the church commission for studying the results of the study of the remains found near Yekaterinburg, Bishop Tikhon (Shevkunov) of Yegoryevsk, said: a large number of new circumstances and new documents. For example, Sverdlov's order to execute Nicholas II was found. In addition, according to the results of recent research, forensic experts confirmed that the remains of the king and queen belong to them, since a trace was suddenly found on the skull of Nicholas II, which is interpreted as a trace from a saber blow he received when visiting Japan. As for the queen, dentists identified her by the world's first porcelain veneers on platinum pins. Examinations are also currently being carried out to establish the authenticity of the remains found in 2007, possibly those of Tsarevich Alexei and Grand Duchess Maria.

Although, if you open the conclusion of the commission, written before the burial in 1998, it says: the bones of the sovereign's skull are so destroyed that the characteristic callus cannot be found. In the same conclusion, severe damage to the teeth of the alleged remains of Nikolai by periodontal disease was noted, since this person never been to the dentist. This confirms that it was not the tsar who was shot, since the records of the Tobolsk dentist, whom Nikolai turned to, remained. In addition, the fact that the growth of the skeleton of "Princess Anastasia" is 13 centimeters larger than her lifetime growth has not yet been found. Shevkunov did not say a word about the genetic examination, and this despite the fact that the genetic studies of 2003, conducted by Russian and American specialists, showed that the genome of the body of the alleged Empress and her sister Elizabeth Feodorovna do not match, which means there is no relationship.

In addition, in the museum of the city of Otsu (Japan) there are things left after the injury of the policeman Nicholas II. They have biological material that can be examined. According to them, Japanese geneticists from the Tatsuo Nagai group proved that the DNA of the remains of "Nicholas II" from near Yekaterinburg (and his family) does not 100% match the DNA of biomaterials from Japan. The publication by Japanese geneticists of the results of a study of human remains, which the official Russian authorities recognized as the remains of the family of Nikolai Romanov, made a lot of noise. After analyzing the DNA structures of the Yekaterinburg remains and comparing them with the DNA analysis of the brother of Nicholas II, Grand Duke Georgy Romanov, the natural nephew of Emperor Tikhon Kulikovsky-Romanov, and DNA taken from sweat particles from the imperial clothes, Tatsuo Nagai, a professor at the Tokyo Institute of Microbiology, came to the conclusion that the remains , discovered near Yekaterinburg, do not belong to Nicholas II and members of his family. The results of this examination showed the obvious incompetence of the entire government commission, which was created under the leadership of Boris Nemtsov. Tatsuo Nagai's conclusions are a very strong argument that is difficult to refute.

This gave particular weight to the arguments of that group of historians and geneticists who are sure that in 1998 absolutely alien remains were buried in the Peter and Paul Fortress under the guise of the imperial family with great fanfare. Neither the leadership of the Russian Church, nor representatives of the Romanov family came to the pretentious burial of the Ekaterinburg remains. Moreover, then Patriarch Alexy II took the word from Boris Yeltsin that he would not call the remains royal.

There are also results of a genetic examination of the President of the International Association of Forensic Physicians, Mr. Bonte from Düsseldorf. According to German scientists, these are the remains of the Filatovs, the twins of Nicholas II. Nicholas II had seven families of twins. The system of twins began with Alexander the First. Historically, it is known that there were two assassination attempts on him. Both times he remained alive, because doubles died. Alexander II had no twins. Alexander the Third had doubles after the famous train crash in Borki. Nicholas II had twins after Bloody Sunday 1905. Moreover, these were specially selected families. Only at the last moment did a very narrow circle of people find out which route and in which carriage Nicholas II would go. And so the same departure of all three carriages was made. In which of them Nikolai II was sitting is unknown. Documents about this lie in the archives of the third branch of the office of His Imperial Majesty. The Bolsheviks, having seized the archive in 1917, naturally received the names of all the twins.

Perhaps, from the remains of the Filatovs in 1946, the “remains of the royal family” were created? It is known that in 1946 Anna Andersen, a resident of Denmark, tried to get royal gold. By starting the second process of recognizing himself as Anastasia. Her first process did not end with anything, it lasted until the mid-30s. Then she paused and in 1946 filed a lawsuit again. Stalin, apparently, decided that it would be better to make a grave where "Anastasia" would lie, than to explain these issues to the West.

Further, the very place of execution of the Romanovs, the Ipatiev House, was demolished in 1977. In the mid-70s of the XX century, the government of the USSR was very worried about the increased attention of foreigners to the house of engineer Ipatiev. In 1978, two round dates were planned at once: the 110th anniversary of the birth of Nicholas II and the 60th anniversary of his assassination. In order to avoid the excitement around the Ipatiev house, KGB chairman Yuri Andropov proposed to demolish it. The final decision to destroy the mansion was made by Boris Yeltsin, who was then the first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the Communist Party.

The Ipatiev House, which stood for almost 90 years, was razed to the ground in September 1977. For this, the destroyers took 3 days, a bulldozer and a ball-woman. The official pretext for the destruction of the building was the planned reconstruction of the city center. But it is possible that this is not the case at all - the microparticles that meticulous researchers could find could already at that time refute the legend of the execution of the royal family, and give other versions of events and their defendants! Then there was already, albeit inaccurate, genetic analysis.

Financial background

As you know, in the bank of the Baring brothers, there is gold, personal gold of Nicholas II weighing five and a half tons. There is a long-term study by Professor Vladlen Sirotkin (MGIMO) "Foreign Gold of Russia" (M., 2000), where the gold and other holdings of the Romanov family accumulated in the accounts of Western banks are also estimated at no less than 400 billion dollars, and together with investments - in more than 2 trillion dollars! In the absence of Romanov heirs, the closest relatives turn out to be members of the English royal family... These are the interests of which may be the underlying reason for many events of the 19th-21st centuries... But the bank cannot give them this gold until Nicholas II is declared dead. According to the laws of Great Britain, the absence of a corpse and the absence of documents declaring a wanted list means that the person is alive.

By the way, it is not clear (or, on the contrary, it is understandable) for what reasons the royal house of England denied asylum three times to the Romanov family. And this despite the fact that the mothers of George V and Nicholas II were sisters. In the surviving correspondence, Nicholas II and George V call each other "Cousin Nicky" and "Cousin Georgie" - they were cousins, almost the same age, spent a lot of time together and were very similar in appearance.

At that time, 440 tons of gold from the gold reserves of Russia and 5.5 tons of personal gold of Nicholas II were in England as collateral for military loans. Now think about it: if the royal family died, then to whom would the gold go? Close relatives! Isn't that the reason why Cousin Georgie was denied admission to Cousin Nicky's family? To get gold, its owners had to die. Officially. And now all this must be connected with the burial of the royal family, which will officially testify that the owners of untold wealth are dead.

Versions of life after death

The first version: the royal family was shot near Yekaterinburg, and their remains, with the exception of Alexei and Maria, were reburied in St. Petersburg. The remains of these children were found in 2007, all examinations were carried out on them, and they, apparently, will be buried on the day of the 100th anniversary of the tragedy. When confirming this version, it is necessary for accuracy to once again identify all the remains and repeat all examinations, especially genetic and pathological anatomical ones.

The second version: the royal family was not shot, but was dispersed throughout Russia and all family members died of natural causes, having lived their lives in Russia or abroad, while a family of twins was shot in Yekaterinburg.

The surviving members of the royal family were watched by people from the KGB, where a special department was created for this, which was dissolved during perestroika. The archive of this department has been preserved. royal family saved by Stalin - the royal family was evacuated from Yekaterinburg through Perm to Moscow and fell into the hands of Trotsky, then People's Commissar of Defense. To further save the royal family, Stalin carried out a whole operation, stealing it from Trotsky's people and taking them to Sukhumi, to a specially built house next to the former house of the royal family. From there, all family members were distributed to different places, Maria and Anastasia were taken to the Glinsk hermitage (Sumy region), then Maria was transported to Nizhny Novgorod region, where she died of illness on May 24, 1954. Anastasia subsequently married Stalin's personal bodyguard and lived very secluded on a small farm, died

June 27, 1980 in the Volgograd region. The eldest daughters, Olga and Tatyana, were sent to the Serafimo-Diveevsky convent - the empress was settled not far from the girls. But they did not live here for long. Olga, having traveled through Afghanistan, Europe and Finland, settled in Vyritsa Leningrad region where she died on January 19, 1976. Tatyana lived partly in Georgia, partly on the territory Krasnodar Territory, buried in Krasnodar Territory, died September 21, 1992. Alexei and his mother lived in their dacha, then Alexei was transferred to Leningrad, where he was "made" a biography, and the whole world recognized him as a party and Soviet leader Alexei Nikolaevich Kosygin (Stalin sometimes called him a prince in front of everyone). Nicholas II lived and died in Nizhny Novgorod (December 22, 1958), and the tsarina died in the village of Starobelskaya, Lugansk region, on April 2, 1948, and was subsequently reburied in Nizhny Novgorod, where she and the emperor share a common grave. Three daughters of Nicholas II, except for Olga, had children. N.A. Romanov talked with I.V. Stalin, and the wealth of the Russian Empire was used to strengthen the power of the USSR ...