Karabakh conflict: dates, events. History of the disaster

It took London and Ankara exactly 100 days to prepare another act of the Karabakh bloodshed. Everything went like clockwork. On New Year's Eve, the heads of the defense departments of Turkey, Georgia and Azerbaijan pompously signed a tripartite defense memorandum, then, a month later, the British staged a scandalous demarche in PACE with the aim of "cutting the Karabakh knot" in favor of Baku, and now - the third act, in which, according to the laws genre gun hanging on the wall shoots.

Nagorno-Karabakh bleeds again, more than a hundred victims on both sides, and it seems not far from new war- in the soft underbelly of Russia. What is happening and how should we deal with what is happening?

And the following is happening: in Turkey, they are extremely dissatisfied with the "pro-Russian", as they say, President Ilham Aliyev. They are so dissatisfied that they are even ready to remove him, either by arranging a "Baku spring" for Aliyev, or by inciting frondeurs from the Azerbaijani military elite. The latter - and rather, and much cheaper. Please note: when the shooting started in Karabakh, Aliyev was not in Azerbaijan. So who gave the order to shoot in the absence of the president? It turns out that the decision to strike at the Armenian settlements was made by Defense Minister Zakir Hasanov, a great friend of Ankara and, one might say, a protégé of Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu. The story of Gasanov's appointment as a minister is little known and is clearly worth telling. Because, knowing this history, the current aggravation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict can be seen with completely different eyes.

Azerbaijani Defense Minister is a protege of Turkey

So, Hasanov's predecessor, Safar Abiyev, was appointed by the father of the current Azerbaijani president, Heydar Aliyev. The experience and managerial flair of an experienced party functionary and a high-ranking KGB officer allowed Aliyev Sr. to avoid military and near-military coups several times. In 1995, Heydar Aliyev had a chance to try his luck twice: in March, there was a rebellion inspired by the former Minister of Internal Affairs Iskander Hamidov, and in August, the "case of the generals" thundered throughout the country. A group of conspirators, which included two deputy defense ministers, intended to shoot down the presidential plane with a portable air defense system. In general, the well-known "fad" of Aliyev Sr. regarding the impending conspiracy of the military had its own clear explanation (also remembering the betrayal of ex-Minister of Defense Rahim Gaziev, which happened a little earlier). Therefore, it is not surprising that, when transferring power to his son, Heydar-aga commanded his heir: beware of a military putsch! At the same time, he secured Ilham as best he could, because since 1995, the military department has been permanently headed by Safar Abiyev, loyal to the Aliyev family.

On this topic

Last but not least, it was thanks to the personal participation of Minister Abiyev that the Armenian-Azerbaijani military confrontation in Nagorno-Karabakh ended. The astute and extremely cautious military man held back his subordinates in every possible way, every now and then trying to show a hot temper in an explosive region. But such a defense minister became extremely unprofitable for Ankara, which every now and then tried to fan the embers of the former conflagration in the Caucasus. And in 2013, the Turks detonated an information bomb. Remarkably, with the help of the radically “anti-Aliyev” Azerbaijani publication Yeni Musavat. Like, an assassination attempt was being prepared on the president and his son-in-law. At the same time, the journalists hinted very “thickly”: the conspiracy was organized by the military. Of course, no evidence was presented, as is usual in such cases. But even this slightest suspicion was enough for Ilham Aliyev to remove the faithful Abiyev from the leadership of the ministry.

Throughout his career, Abiyev fought Musavatists in the army - with the "Azerbaijani Turks", as, deliberately confusing the uninitiated, they refer to themselves in their publications, such as Yeni Musavat. For nearly two decades, the Musavatists have been "hollowing" the minister for "harassment and pressure on Azeri Turks in the army," and here - what luck! - the then Minister of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, the ethnic Crimean Tatar Ahmet Davutoglu, came to the rescue. It is not known what he "poured into the ears" of Ilham Aliyev, but Abiyev was replaced at the ministerial post by the one nominated by Ankara - General Zakir Hasanov. Ethnic Azeri Turk. And a fierce hater of Armenians - unlike his predecessor Abiyev.

REFERENCE

Washington traditionally takes neutrality in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Meanwhile, seven US states - Hawaii, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Maine, Louisiana, Georgia and California - officially recognize the independence of Artsakh. It is believed that behind these local recognitions is a very, very wealthy 2 million Armenian diaspora.

But London is unequivocally on the side of Azerbaijan.

And the positions of other European states in the Karabakh issue differ significantly. "For Baku" - Germany and " new Europe» (Poland, the Baltic States and Romania). "For Stepanakert" - France and Italy.

Ankara and London are provoking the situation in Karabakh, not Baku

Of course, Gasanov's nomination immediately provoked new clashes in Artsakh - Nagorno-Karabakh. Since the year before last, the situation in the region has escalated several times, and each time it has had to be resolved by the Russian president. And it's an amazing thing! - it was Minister of Defense Hasanov who provoked the shooting with his orders, taking advantage of the head of state's absences from Baku. But if the activity of the Minister of War were limited to provocations on the borders of Artsakh! Last December, Hasanov, after several bilateral and trilateral meetings in Istanbul of the defense ministers of Turkey, Azerbaijan and Georgia, initiated the signing of a defense pact with Ankara and Tbilisi. Ministers Ismet Yilmaz and Tina Khidasheli agreed that in the event of another aggravation on the borders with the Armenian enclave, they undertake to enter into a conflict on the side of the Azerbaijanis. And the document was signed - despite the fact that Georgia and Azerbaijan were not supported by the North Atlantic Alliance, as in the case with Turkey. Neither Khidasheli nor, of course, Hasanov were embarrassed by this circumstance. They probably really counted on the fact that, in which case, not only Turkey, but the entire NATO bloc was ready to “sign up” for them.

And this calculation, apparently, was based not only on conjectures and fantasies. There were also stronger reasons to rely on NATO. Political support for the Ankara-Baku-Tbilisi military axis was guaranteed by London. This is confirmed by the January speech at the PACE session by the British parliamentarian Robert Walter. There has not yet been any escalation of the conflict in Artsakh, but Walter, apparently, already knew something like that for sure, suggesting that the parliamentarians adopt a resolution on the "escalation of violence" in the region. It has always been like this: the British invariably sent the Turks to set fire to the Caucasus, while they themselves invariably stood behind them. Let us recall Imam Shamil - the Ottomans incited the highlanders, but the ideologists of what was happening were the politicians of Albion. So, nothing has changed today. That is why Robert Walter demanded from the PACE rostrum to "withdraw the Armenian forces from Nagorno-Karabakh" and "assert full control of Azerbaijan in these territories."

On this topic

The other day, economists at the Higher School of Economics compared salaries in dollars in Russia, the CIS countries and Eastern Europe in terms of purchasing power parity (PPP) - this indicator equalizes the purchasing power of currencies of different countries. The authors of the study used 2011 PPP data from the World Bank, exchange rate data, and inflation rates in the countries under consideration in subsequent years.

It is unlikely that the reason for the intensification of Turkey's actions is explained only by the desire to respond symmetrically to Moscow for the actual recognition of Kurdistan. The explanation is most likely different: Ankara is preparing a "color revolution" for President Ilham Aliyev - by the hands of the Azerbaijani military.

In February-March, Turkish military specialists traveled from Ankara to Baku. Compared to Armenians, Azerbaijanis are unimportant fighters. They wouldn't dare attack on their own. Remarkably, the former Minister of Defense of Azerbaijan and the head of the General Staff unanimously testified that the army in its current form could not return Artsakh. Well, with the promised help from the Turks, why not try your luck? Fortunately, the minister is different. By the way, a curious touch: as soon as the conflict in Karabakh escalated, a considerable detachment moved to the aid of the Azerbaijanis Crimean Tatars from the Kherson region of Ukraine. Either 300 bayonets, or more. Without Ankara, of course, it could not have done here either. It is noteworthy that both Yerevan and Stepanakert were informed in advance about a possible provocation. It is no coincidence that Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan, at a meeting with the ambassadors of the OSCE member states, stressed that it was not Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev who provoked the bloodshed. The bloody provocation was prepared by the leadership of Turkey and carried out by the Minister of Defense of Azerbaijan in the absence of the President of the country.

Anatoly NESMIYAN, orientalist:

“Militarily, Baku has no chance of returning Karabakh. On the other hand, Azerbaijani generals have the opportunity to move forward locally in a short period of time - in the expectation that external players will stop the war at a time when Azerbaijan can no longer move forward. The maximum that the Azerbaijanis can achieve with this is to establish control over a couple of villages. And it will be served as a victory. To return the whole of Karabakh, in its entirety, Baku is not able to. Even the army of Karabakh cannot cope, and there is also the army of Armenia. But Baku is not afraid to lose either, knowing full well that it will simply not be allowed to lose - the same Moscow that will immediately intervene. In my opinion, the current aggravation of the situation is caused by the fact that the West and Turkey have finally decided on the future fate of Ilham Aliyev - they are preparing a “Baku revolution” with original script. This “revolution” will have four stages: the conflict in Karabakh, the defeat of Azerbaijan, the recognition of Artsakh by Washington (seven states have already been determined) and the coup in Baku. The first step has already been completed, the second is almost complete. Half way done - in just a few days. Aliyev should have been more careful.

How Moscow will respond to Ankara's provocations

What to expect? Some military experts, such as Franz Klintsevich, believe that the aggravation in Artsakh will develop further. Moreover, the alignment, in his words, is as follows: Armenia, they say, is part of the CSTO, but Azerbaijan is not, and this means that Russia will inevitably have to take the Armenian side in the conflict. In fact, everything is not so simple. Armenia - like Russia - is not a party to the Karabakh conflict. Its sides are Azerbaijan and the Republic of Artsakh, although not recognized even by Yerevan, but a completely independent state the size of half of Armenia. Artsakh is not represented in the CSTO. So, one should hardly draw hasty conclusions that, in the event of an escalation of the conflict, Russia will have to send troops to the unrecognized republic. You won't have to.

And one more important point. There is a myth that if Nagorno-Karabakh is “shoved” back into Azerbaijan, the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict will inevitably be settled. Alas, it is not. Take a look at the map. Azerbaijan has an exclave in the south - the Nakhichevan autonomy. It is shared with Azerbaijan not only by Artsakh, in the appearance of which after the collapse of the USSR, they say, the whole essence of the conflict lies. Between Nakhichevan and the rest of the country there is a large piece of Armenia. Should we also give it to Baku for the final settlement of the peace process, because, as follows from the Azerbaijani agenda, the conflict between Armenians and Azerbaijanis will be settled only if Azerbaijan is finally fully reunited? Thus, today there is no geopolitical solution that could bring the conflict to naught.

However, it should be recognized that neither the President of Armenia, nor his Azerbaijani counterpart, nor the leadership of Artsakh are ready to unleash a big war in the Caucasus. Only the Turkish lobby in Baku, headed by Defense Minister Zakir Hasanov, is ready to shed blood. By the way, Turkey, through the mouth of Prime Minister Davutoglu, promised to come to the rescue in case of aggravation of the situation on the borders, somehow did not show up on the battlefield, leaving the Azerbaijanis to die there alone.

In general, as always, Moscow will have to resolve the situation. By no means using weapons, but only diplomacy. Even ruder - using a hundred times criticized, but perfectly working "telephone law". President Putin, as always in such cases, will phone the heads of Armenia and Azerbaijan, and then the Armenian leader will phone his colleague from Artsakh. And the shooting will subside, even if a short time. And in that Russian President will find the right words to reason with his Azerbaijani colleague Ilham Aliyev, there is no doubt. It will be much more interesting to watch how the Russian leadership "thanks" the Turks. Here you can fantasize about a lot. And about the beginning of deliveries of humanitarian cargoes to the regions of Syria bordering with Turkey. The experience of Donbass suggests that the bodies of Russian trucks with humanitarian aid are much more voluminous than is commonly thought. There will be a place there for everything that the Kurds cannot do without. Today, Ankara is unsuccessfully trying to pacify the Kurdish cities on its territory - tanks and attack aircraft are used. Against practically unarmed Kurds! And if the Kurds are lucky to find some useful tool among the cans of stew and medicines - purely by chance, of course? Will Erdogan cope? Very, very doubtful. Turkey will not get off with tomatoes now, it is true that Putin warned them. And England will not help them - however, it has always been so.

It happens that the politicians of Artsakh continue their careers in the "metropolis", so to speak. For example, the first president of Nagorno-Karabakh, Robert Kocharyan, became the second president of Armenia. But often, Stepanakert brings outright political adventurers into the power echelons - to the complete misunderstanding of official Yerevan. So, in 1999, the government of Artsakh was headed by the odious Anushavan Danielyan, a politician who had fled from Crimea the day before, convicted of collaborating with the Salem organized criminal group. In Stepanakert, he surfaced along with his Simferopol accomplice Vladimir Shevyov (Gasparian), and this couple ruled the economy of the unrecognized republic for eight years. Moreover, the then President of Artsakh Arkady Ghukasyan was informed in detail about the criminal background of Danielyan’s activities with Shevyov in Crimea. Thus, some statements by official Baku that crime bosses are in charge in Stepanakert do have well-known grounds.

Nagorno-Karabakh (Armenians prefer to use the old name Artsakh) is a small territory in the Transcaucasus. Mountains cut by deep gorges, turning into valleys in the east, small fast rivers, forests below and steppes higher up the mountain slopes, a cool climate without sudden changes in temperature. Since ancient times, this territory was inhabited by Armenians, it was part of various Armenian states and principalities, there are numerous monuments on its territory. Armenian history and culture.

At the same time, a significant Turkic population has been penetrating here since the 18th century (the term "Azerbaijanis" was not yet accepted), the territory is part of the Karabakh Khanate, which was ruled by a Turkic dynasty, and the majority of the population of which were Muslim Turks.

In the first half of the 19th century, as a result of wars with Turkey, Persia and individual khanates, the entire Transcaucasus, including Nagorno-Karabakh, goes to Russia. Somewhat later, it was divided into provinces without regard to ethnicity. So Nagorno-Karabakh at the beginning of the 20th century was part of the Elizavetpol province, most of which was inhabited by Azerbaijanis.

By 1918 Russian empire collapsed as a result of well-known revolutionary events. Transcaucasia became the arena of bloody inter-ethnic struggle, until the time it was held back by the Russian authorities (It is worth noting that during the previous weakening of imperial power during the revolution of 1905-1907, Karabakh already became the scene of clashes between Armenians and Azerbaijanis.). The newly formed state of Azerbaijan claimed the entire territory of the former Elizavetpol province. The Armenians, who constituted the majority in Nagorno-Karabakh, wished either to be independent or to join the Armenian Republic. The situation was accompanied by military clashes. Even when both states, Armenia and Azerbaijan, became Soviet republics, a territorial dispute continued between them. It was decided in favor of Azerbaijan, but with reservations: most of the territories with the Armenian population were allocated to the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region (NKAR) as part of the Azerbaijan SSR. The reasons why the Union leadership made such a decision are unclear. Turkey’s influence (in favor of Azerbaijan), the greater influence of the Azerbaijani “lobby” in the union leadership compared to the Armenian one, Moscow’s desire to maintain a hotbed of tension in order to act as the supreme arbiter, etc. are put forward as assumptions.

AT Soviet time the conflict quietly smoldered, breaking through now with petitions from the Armenian public for the transfer of Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia, then with the measures of the Azerbaijani leadership to creep out the Armenian population from the regions adjacent to the autonomous region. The abscess broke through as soon as the allied power weakened during the "perestroika".

The conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh became a landmark for the Soviet Union. He clearly showed the growing helplessness of the central leadership. He demonstrated for the first time that the Union, which seemed indestructible in accordance with the words of his anthem, can be destroyed. In some way it is Nagorno-Karabakh conflict became the catalyst for the collapse of the Soviet Union. Thus, its significance goes far beyond the region. It is difficult to say which way the history of the USSR, and hence the whole world, would have gone if Moscow had found the strength to quickly resolve this dispute.

The conflict began in 1987 with mass rallies of the Armenian population under the slogans of reunification with Armenia. The Azerbaijani leadership, with the support of the Union, unambiguously rejects these demands. Attempts to resolve the situation are reduced to holding meetings and issuing documents. In the same year, the first Azerbaijani refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh appear. In 1988, the first blood was shed - two Azerbaijanis died in a clash with Armenians and police in the village of Askeran. Information about this incident leads to an Armenian pogrom in Azerbaijani Sumgayit. This is the first mass ethnic violence in the Soviet Union in decades and the first death bell toll on Soviet unity. Further violence grows, the flow of refugees from both sides increases. The central government demonstrates helplessness, the adoption of real decisions is at the mercy of the republican authorities. The actions of the latter (the deportation of the Armenian population and the economic blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh by Azerbaijan, the proclamation of Nagorno-Karabakh as part of the Armenian SSR by Armenia) inflame the situation.

Azerbaijani refugees from the region of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, 1993.

Since 1990, the conflict has escalated into a war with the use of artillery. Illegal armed formations are active. The leadership of the USSR is trying to use force (mainly against the Armenian side), but it's too late - the Soviet Union itself ceases to exist. Independent Azerbaijan proclaims Nagorno-Karabakh as its part. The NKAR declares independence within the boundaries of the autonomous region and the Shahumyan region of the Azerbaijan SSR.

The war lasted until 1994, accompanied by war crimes and heavy civilian casualties on both sides. Many cities were turned into ruins. On the one hand, the armies of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia participated in it, on the other hand, the armies of Azerbaijan, supported by Muslim volunteers from around the world (usually they mention Afghan Mujahideen and Chechen fighters). The war ended after the decisive victories of the Armenian side, which established control over for the most part Nagorno-Karabakh and adjacent regions of Azerbaijan. After that, the parties agreed to the mediation of the CIS (primarily Russia). Since then, a fragile peace has been maintained in Nagorno-Karabakh, sometimes broken by skirmishes on the border.

The war is over, but the problem is far from being solved.

Azerbaijan firmly insists on its territorial integrity, agreeing to discuss only the autonomy of the republic. The Armenian side just as firmly insists on the independence of Karabakh. The main obstacle for constructive negotiations- Mutual bitterness of the parties. By setting the nations against each other (or at least not preventing the incitement of hatred), the authorities fell into a trap - now it is impossible for them to take a step towards the other side without being accused of betrayal.

The fourth building of the sanatorium "Shusha". In this building in 1988 the regiment 3217 VV was located to ensure order and peace in Nagorno-Karabakh.

The depth of the abyss between the peoples is well seen in the coverage of the conflict by both sides. There is no hint of objectivity. The parties unanimously keep silent about unfavorable pages of history for themselves and immensely inflate the crimes of the enemy.

The Armenian side focuses on the historical belonging of the region of Armenia, on the illegality of the inclusion of Nagorno-Karabakh in the Azerbaijan SSR, on the right of peoples to self-determination. The crimes of Azerbaijanis against the civilian population are depicted - such as pogroms in Sumgayit, Baku, etc. At the same time, real events acquire clearly exaggerated features - such as the story of mass cannibalism in Sumgayit. Azerbaijan's connection with international Islamic terrorism is being raised. From the conflict, the accusations are transferred to the structure of the Azerbaijani state in general.

The Azerbaijani side, in turn, rests on the long-standing ties between Karabakh and Azerbaijan (remembering the Turkic Karabakh Khanate), on the principle of inviolability of borders. The crimes of Armenian militants are also commemorated, while their own are completely forgotten. The connection of Armenia with the international Armenian terrorism is pointed out. Unflattering conclusions are drawn about the world Armenians as a whole.

In such an environment, it is extremely difficult for international mediators to act, especially given the fact that the mediators themselves represent different world forces and act in different interests.

The main international group trying to resolve the conflict is the so-called OSCE Minsk Group chaired by Russia, France and the United States.

In general, the group offered a choice of three settlement plans - a package, a staged plan and a comprehensive settlement plan based on the concept of a "common state". According to the latter, "Nagorno-Karabakh is a state and territorial entity in the form of a Republic and forms a common state with Azerbaijan within its internationally recognized borders" (Quoted by Jilavyan A. "Karabakh boom." // "Nezavisimaya Gazeta" dated 23.02.2003). Nagorno-Karabakh was supposed to be granted broad autonomy, including the right to direct foreign economic activity, the right to security forces (in fact, the army), its own constitution and the issuance of its own banknotes. The borders of the republic were established within the NKAO, the border between Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan was declared open. The budget of Karabakh was to be formed from its own sources.

Such autonomy suspiciously resembled independence, and Azerbaijan rejected the plan, while Armenia and the NKR accepted it.

The United States proposed its plan in 2006 in the person of OSCE Minsk Group co-chairman Matthew Bryza. It was based on the following principles:

Armenian forces are leaving the occupied Azerbaijani territories outside the former NKAO;

Diplomatic relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan are being normalized;

These territories host international peacekeeping forces;

A referendum on independence is being held on the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Despite the apparent profitability, this plan has already raised many questions from the Armenian side.

Firstly, the occupied regions create a "security belt" around the NKR. They have strategically important heights that allow shooting through the territory of the unrecognized republic.

Secondly, the territory of the Lachin and Kelbajar regions, which the Armenians must also leave according to Bryza's plan, is wedged between Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia. By handing them over, the Karabakh Armenians run the risk of being surrounded.

Thirdly, Armenia stimulated resettlement in the territories of these two regions. What about the migrants?

Fourthly, the Armenians are interested in the composition of the peacekeeping forces and their real ability keep the parties from violence.

Azerbaijanis are not satisfied with the lack of obligation to return refugees in the plan, as well as the uncertainty in holding a referendum - will the votes of Azerbaijanis who left Karabakh as a result of the conflict be taken into account?

Thus, this plan also failed to reconcile the parties.

Several times the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan met face to face to discuss the problem. This was the case in 2001 in Paris, and then in Key West (USA) and in 2006 in Paris (Château de Rambouillet). But even in these cases, no agreements could be reached.

Recently, there has been renewed hope for progress in resolving the conflict. Analysts attribute the increased activity of the parties to the Five-Day War in South Ossetia, which changed the balance of power in the Caucasus (especially the role of Russia) and clearly demonstrated how "frozen" conflicts could end. Since the end of 2008, Russia has been taking steps to bring the parties to the negotiating table. In November, Russia managed to achieve the signing of the Declaration on the non-use of force at the talks in the Moscow region. The document states the readiness of the parties "to contribute to the improvement of the situation in the South Caucasus and the establishment of an environment of stability and security in the region through the political settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the principles and norms of international law» . An agreement was also reached to hold direct talks between the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan in June 2009. Another regional player is also active - Turkey, which previously acted from an extremely pro-Azerbaijani position. Last year, Turkey made some contacts with the Armenian side for the first time.

Celebration of the 20th anniversary of the Independence Day of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic / Leadership of Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia, clergy. September 2, 2011

At the same time, the parties declare their determination to defend their principled positions - the integrity of Azerbaijan and the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh, respectively. Given the incompatibility of these positions, it is not very clear what the presidents will talk about in June. Perhaps this conflict will be resolved only when generations change and the intensity of hatred between peoples weakens.

Prehistory of the Armenian-Azerbaijani war. 1905

The conflict between Christian Armenians and Muslim Azerbaijanis has deep roots. There are not only religious, but also broader, cultural differences. By the beginning of the 20th century, there were no clear boundaries between the Armenian and Azerbaijani territories. Everything belonged to one empire. Two peoples settled "inside the territories" of another people, that is, a situation developed when, for example, first there was a settlement of Azerbaijanis, then Armenians, then again Azerbaijanis. “Inside the territories” is used in quotation marks, since these territories belonged to the Russian Empire until the end of 1917. No one just cared about the peaceful division of the lands, so that everyone had their own country. As a result, land surveying is still taking place, although not with such heat. A typical story in the territories of the former colonies: “efficiency” is important for empires, not the life of peoples. Here it is appropriate to recall to some extent the Middle East: inadequate drawing of borders as a symbol of the "effective management" of the empire. More similarities follow.

Cossack patrol near the burnt oil fields in Baku, 1905

The first clashes in the 20th century occurred just when the imperial center trembled - in 1905. In February 1905, the massacre in Baku and Nakhichevan (the territory bordering with present-day Armenia). Then a rumor spread in Baku teahouses that the Armenians wanted to attack Muslims on a Shiite holiday, any funerals of victims of contract killings turned into demonstrations. The situation was tense. Then a group of Armenians shot an Azerbaijani worker. This is where the pogroms broke out.

The beginnings of conflict at the end of the 19th century

If we delve further into prehistory, we will find several causes of conflict in the last decades of the 19th century. After Russia annexed Transcaucasia, the empire applied the same practices to these territories as to its own. European dominions. In particular, non-Christians could occupy no more than a third of the seats in local governments. Initially, this measure was directed against the Jews, but in Transcaucasia it turned against Muslims. As a result, most of the seats in the meetings were occupied by Armenians.

Further, the Russian Empire tried to rely on Armenians as conductors of its power in the region (Christians, on the other hand). However, this only developed a sense of exclusivity among the Armenian nobility, which went against the goals of the empire. More and more Armenians remember the great Armenian kingdom. They will not only think about him more often, but also write about him when the governor and politics in Transcaucasia change. Grigory Golitsyn, appointed in 1886, will support the Muslims: he will greatly reduce the number of Armenian officials, and Azerbaijanis will take their place. Golitsyn will see a danger in the Armenians, since they are the same Jews - this is how it was written in the reports to St. Petersburg. Armenian schools will be closed, children will receive education according to the Russian model, the history and geography of Armenia will be excluded from school programs. Armenian nationalists, in particular the Dashnaktsutyun party, will embark on the path of terror.

It is noteworthy that the representatives of the empire, in general, were inactive. The Bolsheviks later saw the reason for the massacre in the fact that the imperial authorities deliberately pitted the more loyal Muslim Azerbaijani population against the revolutionary-minded Armenian population.

Armenian-Azerbaijani war of 1918-1920

Azerbaijan and Armenia in 1919-1920

As already noted, the history around the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict is reminiscent of how they fought in the Middle East. Only in smaller spaces, very close and no less confusing. Azerbaijan sought to reach the borders of friendly Turkey and take the territories inhabited by Azerbaijanis under its control. The main actions unfolded in Karabakh, Zangezur and Nakhichevan. Everything is in the direction from Azerbaijan to the border with Turkey. The Armenians also wanted to take control of all the territories inhabited by Armenians.

Azerbaijani artilleryman in Karabakh

During the war, the mutual hatred of the neighbors reached such an extent that both sides destroyed the settlements of the enemies. The terrain in the war zones, according to foreigners, was not just depopulated - there was simply nothing left. Both sides expelled enemy peoples, shot, destroyed villages, turned the received territories into purely Armenian or Azerbaijani territories.

The territories inhabited by Armenians in Azerbaijan were empty or were settled by Azerbaijanis and Kurds. 17 thousand Armenians were killed in 24 villages in Shamakhi district, 20 thousand Armenians in 20 villages in Nukhinsky district. A similar picture was observed in Aghdam and Ganja. In Armenia, the regions inhabited by Azerbaijanis were also left without their original inhabitants. Dashnaks, members of the Dashnaktsutyun party and controlled troops “cleared” the Novobayazet, Erivan, Echmiadzin and Sharuro-Daralagez districts of Azerbaijanis.

Karabakh Armistice Commission, 1918

The Entente is doing something (the Bolsheviks won)

In view of the inaction, for obvious reasons, of the Russian authorities in this area, to resolve the situation around the conflict at the very borders Ottoman Empire the British got involved with the Americans. And at first everything went well for the Armenians, they even called the British allies. The victors in the Great War were able to recapture Western Armenia on paper - in 1920 the Treaty of Sevres was signed, denoting the division of Turkey. The implementation of the papers was prevented by the coming to power of the Kemalists in Turkey. They did not ratify the treaty signed by the Sultan's government.

Brits in Baku

In addition to the Treaty of Sevres and the Paris Conference that took place a year before Sevres (there, for example, the United States was given a mandate for the Transcaucasus in the spirit of those established in the Middle East), one should note the constant mediation of the British in the negotiations, their attempts to reconcile the parties. But, apparently, because of some goals in Paris, the British pursued a more pro-Azerbaijani policy, which aroused the indignation of the Armenians. The latter considered themselves a "little ally" of Britain. In general, the efforts of the Entente to establish peace in the region were in vain. And not even because the Bolsheviks came and pacified everyone by the power of the Red Army. Simply, apparently, such a deep hatred is not smoothed out by papers and diplomats. This is visible today.

The conflict between Azerbaijan, on the one hand, and Armenia and the NKR, on the other, escalated on April 2, 2016: the parties accused each other of shelling the border areas, after which positional battles began. At least 33 people were killed in the fighting, according to the UN.

Nagorno-Karabakh (Armenians prefer to use the old name Artsakh) is a small territory in the Transcaucasus. Mountains cut by deep gorges, turning into valleys in the east, small fast rivers, forests below and steppes higher up the mountain slopes, a cool climate without sudden changes in temperature. From ancient times, this territory was inhabited by Armenians, was part of various Armenian states and principalities, and numerous monuments of Armenian history and culture are located on its territory.

At the same time, a significant Turkic population has been penetrating here since the 18th century (the term "Azerbaijanis" was not yet accepted), the territory is part of the Karabakh Khanate, which was ruled by a Turkic dynasty, and the majority of the population of which were Muslim Turks.

In the first half of the 19th century, as a result of wars with Turkey, Persia and individual khanates, the entire Transcaucasus, including Nagorno-Karabakh, goes to Russia. Somewhat later, it was divided into provinces without regard to ethnicity. So Nagorno-Karabakh at the beginning of the 20th century was part of the Elizavetpol province, most of which was inhabited by Azerbaijanis.

By 1918, the Russian Empire had disintegrated as a result of well-known revolutionary events. Transcaucasia became the arena of bloody inter-ethnic struggle, until the time restrained by the Russian authorities (It is worth noting that during the previous weakening of imperial power during the revolution of 1905-1907, Karabakh already became the arena of clashes between Armenians and Azerbaijanis.). The newly formed state of Azerbaijan claimed the entire territory of the former Elizavetpol province.

The Armenians, who constituted the majority in Nagorno-Karabakh, wished either to be independent or to join the Armenian Republic. The situation was accompanied by military clashes. Even when both states, Armenia and Azerbaijan, became Soviet republics, a territorial dispute continued between them. It was decided in favor of Azerbaijan, but with reservations: most of the territories with the Armenian population were allocated to the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region (NKAR) as part of the Azerbaijan SSR.

The reasons why the Union leadership made such a decision are unclear. Turkey’s influence (in favor of Azerbaijan), the greater influence of the Azerbaijani “lobby” in the union leadership compared to the Armenian one, Moscow’s desire to maintain a hotbed of tension in order to act as the supreme arbiter, etc. are put forward as assumptions.

In Soviet times, the conflict quietly smoldered, breaking through either with the petitions of the Armenian public for the transfer of Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia, or with the measures of the Azerbaijani leadership to creep out the Armenian population from the regions adjacent to the autonomous region. The abscess broke through as soon as the allied power weakened during the "perestroika".

The conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh became a landmark for the Soviet Union. He clearly showed the growing helplessness of the central leadership. He demonstrated for the first time that the Union, which seemed indestructible in accordance with the words of his anthem, can be destroyed. In some way, it was the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict that became the catalyst for the process of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Thus, its significance goes far beyond the region. It is difficult to say which way the history of the USSR, and hence the whole world, would have gone if Moscow had found the strength to quickly resolve this dispute.

The conflict began in 1987 with mass rallies of the Armenian population under the slogans of reunification with Armenia. The Azerbaijani leadership, with the support of the Union, unambiguously rejects these demands. Attempts to resolve the situation are reduced to holding meetings and issuing documents.

In the same year, the first Azerbaijani refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh appear. In 1988, the first blood was shed - two Azerbaijanis died in a clash with Armenians and police in the village of Askeran. Information about this incident leads to an Armenian pogrom in Azerbaijani Sumgayit. This is the first case of mass ethnic violence in the Soviet Union in several decades and the first death bell toll on Soviet unity. Further violence grows, the flow of refugees from both sides increases. The central government demonstrates helplessness, the adoption of real decisions is at the mercy of the republican authorities. The actions of the latter (the deportation of the Armenian population and the economic blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh by Azerbaijan, the proclamation of Nagorno-Karabakh as part of the Armenian SSR by Armenia) inflame the situation.

Since 1990, the conflict has escalated into a war with the use of artillery. Illegal armed formations are active. The leadership of the USSR is trying to use force (mainly against the Armenian side), but it's too late - the Soviet Union itself ceases to exist. Independent Azerbaijan proclaims Nagorno-Karabakh as its part. The NKAR declares independence within the boundaries of the autonomous region and the Shahumyan region of the Azerbaijan SSR.

The war lasted until 1994, accompanied by war crimes and heavy civilian casualties on both sides. Many cities were turned into ruins. On the one hand, the armies of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia participated in it, on the other hand, the armies of Azerbaijan, supported by Muslim volunteers from around the world (usually they mention Afghan Mujahideen and Chechen fighters). The war ended after the decisive victories of the Armenian side, which established control over most of Nagorno-Karabakh and the adjacent regions of Azerbaijan. After that, the parties agreed to the mediation of the CIS (primarily Russia). Since then, a fragile peace has been maintained in Nagorno-Karabakh, sometimes broken by skirmishes on the border, but the problem is far from being solved.

Azerbaijan firmly insists on its territorial integrity, agreeing to discuss only the autonomy of the republic. The Armenian side just as firmly insists on the independence of Karabakh. The main obstacle to constructive negotiations is the mutual exasperation of the parties. By setting the peoples against each other (or at least not preventing the incitement of hatred), the authorities fell into a trap - now it is impossible for them to take a step towards the other side without being accused of betrayal.

The depth of the abyss between the peoples is well seen in the coverage of the conflict by both sides. There is no hint of objectivity. The parties unanimously keep silent about unfavorable pages of history for themselves and immensely inflate the crimes of the enemy.

The Armenian side focuses on the historical belonging of the region of Armenia, on the illegality of the inclusion of Nagorno-Karabakh in the Azerbaijan SSR, on the right of peoples to self-determination. The crimes of Azerbaijanis against the civilian population are depicted - such as pogroms in Sumgayit, Baku, etc. At the same time, real events acquire clearly exaggerated features - such as the story of mass cannibalism in Sumgayit. Azerbaijan's connection with international Islamic terrorism is being raised. From the conflict, the accusations are transferred to the structure of the Azerbaijani state in general.

The Azerbaijani side, in turn, rests on the long-standing ties between Karabakh and Azerbaijan (remembering the Turkic Karabakh Khanate), on the principle of inviolability of borders. The crimes of Armenian militants are also commemorated, while their own are completely forgotten. The connection of Armenia with the international Armenian terrorism is pointed out. Unflattering conclusions are drawn about the world Armenians as a whole.

In such an environment, it is extremely difficult for international mediators to act, especially given the fact that the mediators themselves represent different world forces and act in different interests.

The parties declare their determination to uphold the principled positions - the integrity of Azerbaijan and the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh, respectively. Perhaps this conflict will be resolved only when generations change and the intensity of hatred between peoples weakens.

The Karabakh conflict is an ethno-political conflict in Transcaucasia between Azerbaijanis and Armenians. Nagorno-Karabakh, populated mainly by Armenians, at the beginning of the 20th century twice (1905-1907, 1918-1920) became the scene of a bloody Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. Autonomy in Nagorno-Karabakh was established in 1923, since 1937 - the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region. After the end of the Second World War, the leadership of Armenia raised the issue of transferring the NKAR to the republic, but did not receive the support of the leadership of the USSR. In an interview with the Zerkalo newspaper, Heydar Aliyev claims that, being the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Azerbaijan SSR (1969-1982), he pursued a policy aimed at changing the demographic balance in the region in favor of the Azerbaijanis. (See Appendix 3)

Quite different opportunities were provided by the policy of democratization of Soviet public life initiated by MS Gorbachev. Already in October 1987, at rallies in Yerevan devoted to environmental problems, demands were made for the transfer of the NKAO to Armenia, which were subsequently repeated in numerous appeals addressed to the Soviet leadership. In 1987-1988 in the region, the discontent of the Armenian population is growing, the reason for which was the socio-economic situation.

The Karabakh Armenians felt themselves the object of various restrictions on the part of Azerbaijan. The main reason for dissatisfaction was that the Azerbaijani authorities deliberately led the matter to break the ties of the region with Armenia and pursued a policy of cultural de-Armenization of the region, systematic settlement of it by Azerbaijanis, squeezing the Armenian population out of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region, while neglecting its economic needs. By this time, the proportion of the Armenian majority in the population had dropped to 76%; the region exploited by the authorities in Baku was economically impoverished, and the Armenian culture of the region was suppressed. Despite the proximity of the region to Armenia, people were not able to receive broadcasts from Yerevan television, and the teaching of Armenian history in schools was prohibited.

Since the second half of 1987, the Armenians have been actively conducting a campaign to collect signatures for the annexation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region to the Armenian SSR. Delegations went to Moscow from Karabakh Armenians"push through" their cause in the Central Committee of the CPSU. Influential Armenians (writer Zori Balayan, historian Sergei Mikoyan) actively lobbied for the Karabakh issue abroad.

The leaders of the national movements, in an effort to secure mass support for themselves, placed particular emphasis on the fact that their republics and peoples were "feeding" Russia and the Union Center. As the economic crisis deepened, this instilled in the minds of people the idea that their prosperity could be ensured only as a result of secession from the USSR. For the party elite of the republics, an exceptional opportunity was created to ensure a quick career and well-being. The "Gorbachev team" was not ready to offer ways out of the "national impasse" and therefore constantly hesitated to make decisions. The situation began to spiral out of control.

In September-October 1987, the first secretary of the Shamkhor region of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan, M. Asadov, came into conflict with the inhabitants of the Armenian village of Chardakhly, Shamkhor region (northern Karabakh, outside the NKAO) in connection with the protests of the villagers against the dismissal of the director of the state farm - an Armenian, while there were beatings and arrests of several dozen villagers (see Annex 4). A small protest demonstration is taking place in Yerevan in connection with this.

In November 1987, as a result of interethnic clashes, Azerbaijanis living in the Kafan and Meghri regions of the Armenian SSR left for Azerbaijan. The Azerbaijani authorities use party levers to condemn "nationalist", "extremist-separatist" processes.

On February 11, 1988, a large group of representatives of the government of Azerbaijan and the leadership of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan, headed by the second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan, Vasily Konovalov, leaves for Stepanakert. The group also includes the head of the department of administrative bodies of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan M. Asadov, deputy heads of the republican KGB, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the prosecutor's office, the Supreme Court and law enforcement officers who ensure their safety.

On the night of February 11-12, Stepanakert is hosting an expanded meeting of the Bureau of the Regional Committee of the CPA with the participation of leaders who have arrived from Baku. The bureau decides to condemn the “nationalist”, “extremist-separatist” processes that are gaining momentum in the region, and to hold “party and economic assets” on February 12-13 in the city of Stepanakert and in all regional centers of the NKAR, and then at the level of the autonomous region in order to oppose the growing popular discontent with all the might of a single party-economic apparatus.

On February 12, in the assembly hall of the Stepanakert City Committee of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan, a city party and economic asset is held with the participation of representatives from Baku, local party leaders, heads of state institutions, enterprises, trade union committees and party organizers. At the beginning of the meeting, it was stated that “extremists” and “separatists” were behind the events in Karabakh, who were unable to lead the people. The meeting proceeds according to a pre-prepared scenario, the speakers declare the indestructible brotherhood of Azerbaijanis and Armenians and try to reduce the problem to criticism of individual economic shortcomings. After some time, Maxim Mirzoyan bursts onto the podium, who sharply criticizes everything said for indifference and neglect of the national specification of Karabakh, “Azerbaijanization” and the implementation of a demographic policy that contributes to a decrease in the share of the Armenian population in the region. This speech leads to the fact that the meeting gets out of control of the party leaders and the members of the presidium leave the hall. The news about the failure of the meeting reaches Askeran, and the district party and economic asset also does not go according to the planned scenario. An attempt to hold a party and economic asset in the Hadrut region on the same day generally leads to a spontaneous rally. The plans of the Azerbaijani leadership to settle the situation were frustrated. The party and economic leaders of Karabakh not only did not condemn "extremism", but, on the contrary, actively supported it.

On February 13, the first meeting takes place in Stepanakert, at which demands are put forward for the annexation of the NKAR to Armenia. The Executive Committee of the City Council gives permission for its holding, denoting the goal - "the demand for the reunification of the NKAR with Armenia." Head Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Azerbaijan SSR M. Asadov unsuccessfully tries to prevent the rally. Meanwhile, according to participants in the events, the executive authorities of the autonomous region are split and lose control over the situation. Management is taken over by the Board of Directors, which includes the heads of large enterprises in the region and individual activists. The Council decides to hold sessions of city and district councils, and then convene a session of the regional Council of People's Deputies.

On February 14, the Azerbaijani party leadership tries to appeal to the population of the NKAR through the regional newspaper Sovetsky Karabakh with an appeal in which the ongoing events are regarded as "extremist and separatist", inspired by Armenian nationalists. As a result of the intervention of the Board of Directors, the appeal was never published.

On February 20, 1988, an extraordinary session of the people's deputies of the NKAR addressed the Supreme Soviets of the Armenian SSR, the Azerbaijan SSR and the USSR with a request to consider and positively resolve the issue of transferring the NKAR from Azerbaijan to Armenia. After that, Azerbaijani refugees arrived in Baku with traces of beatings.

On February 21, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU adopts a resolution according to which the demand for the inclusion of Nagorno-Karabakh in the Armenian SSR is presented as adopted as a result of the actions of "extremists" and "nationalists" and contrary to the interests of the Azerbaijan SSR and the Armenian SSR. The resolution is limited to general calls for the normalization of the situation, the development and implementation of measures for the further socio-economic and cultural development of the autonomous region. In the future, despite the aggravation of the situation, the central authorities will continue to be guided by this decision, continuously declaring that "there will be no redrawing of borders."

February 22, 1988 at the Armenian locality Askeran, there is a clash between a large crowd of Azerbaijanis from the city of Aghdam, who were heading to Stepanakert to express their protest against the decision of the regional authorities to separate Karabakh from Azerbaijan, police and military cordons put up on their way, and local population, some of which were armed with hunting rifles. As a result of the collision, two Azerbaijanis were killed.

About 50 Armenians were wounded. The leadership of Azerbaijan tried not to advertise these events. 2 More mass bloodshed that day was avoided. Meanwhile, a demonstration is taking place in Yerevan. The number of demonstrators by the end of the day reaches 45-50 thousand. On the air of the Vremya program, the topic of the decision of the regional council of the NKAR is touched upon, where it is called inspired by "extremist and nationalistically inclined persons." Such a reaction of the central press only increases the indignation of the Armenian public.

February 26, 1988 - A rally is held in Yerevan, attended by almost half a million people. Later, at a meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Mikhail Gorbachev said that after the clash in Askeran, leaflets began to be distributed in Yerevan calling on the Armenians to “take up arms and crush the Turks, but in all the speeches it did not reach either anti-Sovietism or hostile antics.” And on the same day, a rally of 40-50 people is held in Sumgayit in defense of the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, which turns into an Armenian pogrom the very next day.

February 27, 1988 - Deputy Prosecutor General of the USSR A.F. Katusev, who was then in Baku, speaks on television and reports on the death of two Azerbaijanis in a clash near Askeran that took place on February 22.

February 27-29 - Armenian pogrom in the city of Sumgayit - the first mass explosion of ethnic violence in recent Soviet history. Tom de Waal, author of a book on the history of the Karabakh conflict, says that "the Soviet Union in peacetime never experienced what happened" in Sumgayit. According to official data from the USSR Prosecutor General's Office, 26 Armenians and 6 Azerbaijanis were killed during these events. Armenian sources indicate that these figures are underestimated.

In the spring - autumn of 1988, the Decrees of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the Council of Ministers of the USSR and the Central Committee of the CPSU were adopted in March 1988 regarding the interethnic conflict in the NKAR, did not lead to stabilization of the situation, since the most radical representatives of both conflicting parties rejected any compromise proposals. The majority of members of the regional council of deputies and the regional party committee supported the demands for the transfer of the NKAR from Azerbaijan to Armenia, which were formalized in the relevant decisions of the sessions of the regional Council and the plenum of the regional party committee headed by Henrikh Poghosyan. In the NKAR (especially in Stepanakert) there were daily crowded processions, rallies, strikes of the collectives of enterprises, organizations, educational institutions of the region demanding secession from Azerbaijan. An informal organization is being created - the Krunk Committee, headed by the director of the Stepanakert Building Materials Plant Arkady Manucharov.

In fact, the committee assumed the functions of the organizer of mass protests. By the decree of the Supreme Council of the AzSSR, the committee was dissolved, but actually continued its activities. In Armenia, a movement to support the Armenian population of the NKAR was growing. A Karabakh committee has been set up in Yerevan, whose leaders call for increased pressure on state bodies in order to transfer the NKAO to Armenia. At the same time, Azerbaijan continues to call for a "decisive restoration of order" in the NKAR. Public tension and national enmity between the Azerbaijani and Armenian populations are increasing every day. In summer and autumn, cases of violence in the NKAR become more frequent, and the mutual flow of refugees grows.

Representatives of the central Soviet and state bodies of the USSR are sent to the NKAR. Some of the identified problems that have accumulated over the years in the national sphere are becoming public. The Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR urgently adopt a resolution "On measures to accelerate the socio-economic development of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region of the Azerbaijan SSR in 1988-1995."

June 14, 1988 The Supreme Council of Armenia gives its consent to the inclusion of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region into the Armenian SSR.

On June 17, 1988, the Supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan decides that Nagorno-Karabakh should remain part of the republic: “In response to the appeal of the Supreme Soviet of the Armenian SSR, the Supreme Soviet of the Azerbaijan SSR, proceeding from the interests of preserving the existing national-territorial structure of the country, enshrined in the Constitution of the USSR , guided by the principles of internationalism, the interests of the Azerbaijani and Armenian peoples, other nations and nationalities of the republic, considered the transfer of the NKAR from the Azerbaijan SSR to the Armenian SSR impossible.

In July 1988, many days of strikes by collectives of enterprises, organizations, educational institutions, mass rallies took place in Armenia. As a result of clashes between protesters and military personnel Soviet army one of the protesters died at the Yerevan Zvartnots airport. The 130th Catholicos of All Armenians Vazgen I (1955-1994) addresses on republican television with an appeal for wisdom, calmness, a sense of responsibility of the Armenian people, and an end to the strike. The call goes unheeded. Enterprises and organizations have not been operating in Stepanakert for several months, processions and mass rallies are held every day, the situation is heating up more and more.

Meanwhile, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan is trying to normalize the situation in the places densely populated by Azerbaijanis in Armenia. Refugees from Azerbaijan continue to arrive in the Armenian SSR. According to local authorities, as of July 13, 7,265 people (1,598 families) arrived in Armenia from Baku, Sumgayit, Mingachevir, Gazakh, Shamkhor and other cities of Azerbaijan.

On July 18, 1988, a meeting of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR was held in the Kremlin, at which the decisions of the Supreme Soviets of the Armenian SSR and the Azerbaijan SSR on Nagorno-Karabakh were considered and a resolution was adopted on this issue. The resolution noted that, having considered the request of the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR of June 15, 1988 on the transfer of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region to the Armenian SSR (in connection with the petition of the Council of People's Deputies of the NKAO) and the decision of the Supreme Council of the Azerbaijan SSR of June 17, 1988 On the unacceptability of transferring the NKAO to the Armenian SSR, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet considers it impossible to change the borders and the constitutionally established national-territorial division of the Azerbaijan SSR and the Armenian SSR.

In September 1988, the Azerbaijani population was expelled from Stepanakert, the Armenian population from Shusha. On the 20th of September, a special situation and a curfew were introduced in the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region and the Aghdam region of the Azerbaijan SSR. In Armenia, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Armenian SSR decided to dissolve the "Karabakh" committee. However, attempts by party and state bodies to calm the population had no effect. Calls for organizing strikes, rallies and hunger strikes continue in Yerevan and some other cities of Armenia. On September 22, the work of a number of enterprises and public transport in Yerevan, Leninakan, Abovyan, Charentsavan, as well as the Echmiadzin region was stopped. In Yerevan, along with the police, military units are involved in ensuring order on the streets.

In November - December 1988, mass pogroms took place in Azerbaijan and Armenia, accompanied by violence and killings of the civilian population.

Slogans appeared: "Glory to the heroes of Sumgayit." During the end of November 1988, more than 200,000 Armenians became refugees from Azerbaijan, mainly to Armenia. According to various sources, pogroms on the territory of Armenia lead to the death of 20 to 30 Azerbaijanis. According to the Armenian side, 26 Azerbaijanis died in Armenia on ethnic grounds in three years (from 1988 to 1990), including 23 from November 27 to December 3, 1988, one in 1989, and two in 1990. According to Azerbaijani data, as a result of pogroms and violence in 1988-1989, 216 Azerbaijanis were killed in Armenia. The bulk of the dead fell on the northern regions, where refugees from the regions of Kirovabad had poured before; in particular, to the Gugark region, where, according to the KGB of Armenia, 11 people were killed.

In a number of cities of Azerbaijan and Armenia, a special situation is being introduced. In December 1988, there was the largest flow of refugees - hundreds of thousands of people from both sides. In general, by 1989 the deportation of Azerbaijanis from Armenia and Armenians from rural areas of Azerbaijan (except for Karabakh) was completed. On January 12, by decision of the Soviet government, direct administration was introduced in the NKAR for the first time in the USSR with the formation of the Special Administration Committee of the Nagorno-Karabakh autonomous region under the chairmanship of Arkady Volsky, head of the department of the Central Committee of the CPSU. The powers of the regional party and state bodies were suspended, the constitutional rights of citizens were limited. The Committee was called upon to prevent a further aggravation of the situation and contribute to its stabilization.

A state of emergency was introduced in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. By decision of the Soviet leadership, members of the so-called "Karabakh" committee (including the future President of Armenia Levon Ter-Petrosyan) were arrested.

From the end of April - beginning of May 1989, a new round of aggravation of the situation in the region began, caused by the continuous and growing actions of the "Karabakh movement". The leaders of this movement and their like-minded people switched to the tactics of openly provoking clashes between the Armenian population of the NKAO and internal troops and Azerbaijanis.

In July, an opposition party, the Popular Front of Azerbaijan, was formed in Azerbaijan. An extraordinary session of the Council of People's Deputies of the Shahumyan region of the Azerbaijan SSR adopted a decision on the inclusion of the region into the NKAR.

In August, the NKAO hosted a congress of representatives of the region's population. The congress adopted an appeal to the Azerbaijani people, which expressed concern over the growing alienation between the Armenian and Azerbaijani peoples, which had grown into interethnic hostility, and called for mutual recognition of each other's inalienable rights. The congress also turned to the commandant of the Special District, officers and soldiers of the Soviet army and units of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs with a proposal for active cooperation in order to ensure peace in the region. The congress elected the National Council (chairman - People's Deputy of the USSR V. Grigoryan), which was tasked with the practical implementation of the decision of the session of the regional Council of People's Deputies of February 20, 1988. The Presidium of the National Council sent an appeal to the UN Security Council with a request for assistance in ensuring the protection of the Armenian population of the region.

The leadership of the Azerbaijan SSR, as a measure of pressure on the NKAR and Armenia, undertakes their economic blockade, blocking the delivery of national economic goods (food, fuel and building materials) by rail and road through its territory. NKAO found itself practically isolated from the outside world. Many enterprises were stopped, transport was inactive, crops were not exported.

On November 28, 1989, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted a resolution on the abolition of the Committee for Special Administration of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region, according to which, in particular, Azerbaijan was to "create a republican organizing committee on an equal footing with the NKAO and restore the activities of the Council of People's Deputies of the NKAO." The created organizing committee, which was headed by the second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan, Viktor Polyanichko, did not include representatives from the NKAR, the activities of the Council of People's Deputies of the NKAR were not resumed, the requirements of the Decree on ensuring the status of real autonomy of the NKAR, observing the law, protecting the life and safety of citizens were not met, preventing changes in the existing national composition in the NKAO. In the future, it was this body that developed and carried out the deportation (eviction) of the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh and neighboring regions by the police, OMON and internal troops. The session of the Council of People's Deputies of the NKAR independently declared the resumption of its activities and did not recognize the Republican Organizing Committee, which led to the creation of two centers of power in the NKAR, each of which was recognized only by one of the conflicting ethnic groups.

On December 1, the Supreme Soviet of the Armenian SSR and the National Council of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Okrug, “based on the universal principles of self-determination of nations and responding to the legitimate desire to reunite the two forcibly separated parts of the Armenian people”, adopted a resolution “On the reunification of the Armenian SSR and the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region” at a joint meeting .

From January 13 to 20, 1990, Armenian pogroms took place in Baku, where by the beginning of the year only about 35 thousand Armenians remained. The central authorities of the USSR are showing criminal slowness in taking decisions in order to stop the violence. Only a week after the start of the pogroms, troops were brought into Baku to prevent the seizure of power by the anti-communist Popular Front of Azerbaijan. This action led to numerous casualties among the civilian population of Baku, who tried to prevent the entry of troops.

January 14 - The Supreme Soviet of the Azerbaijan SSR unites two neighboring regions - the Armenian-populated Shaumyanovsky and the Azerbaijani Kasum-Ismaylovsky into one - Goranboy. In the new administrative region, Armenians make up only 20 percent of the population.

January 15 The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR declares a state of emergency in the NKAR, the regions of the Azerbaijan SSR bordering it, in the Goris region of the Armenian SSR, as well as in the border zone along the state border of the USSR on the territory of the Azerbaijan SSR. The commandant's office of the region of the state of emergency was formed, responsible for the implementation of this regime. In her subordination were the units of the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR attached to her.

In connection with the introduction of a state of emergency, the activities of the regional and district councils of people's deputies of the NKAR, the Nagorno-Karabakh regional committee of the KPA, party and all public organizations and associations in Stepanakert and four Armenian-populated regions. At the same time, in the Shusha region, where almost only Azerbaijanis lived, the activities of all constitutional authorities were preserved. Unlike the Armenian settlements, in the Azerbaijani villages of the NKAO, party organizations were not abolished; on the contrary, party committees were created in them with the rights of district committees of the KPAz. The supply of food and industrial goods to the inhabitants of the NKAO was carried out intermittently; railway, the number of Stepanakert-Yerevan flights has sharply decreased. Due to the shortage of food, the situation in the Armenian settlements became critical, the Armenians of Karabakh did not have a land connection with Armenia, and the only means of delivering food, medicines there, as well as evacuating the wounded and refugees was civil aviation. The internal troops of the USSR stationed in Stepanakert tried to drastically reduce such flights - up to the withdrawal of armored vehicles to the runway. In this connection, the Armenians in Martakert, in order to maintain contact with outside world built an unpaved runway capable of receiving AN-2 aircraft. However, on May 21, the Azerbaijanis, with the support of the military, plowed up the runway and destroyed the equipment.

On April 3, the USSR Law "On the Legal Regime of the State of Emergency" was adopted. Illegal armed formations began to play an increasingly important role, receiving the support of the local population, which saw them as their defenders and avengers for the wrongs inflicted. During 1990 and the first half of 1991, as a result of an unwinding spiral of violence and the growing activity of these formations, military personnel, employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and civilians were killed and injured. Armed groups also penetrated into the places of compact residence of the Armenian population on the territory of Azerbaijan (NKAR and adjacent regions) from the territory of Armenia. Numerous cases of attacks on civilians, cattle thefts, hostage-taking, attacks on military units with the use of firearms were noted here. On July 25, the Decree of the President of the USSR "On the prohibition of the creation of illegal formations not provided for by the legislation of the USSR, and the seizure of weapons in cases of their illegal storage" was issued. On September 13, units of the Azerbaijani OMON stormed the village of Chapar in the Martakert region. During the attack, in addition to small arms, mortars and grenade launchers were used, as well as helicopters from which hand grenades were dropped. As a result of the assault, 6 Armenians were killed. On September 25, two Azerbaijani helicopters bombed Stepanakert in the same way.

On April 30, 1990, the beginning of the so-called operation "Ring" to implement the Decree of the President of the USSR of July 25, 1990 "On the prohibition of the creation of illegal formations not provided for by the legislation of the USSR, and the seizure of weapons in cases of their illegal storage", carried out by the units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Azerbaijan Republic, internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR and the Soviet Army from late April to early June 1991 in the NKAR and adjacent regions of Azerbaijan. The operation, which had as an official goal the disarmament of the Armenian "illegal armed formations" and the verification of the passport regime in Karabakh, led to armed clashes and casualties among the population. During the “Ring” operation, a complete deportation of 24 Armenian villages of Karabakh was carried out.

On May 1, the US Senate unanimously adopted a resolution condemning the crimes committed by the authorities of the USSR and Azerbaijan against the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia and Azerbaijan. On May 15, the landing of the Azerbaijani OMON near the Armenian villages of Spitakashen and Arpagyaduk led to the complete deportation of the inhabitants of these villages

On July 20, as a result of an attack by Armenian militants near the village of Buzuluk in the Shaumyan region, three Mi-24s were damaged, and one of the pilots was wounded.

On August 28, 1990, Azerbaijan declared independence. The declaration "On the restoration of the state independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan" states that "The Republic of Azerbaijan is the successor of the Republic of Azerbaijan that existed from May 28, 1918 to April 28, 1920."

On September 2, the Joint Session of the Nagorno-Karabakh Regional and Shaumyan District Councils of People's Deputies took place, proclaiming the formation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) within the borders of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region (NKAR) and the adjacent Shahumyan District of the Azerbaijan SSR populated by Armenians. According to the deputies, they were guided by the USSR Law of April 3, 1990 "On the procedure for resolving issues related to the withdrawal of a union republic from the USSR."

In the autumn of 1990, the Agdam branch of the Popular Front of Azerbaijan created the Agdam militia battalion under the command of Bagirov. On September 25, the 120-day shelling of Stepanakert with anti-hail installations "Alazan" begins. The escalation of hostilities is unfolding almost throughout the entire territory of the NKR. On November 23, Azerbaijan cancels the autonomous status of Nagorno-Karabakh. On November 27, the State Council of the USSR adopted a resolution calling on the parties to cease fire, withdraw all "illegal armed formations" from the conflict zone, and cancel the decrees changing the status of the NKAR. The National Army of Azerbaijan was created in December. December 10 - A referendum on independence is held in the self-proclaimed NKR.

Since the conclusion of the Bishkek ceasefire agreement on May 5, 1994, the fate of more than four thousand Azerbaijani citizens who are still missing remains unclear. Since 1992, the International Committee of the Red Cross has been closely cooperating with the Azerbaijan Red Crescent Society, while assisting the authorities in fulfilling their obligations in the field of international humanitarian law and in exercising the right of the families of missing persons to information about the fate of their loved ones.

The result of the military confrontation was the victory of the Armenian side. Despite the numerical advantage, superiority in military equipment and manpower, with incomparably large resources, Azerbaijan was defeated.

During the war between Azerbaijan and the unrecognized NKR, as a result of the bombing and shelling of the civilian population of NKR by the Azerbaijani army, 1264 civilians were killed (more than 500 of them were women and children). 596 people (179 women and children) went missing. In total, from 1988 to 1994, more than 2,000 Armenian civilians were killed in Azerbaijan and the unrecognized NKR.

Armenian formations shot down more than 400 armored vehicles (31% of the Republic of Azerbaijan at that time), including 186 tanks (49%), shot down 20 military aircraft (37%), more than 20 combat helicopters of the National Army of Azerbaijan (more than half helicopter fleet of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Azerbaijan).

As a result of the military confrontation between the unrecognized NKR and the Republic of Azerbaijan, the territory of 7 regions of the former Azerbaijan SSR - 5 completely and 2 partially (Kelbajar, Lachin, Kubatli, Jabrayil, Zangelan - completely, and Agdam and Fuzuli partially) with a total area of ​​7060 sq. km., which is 8.15% of the territory of the former Azerbaijan SSR. Under the control of the National Army of Azerbaijan is 750 square meters. km of the territory of the unrecognized NKR - Shahumyan (630 sq. km.) and small parts of the Martuni and Mardakert regions, which is 14.85% of the total area of ​​the NKR. In addition, a part of the territory of the Republic of Armenia, the Artsvashen enclave, passed under the control of Azerbaijan.

390,000 Armenians became refugees (360,000 Armenians from Azerbaijan and 30,000 from the NKR). It should be noted that many Azerbaijanis from Armenia were able to sell their houses or apartments and purchase housing in Azerbaijan before leaving. Some of them made an exchange of housing with the Armenians leaving Azerbaijan.

Any conflict is based on both objective and subjective contradictions, as well as a situation that includes either conflicting positions of the parties on any issue, or opposite goals, methods or means of achieving them in given circumstances, or a mismatch of interests.

According to R. Dahrendorf, one of the founders of the general theory of conflict, the concept of a free, open and democratic society does not at all solve all the problems and contradictions of development. Not only developing countries are not immune from them, but also those where there is an established democracy. Social conflicts are a threat, the danger of the collapse of society.