Agreement between Russia and Byzantium 944. Russian-Byzantine war (941-944)

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Russian-Byzantine treaty of 944- an international treaty between Ancient Russia and Byzantium, which regulated Russian-Byzantine relations. It was concluded in 944 and had two versions - one in Greek (not preserved) and one in Old Church Slavonic. Preserved in later lists of ancient Russian chronicles, in particular, in the "Tale of Bygone Years". One of the oldest written sources of Russian law; contains the norms of the Russian Law.

After unsuccessful campaigns in 941 and 944, Prince Igor was forced to conclude a peace treaty with Byzantium. The treaty was concluded in 944 between the two parties and written on two charters, which updated the old treaty of 911:

Ambassadors and merchants were required to have princely letters with them so that they could be in the Byzantine lands and in Constantinople. Legal relations between people from Russia and local residents were regulated. Restrictions were introduced for merchants to stay in the capital, to export fabrics, etc. Russia was charged with protecting the borders with Byzantium in the Crimea, and the Old Russian state was not supposed to claim these lands and, if necessary, provide military assistance to Byzantium.

Introduction

The Russian-Byzantine war of 941-944 - the unsuccessful campaign of Prince Igor against Byzantium in 941 and a second campaign in 943, ending with a peace treaty in 944.

On June 11, 941, Igor's fleet was scattered at the entrance to the Bosphorus by a Byzantine squadron that used Greek fire, after which fighting continued for another 3 months on the Black Sea coast of Asia Minor. On September 15, 941, the Russian fleet was finally defeated off the coast of Thrace while trying to break through to Russia.

In 943, Prince Igor gathered a new army with the participation of the Pechenegs and led a campaign on the Danube to the northern borders of the Byzantine Empire. This time, things did not come to military clashes, Byzantium concluded a peace treaty with Igor, paying tribute.

1. Background and role of the Khazar Khaganate

The Cambridge document (a letter from a Khazar Jew of the 2nd half of the 10th century) links the campaign of Russia against Constantinople with the events that took place in Khazaria not long before.

Around the 930s, the Byzantine emperor Romanus launched a campaign against the Jews. In response, the Khazar Khagan, professing Judaism, “ overthrown many uncircumcised". Then Roman, with the help of gifts, persuaded a certain Khalgu called " king of Russia”, to raid the Khazars.

Khalga captured Samkerts (near the Kerch Strait), after which the Khazar military leader Pesakh came out against him and Byzantium, who ravaged three Byzantine cities and laid siege to Chersonesus in the Crimea.

Then Pesach attacked Khalga, recaptured the spoils of that one from Samkerts and, from the position of the winner, entered into negotiations. Khalga was forced to agree to Pesach's demand to start a war with Byzantium.

The further development of events in the Cambridge document generally coincides with the description of Prince Igor's campaign against Byzantium, known from Byzantine and Old Russian sources, but with an unexpected ending:

“And he went against his will and fought against Kustantina [Constantinople] at sea for four months.

And his heroes fell there, because the Macedonians overpowered [him] with fire. And he fled, and was ashamed to return to his own country, but went by sea to Persia, and there he fell and all his camp. Then the Rus became subject to the power of the barracks.

There were attempts to identify Khalga with Oleg Veshchim (S. Shekhter and P.

K. Kokovtsov, later D. I. Ilovaisky and M. S. Grushevsky) or Igor himself (Helgi Inger, “Oleg the Younger” by Yu. D. Brutskus). Such identifications, however, led to a contradiction with all other reliable sources on the campaign of 941. According to the Cambridge Document, Russia became dependent on the Khazaria, but the ancient Russian chronicles and Byzantine authors do not even mention the Khazars when describing events.

Y. Polovoi offers the following reconstruction of events: Khalga was one of Igor's governors. While he was fighting Pesach, Igor decided to make peace with the Khazars, recalled Khalga from Tmutarakan and marched on Constantinople. That is why Khalga so firmly holds the word given to Pesach to fight with Roman.

Part of the Russian army with the voivode Khalga passed Chersonesos on ships, and the other part with Igor along the coast of Bulgaria. From both places, news came to Constantinople of the approaching enemy, so Igor was not able to take the city by surprise, as happened during the first raid of the Rus in 860.

2. Igor's first campaign. 941

2.1. Sources for the campaign of 941

The raid on Constantinople in 941 and subsequent events of the same year are reflected in the Byzantine Chronicle of Amartol (borrowed from Theophanes Continuer) and the Life of Basil the New, as well as in the historical work of Liutprand of Cremona (Book of Retribution, 5.XV).

The messages of the ancient Russian chronicles (XI-XII centuries) are based on the whole on Byzantine sources with the addition of individual details preserved in Russian legends.

2.2. Defeat at Hieron

Theophan's successor begins the story of the raid like this:

“On the eleventh of June of the fourteenth indiction (941), ten thousand ships sailed to Constantinople, the dews, who are also called dromites, but they come from the tribe of the Franks.

Against them, with all the dromons and triremes that just ended up in the city, the patrician [Theophanes] was sent. He equipped and put in order the fleet, strengthened himself with fasting and tears, and prepared to fight against the dews.

The raid did not come as a surprise to Byzantium.

The news about him was sent in advance by the Bulgarians and later by the strategist of Kherson. However, the Byzantine fleet fought the Arabs and defended the islands in the Mediterranean, so that, according to Liutprand, only 15 dilapidated helandia (a type of ship) remained in the capital, left because of their dilapidation. The Byzantines estimated the number of Igor's ships at an incredible 10 thousand. Liutprand of Cremona, passing on the story of an eyewitness, his stepfather, named a thousand ships in Igor's fleet. According to The Tale of Bygone Years and the testimony of Liutprand, the Russians first rushed to plunder the Asia Minor coast of the Black Sea, so that the defenders of Constantinople had time to prepare a rebuff and meet Igor's fleet in the sea at the entrance to the Bosphorus, not far from the city of Hieron.

The most detailed account of the first naval battle was left by Liutprand:

“Roman [the Byzantine emperor] ordered shipbuilders to come to him, and said to them:“ Now go and immediately equip those helands that are left [at home].

But place a device for throwing fire not only at the bow, but also at the stern and on both sides. So, when helandia were equipped according to his order, he put in them the most experienced men and ordered them to go towards King Igor.

They set sail; seeing them at sea, King Igor ordered his army to take them alive and not kill them. But the good and merciful Lord, desiring not only to protect those who honor Him, worship Him, pray to Him, but also to honor them with victory, tamed the winds, thus calming the sea; for otherwise it would have been difficult for the Greeks to throw fire. So, having taken a position in the middle of the Russian [troop], they [began] throwing fire in all directions. The Russians, seeing this, immediately began to rush from the ships into the sea, preferring to drown in the waves rather than burn in the fire.

Some, weighed down with chain mail and helmets, immediately went to the bottom of the sea, and they were no longer seen, while others, having swum, continued to burn even in the water; no one was saved that day if he did not manage to run to the shore. After all, the ships of the Russians, due to their small size, also swim in shallow water, which the Greek Helandia cannot because of their deep draft.

Amartol adds that the defeat of Igor after the attack of the fire-bearing helands was completed by a flotilla of Byzantine warships: dromons and triremes.

It is believed that the Russians on June 11, 941 for the first time encountered Greek fire, and the memory of this was preserved for a long time among the Russian soldiers. The Old Russian chronicler of the beginning of the XII century conveyed their words in this way: “ It is as if the Greeks have heavenly lightning and, by releasing it, they set fire to us; that is why they did not overcome them.» According to the PVL, the Russians were first defeated by the Greeks on land, only then there was a brutal defeat at sea, but, probably, the chronicler brought together the battles that took place at different times in different places.

According to the PVL and Liutprand, the war ended there: Igor returned home with the surviving soldiers (according to Leo the Deacon, he had hardly 10 ships left).

Emperor Roman ordered the execution of all captured Rus.

2.3. Fighting in Asia Minor

Byzantine sources (Chronicle of Amartol and the life of Basil the New) describe the continuation of the campaign of 941 in Asia Minor, where part of the Russian army retreated after the defeat at Hieron.

According to Theophan's Successor, the fighting on the southern coast of the Black Sea developed as follows:

“The survivors swam to the eastern shore, to Sgora. And then he was sent by land to intercept them from the stratigi, the patrician Varda Foka with horsemen and selected soldiers.

The dews sent a sizable detachment to Bithynia to stock up on provisions and everything necessary, but Varda Fok overtook this detachment, defeated it utterly, put to flight and killed his soldiers. Came there at the head of the entire eastern army and the most intelligent domestic schol John Kurkuas, who, appearing here and there, killed a lot of those who had broken away from their enemies, and the dews retreated in fear of his onslaught, no longer daring to leave their ships and make sorties.

The dews committed many atrocities before the approach of the Roman army: they set fire to the coast of the Sten (Bosphorus), and some of the prisoners were crucified on the cross, others were driven into the ground, others were set as targets and shot with bows.

Prisoners of the priestly class, they tied their hands behind their backs and drove iron nails into their heads. They also burned many holy temples. However, winter was approaching, the Ross were running out of food, they were afraid of the advancing army of the domestic schol Kurkuas, his mind and ingenuity, they were no less afraid of naval battles and skillful maneuvers of the patrician Theophanes, and therefore decided to return home. Trying to pass unnoticed by the fleet, in September of the fifteenth indict (941) they set sail at night to the Thracian coast, but were met by the aforementioned patrician Theophanes and could not hide from his vigilant and valiant soul.

A second battle immediately begins, and many ships sink to the bottom, and many Ross are killed by the mentioned husband. Only a few managed to escape on their ships, approach the coast of Kila (Thrace) and flee at nightfall.

Thus, throughout the summer of 941, Russian troops plundered the Asia Minor coast of the Black Sea, until the main forces of the Byzantine army approached.

PVL reports about 40 thousand soldiers in the eastern army of the domestic Kurkuas, in addition to the detachments of Varda Foki (from Macedonia) and the stratilate Theodore (from Thrace). The fighting was carried out by the Rus with raids from boats, which were inaccessible to Byzantine warships in the shallow waters of Asia Minor.

When trying to break through to Russia, undertaken on the evening of September 15, 941, the Rus fleet was discovered at sea and destroyed near the city of Kila (Κοιλία) near the entrance to the Bosphorus.

The fate of the Russian army after the second defeat at sea remained unknown. It is unlikely that many managed to return to Russia, since the Russian chronicles are silent about such a development of events.

Old Russian sources rearranged the narrative in such a way that all military operations ended with the first and only naval defeat.

The historian N. Ya. Polovoi explains this fact by the fact that after the defeat at Hieron, the Russian army was divided. Part of the army with Igor returned to Russia, only their fate was reflected in the Russian chronicles, but most of the fleet escaped in shallow water off the coast of Asia Minor, where Greek ships could not get close due to deep draft.

As the head of the part of the Russian army remaining in Asia Minor, N. Ya. Polovoi considers Khalga, known from the aforementioned Khazar source, who fought with Byzantium for 4 months. Also, for 4 months, from June to September 941, hostilities continued along Amartol.

The historian G. G. Litavrin suggests that the Rus also entered the Bosphorus and the Sea of ​​Marmara through shallow water and completely dominated there, which led to a break in communications between the European and Asian shores.

The second campaign of Igor. 943

All information about Igor's 2nd campaign and the subsequent peace treaty is contained only in Russian chronicles.

PVL refers the campaign to 944: “ In the year 6452. Igor gathered many warriors: the Varangians, Rus, and Polyans, and Slovenes, and Krivichi, and Tivertsy, - and hired the Pechenegs, and took hostages from them, - and went to the Greeks in boats and on horses, trying to take revenge for myself. »

The Byzantine emperor was warned of the attack and sent ambassadors to meet the Rus and the Pechenegs.

The negotiations took place somewhere on the Danube. Igor agreed to take a rich tribute and returned to Kyiv, sending his Pecheneg allies to fight against the Bulgarians. The decision was influenced by the recent defeat at sea, the warriors at the council spoke as follows: “ Does anyone know - whom to overcome: whether we, whether they? Or who is in alliance with the sea? After all, we do not walk on the earth, but on the depths of the sea: a common death for all.»

Historians date the campaign to 943 (N.M. Karamzin, B.A. Rybakov, N.Ya.

Sexual). The Novgorod First Chronicle of the younger edition, which contains fragments of the chronicle of the 11th century, erroneously dates Igor's campaign to 920 and reports a second campaign a year later, which corresponds to 943 according to a more accurate Byzantine chronology. The successor of Theophanes under the same year mentions the big campaign of the "Turks", which ended with a peace treaty with Byzantium. By "Turks" the Greeks usually meant the Hungarians, who began to raid Byzantium from 934, and it is possible that the ancient Russian chronicler confused the Hungarians with the Pechenegs.

At least Theophan's successor reports that after the agreement with the "Turks" in 943, peace was maintained for 5 years.

4. Russian-Byzantine treaty. 944

The next year after Igor's campaign, Emperor Roman sent envoys to Igor to restore peace. The PVL dates the peace treaty to 945, but the mention of Roman in the treaty points to 944.

In December 944, Roman was overthrown by his sons, Stephen and Constantine, who were immediately removed from power by the new emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus.

The text of the Russian-Byzantine treaty, which is of a military-trade nature, is quoted in full in the PVL.

The following year, after the conclusion of the treaty, Grand Duke Igor was killed by the Drevlyans.

Bibliography:

Knyazkin I.

O. Russian-Byzantine war of 941-944. and Khazaria // Khazars. Second international colloquium. Abstracts. M., 2002.

Sexual N.

I. To the question of Igor's first campaign against Byzantium ( comparative analysis Russian and Byzantine sources) // Byzantine Vremennik, vol. XVIII, 1961, pp. 85-104.

Based on a thousand ships in Igor's fleet, one can estimate the number of his troops at 40 thousand soldiers, according to the data on the capacity of the ships of the Prophetic Oleg.

However, the round number 1000 indicates its very evaluative nature.

Litavrin G. G. Little-known evidence about the campaign of Prince Igor in 941 // Eastern Europe in historical retrospective. M., 1999, pp. 38-44.

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Russian-Byzantine treaty.

Boris Chorikov. Peace with the Greeks. 944 year.

The next year after Igor's campaign, Emperor Roman sent envoys to Igor to restore peace.

The Tale of Bygone Years dates the peace treaty to 945, but the mention of Roman's name in the treaty points to 944.

In December 944 Roman was overthrown by his sons, Stefan and Constantine, who were immediately removed from power by the new emperor Konstantin Porphyrogenitus.

The text of the Russian-Byzantine treaty, which is of a military-trade nature, is quoted in full in the Tale of Bygone Years.

First of all, he regulates the conditions for the stay and trade of Russian merchants in Byzantium, determines the exact amounts of fines for various misconduct, and establishes the amount of ransom for captives. It also formulated a provision on mutual military assistance between the Russian Grand Duke and the Byzantine tsars.

A year after the conclusion of the treaty, Grand Duke Igor was killed by the Drevlyans.

Svyatoslav Igorevich Prince of Novgorod in 945-969, Grand Duke of Kyiv from 945 to 972, became famous as a commander. Formally, Svyatoslav became the Grand Duke at the age of 3 after the death of his father, Grand Duke Igor, in 945, but independent rule began around 964. Under Svyatoslav, the Old Russian state was largely ruled by his mother, Princess Olga, first because of Svyatoslav's infancy, then because of his constant presence in military campaigns. When returning from a campaign against Bulgaria, Svyatoslav was killed by the Pechenegs in 972 on the Dnieper rapids.

Boris II Tsar of Bulgaria from 969 to 977, since 971 he was in Byzantine captivity, but at home he continued to be considered the Bulgarian king. The eldest son of Tsar Peter I and Tsarina Irina.

The Russian-Byzantine war of 970-971 is the campaign of Prince Svyatoslav, first in alliance with the Greeks against Bulgaria, and then in alliance with the Bulgarian Tsar Boris II against Byzantium. The war ended with the expulsion of the Rus from Bulgaria.

Russian-Byzantine war of 941-944 - campaigns against Prince Igor's Constantinople. During the first campaign, the Russian army failed at sea, the second campaign ended with the signing of a peace treaty and tribute with the Byzantine emperor Nikephoros II Fok (he sent the noble Chersonesus patrician Kalokir with huge gifts - 15 centinaries (about 450 kilograms) of gold to Prince Svyatoslav in Kyiv )), from Byzantium.

The purpose of the diplomatic mission of Kalokir was to redirect the direction of the Russian army to the Danube banks, to the Bulgarian kingdom.

Its king Simeon, a former prisoner of the emperor, successfully fought with Byzantium. However, sudden death did not allow him to complete the defeat of the hated empire. Although the new Bulgarian Tsar Peter the Short did not pose a serious threat to Constantinople, they nevertheless decided to get rid of a possible enemy with the forces of the Russians.

In 966, Nikephoros Foka decided to stop paying tribute to the Bulgarians under the agreement of 927, and began to demand that the Bulgarians not allow the Hungarians to pass through the Danube to plunder the Byzantine provinces.

The Bulgarian Tsar Peter said that he had peace with the Magyars, he could not break it. This led to a war against Bulgaria.

However, Prince Svyatoslav had his own plans.

He decided to expand the borders of Russia, make Bulgaria an ally in the upcoming war with Byzantium, and even planned to move his capital from Kyiv to the banks of the Danube, following the example of Prince Oleg, who moved to Kyiv from Novgorod.

The Byzantine Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas triumphed when he learned that the Russian prince had agreed to go on a campaign against the Bulgarian kingdom.

Tsar Peter soon died of grief. One of the most famous rulers of Byzantium in history, the most skilful diplomat of his time played a triple game with Svyatoslav:

1. Firstly, the military threat of the invasion of the Russians into the Chersonesus theme, the granary of the Byzantine Empire, was averted;

2. Secondly, in a military confrontation, he pushed the two most dangerous countries for Byzantium - Kievan Rus and the Bulgarian kingdom;

3. thirdly, he set the nomadic Pechenegs against Russia, exhausted in the war, in order to take over Bulgaria, exhausted in the war with Russia, in the meantime.

In 967, Svyatoslav approached the Danube and was preparing to land, the Bulgarian king, who still continues to demand tribute from Byzantium as usual, hastily collected thirty thousand and threw them against the Russians.

The Russian army led by Svyatoslav lined up in a kind of multi-row monolith and rushed at the Bulgarians like an iron wave.

Those were broken.

And so much that they did not think about further resistance: all the survivors fled and locked themselves in the strong fortress of Dorostol. Tsar Peter soon died of grief.

The next 968 year gave into the hands of Svyatoslav Pereyaslavets, Dorostol and eighty other fortress cities. In fact, all the towns along the Danube were in the hands of the people of Kiev. The prince took the place of the Bulgarian kings and began to rule his new state. Kalokir was by his side. And only now Nikifor Foka realized what kind of care he had amassed for himself - instead of the Bulgarian state that began to gradually grow old, he received a great warrior as a neighbor, considering no less great plans in which Byzantium was assigned an important, but by no means a carefree role.

However, Svyatoslav, having occupied part of Bulgaria, opposed Byzantium.

As soon as Foka found out about this, he immediately ordered throwing machines to be installed on the fortress walls of the capital, to block the entrance to the harbor with a chain. In the army of Svyatoslav there were Hungarians and right-bank Pechenegs, so the emperor restored the left-bank Pechenegs to attack Kyiv and this forced Svyatoslav and his Kyiv squad to return to the Dnieper region.

The nomads besieged Kyiv, but as soon as a small squad of Russians approached the city and introduced themselves as the advanced detachment of the prince's troops, the Pecheneg Khan faltered and lifted the siege of the city.

The Kievans, taking advantage of this, managed to send a messenger to the prince, who, without observing diplomatic politeness, conveyed the voice of the earth to his sovereign and prince: he, the prince, is looking for a foreign land and watches over it, but he renounced his own, and Kyiv, along with his mother and children, almost took the Pechenegs.

Doesn't he feel sorry for his homeland, or for his aging mother, or for his children?

Having entrusted power to his grown sons, the prince made it clear that he would most likely leave Kyiv forever and would henceforth reign in Bulgaria, making it the center of his new vast state.

At the same time, the Greeks offered the Bulgarian princesses marriage with the sons of the late emperor. Romana.

The Greek ambassadors promised the Bulgarian nobles help in expelling Svyatoslav.

But the Bulgarians - at least some of them - thought differently. New king Boris made peace with Byzantium against Svyatoslav. But the Russian prince also had many allies among the Bulgarians - it seemed to them easier to endure the prince-warrior than their tsar, who was friends with the Greeks and learned from them how to oppress his subjects.

When, in August 969, the Russians landed on the Danube with mighty force, their supporters among the Bulgarians became much larger. Svyatoslav easily passed to the capital of Boris Preslav, encountering no resistance anywhere, and just as easily took it, given by the king, who recognized himself as a vassal of the Kyiv prince. Realizing that Byzantium would not leave him alone, the prince decided not to wait for the first blow, and as soon as the passes of the Rhodope Mountains cleared of snow, he struck himself.

Igor's treaty with the Greeks

Three years later, in 944, Igor gathered a new army and planned to attack Constantinople again. In addition to the Varangians and Slavs, he also hired the warlike Pechenegs. News went to Byzantium from the Crimea and Bulgaria: "There is Russia without number, - the ships covered the sea." Emperor Roman was frightened and asked to start negotiations, promised to give gifts to the prince.

Byzantine ambassadors met Igor on the Danube. The prince gathered his wife for advice and informed about the emperor's embassy. The wife replied: “As the emperor says so, then we don’t want any more; without a struggle to have gold, silver and expensive fabrics. And in battle, you don't know who will win, either we or them. We do not walk on the earth, but in the depths of the sea, and here death is equal for all. Igor leaned against the voice of his wife, took gold and expensive materials from the Greeks, and agreed to peace.
This is how the chronicle tells, but new historians question this story, because there is no news of this campaign anywhere else.

Peace with Byzantium was not useful for Kyiv. Igor had to renounce his rights to the Crimea and to the Dnieper mouth, and also agreed to restrict trade in the Byzantine lands.
Peace was made in Constantinople in 944. There were more than 20 ambassadors in the embassy, ​​who were representatives of Igor, his family and other princes. The agreement contained the following points:
1. Both sides have renewed their long-standing peace and friendship. “And whoever wanted to break this love from the Russian side, then as he is a Christian, let him accept condemnation and death from God for this age and the future; and those who are not baptized, let them not have help from God or from Perun, let them not defend themselves with their shields, let them cut their own swords and arrows and other weapons and become slaves at this age and in the future.

2. Ambassadors and merchants can come to Greece if they want sprat. But the ambassadors must show the seal of gold, the merchants of silver, and the prince has to send a letter in which it is written, sends sprats of ships, so that they come in peace. Whoever arrives without a letter, they have to detain, until the matter becomes clear; when he does not want to be subjected and resists, they can kill him and the Greeks are not responsible for this.

3. When Russia comes without goods, it does not have to receive a monthly (monthly deduction). The prince has orders to his people, no matter what iikid do in the Greek country. According to the life of merchants in Constantinople, I bound Oleg's condition from 911. But the rights of Russia are so limited that it is not free for merchants to spend the winter in Constantinople and it is impossible to export expensive fabrics.

4. When a slave runs away from Russia, during his life in Greece, then his escape must be approved by oath, then the Greeks pay two pieces of fabric for him.
5. Theft and robbery are punishable by double pennies.
6.

A fee has been set for the ransom of captives. For a Greek youth or a “good” girl, the Greeks paid 10 spools, middle-aged men 8 spools, and 5 gold for an old man or child. But for the ransom of Russian captives, the Greeks demanded 10 spools each, all without a woman.
7. Russian princes renounced their rights in the "Korsun side", that is, the Crimea.
8. Russia should not prevent the Korsunians from fishing at the mouth of the Dnieper. Russ are not free to winter at the mouth of the Dnieper, on the Beloberezhye and the island of St.

Eleutheria (Berezan).
9. Do not freely pick up the wrecked ships of another state, nor the luggage and people from them.

End of peace period. "Deep" Russian-Byzantine world 907 - 911. lasted until 941 Exactly 30 years later, a new Russian-Byzantine war began.

Of course, it is not at all necessary that after the expiration of the term of the treaty, military confrontation should begin; the agreement could be extended, renegotiated, etc., but this did not happen. Controversy did not escalate immediately. They grew gradually. Back in the mid 30s. Russian soldiers participated in the expedition of the Greek fleet to the Italian and French shores, but then relations went wrong.

By this time, the position of Byzantium had become more stable. Under the new emperor Roman I Lekapenos, a strong army was created. After the death of Tsar Simeon, Bulgaria weakened more and more, it was torn apart by feudal unrest, and pro-Byzantine sentiments prevailed in the Bulgarian leadership. Russia was losing an old and reliable friend in the face of the new Bulgaria. The borders with the Arab Caliphate were stabilized. The Greeks managed to stop the advance of the Arabs in Asia Minor.

Strengthening its military and political power, Byzantium, apparently, sought to expand its spheres of influence in the Crimea and the Northern Black Sea region, and completely isolate Khazaria. In this area, the interests of Russia and the empire were bound to collide.

Battle of Igor's troops with the Byzantines

A study of the subsequent Russian-Byzantine treaty of 944 shows us the main reasons for the confrontation between the two countries. And the first of them is the most acute contradictions in the Northern Black Sea region. Under this agreement, Russia was obliged to “not have a volost”, that is, not to seize land in this area, not to obstruct the inhabitants of Chersonesos in catching fish at the mouth of the Dnieper, not to spend the winter in the Dnieper mouth on Beloberezhye, but after the onset of autumn, return “to the houses own in Russia. In the middle of the X century. Eastern authors began to call the Black Sea the Russian Sea, in a number of Byzantine sources of the same time, the Cimmerian Bosporus, that is, the Kerch Strait, is also mentioned as a Russian possession.

All this taken together suggests that Russia in the 20-30s. mastered the Northern Black Sea region.

In the context of renewed strife and quarrels, Byzantium stopped paying annual tribute to Russia and, probably unilaterally, abolished the right of Russian merchants to duty-free trade in Byzantium. The main provisions of the thirty-year Russian-Byzantine treaty of 907 collapsed. The fact that the payment of tribute was stopped is evidenced by the fact that after disastrous battles, a long military confrontation, peace negotiations between the parties began precisely with the question of Byzantium resuming the payment of tribute to Russia. When Igor, after the first defeats in 941, organized a second campaign against Constantinople in 944, he was met on the Danube by the imperial embassy and declared on behalf of Roman I: tribute." The Greeks proposed to return to the main clause of the treaty of 907.

Russia entered the military confrontation not alone. If Byzantium enjoyed the support of Bulgaria, and in the North Caucasus its allies were the Alans, then Russia also had allies.

Together with Rus, her old friends, the Hungarians, performed. This is evidenced by their attack on Constantinople in 943, at the height of the Russo-Byzantine war. During his second campaign against Byzantium, Igor led, in addition to the Russian army, also allies - the Varangians and Pechenegs - "Pechenegs naa" (hired. - A. S). In this war, Igor also relied on the benevolent neutrality of the Khazaria, which at that time was in sharp conflict with Byzantium.

Events unfolded rapidly. In 941, the Bulgarians and the Chersonesos strategist, whose military posts always closely followed the movements of Russian troops along the Dnieper and the Black Sea, reported to Constantinople that “Rus is going to Tsargrad, skedia (ships. - A. S.) 10 thousand."

And this time, the Russians, apparently having carried out a thorough reconnaissance, attacked the Byzantine capital at the moment when the Greek fleet left to fight the Arabs in the Mediterranean, and the best armies were in Thrace, Macedonia and Asia Minor. But a sudden blow did not work: the Greeks were warned of the invasion in advance.

The first battle took place near Constantinople near the town of Hieron. It was a naval battle. The Greeks used their "fire", causing horror among the Russians.

A prominent Greek commander and diplomat, Patrician Theophanes, led the Byzantine fleet in this battle. Igor's fleet was defeated, and here the Russian army split: part of the ships withdrew to the East, to the shores of Asia Minor, while others, led by Igor, turned back to their homeland, believing, obviously, that the rest of the ships died in the depths of the sea.

The Russian fleet, which had withdrawn towards Asia Minor, was still a formidable force. Byzantine and Russian sources report that the Russians went to war across the territory of Byzantium from Pontus, that is, the Bosphorus, to Paphlagonia, reminding the Greeks of their invasion of these same places back in the 9th century. The Russians, according to The Tale of Bygone Years, captured huge wealth, many prisoners, burned monasteries, churches, and villages that came across them on the way. The scale and fury of this invasion, even despite the defeat of the Russians in the first battle, is also evidenced by the great efforts of the Greeks to organize a rebuff to the Russians. From the East, the army of the domestic Pamphyra approached, numbering 40 thousand people, the legions of Patrick Phoki and Theodore the strategist, located in Macedonia and Thrace, pulled up. And only by September 941, the Russians were driven out of Asia Minor, but this required several more land battles and one sea battle. In the last battle off the coast of Asia Minor, the Russian fleet was once again attacked by fire-bearing Greek ships and defeated; the remnants of the Russian rati returned to their homeland.

And while the Russians had been terrifying Byzantium for more than three months, Igor was already preparing for a new campaign. He sent his people to the Varangians, asking them for help.

Hiring Varangians overseas

By the spring of 944, a new army was assembled, and Igor, together with his allies, moved to the Danube. The foot army went in boats by water, and the cavalry moved along the shore. News of the approaching danger came to Constantinople from all sides: again, the Chersonesus commander announced the disturbing news; the Bulgarians sent messengers with the news that along with the Russians there was a hired Pecheneg cavalry. And the Greeks decided not to tempt fate a second time. An imperial embassy was sent to meet them, which was supposed to stop Igor and conclude a truce with him.

The Greeks offered to continue to pay tribute to Russia and convene an embassy conference to work out a new Russian-Byzantine treaty.

At the same time, they sent their ambassadors to the Pecheneg camp, presented the Pecheneg khans with gold and expensive fabrics. Their goal was clear - to tear the Pechenegs away from Igor and thereby strengthen their positions in negotiations with the Russian prince.

Byzantine ambassadors ask for peace

Igor called his team. The warriors told the prince: it’s much better to receive tribute without a fight. The chronicler in such poetic words conveys the thoughts of the combatants: “Whenever someone knows; who will overcome, are we, are they? Whether with the sea who is bright? Behold, we do not walk on the earth, but on the depths of the seas: ordinarily death to all. It was decided to go to the world. But at the same time, the Russians were negotiating with the Pechenegs. Igor offered the Pechenegs to strike at the hostile Russia of Bulgaria, and the Pechenegs went on a campaign: Byzantium failed to split the Russian-Pecheneg alliance; apparently, the raid on Bulgaria was worth Byzantine gold.

And another small diplomatic victory was won by the Russians on the Danube: it was here, apparently, that it was agreed that the first embassy meeting on the development of a new peace treaty would take place not as usual in Constantinople, but in the Russian capital. This is evident from the fact that shortly after the return of the Russian rati to their homeland, the ambassadors of the Byzantine emperor Roman I Lekapen arrived in Kyiv to “build the first world”, that is, to restore the basic norms of the agreement of 907. This was a new step of Russian diplomacy, bringing Russia closer to completely equal relationship with great empire.

Igor received the Byzantine ambassadors and, as the chronicle testifies, “verbs” (he said. - A. S.) with them about the world. It was here that the development of the fundamental provisions of the new treaty took place. The Kyiv meeting became that preliminary conference where his project was developed. Then the Russian embassy moved to Constantinople to work out the final text of the treaty. Looking ahead, let's say that after its approval by the Byzantine emperor, a new Byzantine embassy appeared in Kyiv in order to be present at the approval of the treaty by the Grand Duke and to swear Igor on allegiance to the treaty. All this was unheard of: twice the imperial ambassadors appeared in the Russian capital; in Byzantium, Roman I Lecapenus swore allegiance to the treaty in the presence of Russian ambassadors. This was already an equal level of international diplomatic procedures of the highest rank.

The Russian embassy arrived in Constantinople with 51 people, not counting the guards, rowers, and servants. It was a larger mission than any before. This fact alone indicates that important tasks were assigned to the embassy, ​​emphasizes the increased power and international prestige ancient Russian state, deepening and development of relations between the two countries.

At the head of the embassy, ​​as before, was the chief, the first ambassador. He is presented in the treaty as the ambassador of the "Grand Duke of Russia." The rest are "obchii spruce", that is, ordinary, ordinary ambassadors. But they each have a high-profile title that connects them with the great people of the Russian state. The second is Vuefast, the ambassador of Svyatoslav, son of Igor, heir to the Russian throne, the third is Iskusevi, the ambassador of Igor's wife, Grand Duchess Olga, etc. In addition to the ambassadors, the mission included 26 merchants, which emphasizes the increased role of the Russian merchants in the international affairs of their state and indicates the economic nature of the forthcoming negotiations.

Conclusion of a peace treaty

The representation of the mission sounds in a new way in the document. She calls herself messengers "from Igor, the Grand Duke of Russia, and from every prince and from all the people of the Russian land." And more than once in the contract the concepts "Rus", "Russian land", "country of Ruskiya" are used. The Embassy, ​​therefore, acts on behalf of the state of Russia and, moreover, on behalf of the entire Russian people. This already shows the desire of the feudal elite to identify their interests with the interests of the whole earth.

The title of the Russian ruler also sounds in a new way: in the contract he is called the “Grand Duke of Russia”, that is, as he was called in Russia. Gone is the low title of "lordship".

In terms of its content, the treaty of 944 stands out sharply not only from among the Russian-Byzantine agreements, but from everything that the early medieval diplomatic world gave. The scale of the treaty, its coverage of various political, economic, legal, military-allied subjects is unique for the 10th century. In its creation, one can see the persistent, sophisticated thought of the Byzantines, their knowledge of the subject and wisdom, state outlook, and the political scope of young Russian diplomacy.

The treaty of 944 combines practically the ideas and the specific part of the two previous agreements - 907 and 911, however, in addition, they are developed, deepened, and supplemented with new important provisions.

The new agreement is a typical interstate agreement of "peace and love", which restored the former peaceful relations between countries. The agreement returned both states to the “old world” of the past, by which the authors of the agreement meant, of course, the agreement of 907. The agreement confirmed “peace and love”, reproduced all those ideas of friendship and good neighborly relations that were present in agreements 907-911 gg. And again it was declared that peace is established "for the whole summer", that is, forever.

The agreement confirmed the order of embassy and trade contacts, established back in 907: “And let the Grand Duke of Russia and his boyars send the Greeks to the great king to the Greek ships, if they want, from the word (with ambassadors. - A. S.) and guests (merchants. - A. C), as if they were ordained to eat. And as you know, this was “established” in detail in 907. Almost without change, the new contract included from the previous text on the procedure for the arrival of Russian ambassadors and merchants in Byzantium, their receipt of ambassadorial and merchant support, accommodation near the monastery of St. city. It is also said here that, going on the way back, the Russians have the right to receive food and equipment, "as if it was ordered to eat before."

The duties of Byzantine officials were also confirmed to rewrite the composition of Russian guests in order to obtain maintenance and verify their identity and the purpose of appearing in Byzantium, to bring the Russians into the city without weapons, through one gate, to guard them, to sort out the misunderstandings that arise between the Russians and the Greeks: “Yes, if anyone is from Russia or from the Greek to create crookedly, but straighten (sorts out. - A. S.) then". They also had to control the nature and extent of trade operations, certify with their seal on the goods the legality of the transactions. As you can see, this part of the treaty of 907 has been significantly expanded and detailed, the duties of the imperial "husbands" are outlined here in more detail, and their functions have been expanded.

But innovations appeared in this part of the treaty, and the first among them was the establishment of a procedure for certifying the identity of ambassadors and merchants coming from Russia. Now they must present to Byzantine officials special letters issued to them by the great Russian prince, or rather his office, and addressed directly to the name of the Byzantine emperor. These letters should indicate who and for what purposes came to Byzantium. In the event that the Russians appear without such “certificates” and begin to impersonate ambassadors and merchants, they were to be taken into custody and reported to Kyiv: hra-nim, donde (“not yet.” - A. S.) let us inform your prince." In case of resistance, the Greeks were even allowed to kill the Russian, and the Russian Grand Duke did not have to exact from them for this.

Meal in Kyiv with the participation of ambassadors from the steppes

These new clauses of the treaty clearly indicate the strengthening of state tendencies in Russia, that Kyiv prince practically takes control of all the contacts of the Russian people with Byzantium, no matter where they come from - from Kyiv, Chernigov, Pereyaslavl, Polotsk, Rostov, Novgorod, and other Russian cities. Of course, to a large extent, these articles protect the class interests of the Russian feudal lords, because now any fugitive from Russia - a serf or a feudal dependent peasant, a debtor or an impoverished artisan - had to be immediately detained by the Greeks and sent back to Russia.

These articles also had one more goal: now those Russian merchants who went to Byzantium at their own peril and risk, without the prince's permission, were threatened with severe punishment. These strictness minimized the emergence of new conflicts between the Russians and the Greeks.

Other restrictions appeared in the 944 treaty for the Russian people in the empire: the Russians did not have the right to spend the winter in their farmstead in Byzantium. And this meant that both embassy and merchant caravans had to turn around and return to their homeland during one navigation period. There is no longer a word about the stay of the embassy in Byzantium, "eliko hothe", or merchants for six months. Now the deadlines became more stringent, and this reflected not only the interests of Byzantium, which by the fall was getting rid of its very significant material costs and from the restless Russian neighborhood, but also the interests of the Russian state, which sought to streamline diplomatic and trade contacts with Byzantium, to make them clearer and more professional. It is curious that in the Greco-Persian treaty of 562, on this occasion, it was also said that the ambassadors and messengers of both countries "are obliged to stay for a short time in the land where they come." But Persia, together with Byzantium, is one of the most ancient states where the diplomatic service was well developed.

In the new treaty of 944, it is noticeable that Russia made some economic concessions. Russian merchants were forbidden to buy expensive silk fabrics in Byzantine markets for more than 50 spools. One could imagine how many such fabrics the Russians exported before, then selling at exorbitant prices in all their cities, and possibly to the northern countries.

But, of course, the most significant economic loss for Russia was the abolition of duty-free trade for Russian merchants in Byzantium. There is simply no word on this in the contract. Wrested at one time from Byzantium by force, it became a burdensome business for the Byzantine merchants: Russian merchants were placed in the empire in a privileged position, which could not but harm both Greek trade and the trade of other countries. Now this privilege has been abolished, and this may well be seen as a consequence of the military defeat of the Russian army in 941.

The idea of ​​joint protection by both states of the rights to the person and property of serfs and slaves was formulated anew in the treaty of 944. In the event that a serf flees from Russia to Byzantium or a slave flees from Byzantium to Russia, both states must render each other every assistance in capturing him and returning him to their masters. Articles on this topic have a clearly defined class character.

Changed penalties for property crimes. Previously, murder was allowed for theft if the thief was caught on the spot. Now a more moderate punishment has been established, in accordance with the "laws" of Greek and Russian, which reflects the development of legal norms both in Byzantium and in Russia.

The issues of liability for property crimes, beatings, and other violations are elaborated in detail in the new agreement. They are solved differently in many respects, in accordance with the evolution of legislation in both countries, and reflect the level of social development in both countries.

But the idea of ​​a new Byzantine-Russian military alliance is substantiated in particular detail.

In essence, Russia is here for the first time as an equal ally of Byzantium, and the military-allied articles themselves are all-encompassing, large-scale in nature. In the second half of the 1st millennium, the Byzantine Empire repeatedly concluded treaties of alliance and mutual assistance with other states, but none of them was preserved in writing, and even elaborated in such detail. In this sense, the treaty of 944 was also unique.

"Vacation" of Russian ambassadors from Tsargrad

Russia and Byzantium assumed equal obligations to send troops to help each other. Russia is against those opponents of Byzantium whom the empire points out to her: “Do you really want to start our kingdom (empire. - A. S.) howling from you against us, let us write to your great prince, and send to us, as much as we want. Byzantium, as already noted above, undertook to send its troops to the aid of Russia in the event that the Russian prince asked for help, fighting in the Northern Black Sea region, in the Korsun country, as Chersonese and adjacent possessions were called in Russia. The enemy is not named, but he is easily guessed - these are Khazaria and its satellites in the Northern Black Sea region, the Sea of ​​\u200b\u200bAzov and the Volga region.

The military alliance of the two states was based not only on the commonality of political and economic interests, but also on the fact that the most acute contradictions between them, including those of a territorial nature, were resolved.

Byzantines bring gifts to Igor

Two areas aroused especially acute interest of Russia and Byzantium: the Taman Peninsula and the mouth of the Dnieper. The Russians needed Taman to secure strongholds here on the eastern routes - to the Sea of ​​\u200b\u200bAzov, to the Volga, and the North Caucasus. But the Cimmerian Bosporus has long been the sphere of possession, and then the influence of Byzantium. Now the Russians are firmly established here. The Greeks, speaking in an agreement on common actions together with the Russians against the nearby "black Bulgarians", nomads, vassals of Khazaria, pointed out that the Bulgarians attacked not only the "country of Korsun", i.e., causing damage to Chersonese and its possessions, but also “They are doing harm to his country,” i.e., to the Russian prince. Thus, the Greeks recognized this area as a sphere of influence of Russia, inviting the Russian prince to protect, along with his possessions, the Byzantine ones.

The mouth of the Dnieper, Beloberezhye, the island of St. Elferius were an important military-strategic region: from here the Russians entered the Black Sea during their swift sea voyages, Byzantine, Chersonese outposts were located here. And when the Chersonesos strategist sent the news about the beginning of the campaign of the Russian army against Constantinople, the first information was brought to him by scouts whose posts were in the Dnieper delta. The Russians sought to remove the Greeks from here, to create their own settlements here, but the Greeks also stubbornly fought to retain this area.

In the new agreement, the parties got along with each other. Byzantium achieved that the Russians were forbidden to "do evil" to the Chersonese fishermen, to expel them from these places. And this meant that the Greeks retained the possibility of their intelligence to continue to be present in the area. But this also meant that the Greeks recognized the mouth of the Dnieper as a sphere of influence of Russia. This becomes especially evident from the words of the treaty banning the Russians from wintering in the Dnieper mouth. The rest of the time, their appearance in these places is recognized as legitimate. Moreover, no punishments are provided for the fact that the Russians will stay here for the winter or prevent the Chersonesians from fishing in the Dnieper waters. This article is just wishful thinking.

So the dispute was resolved, but ... only for a while. It is quite obvious that the contradictions between Russia and Byzantium in the disputed areas were not eliminated, and it is obvious that their decision was postponed to the future; meanwhile, peace and a military alliance were needed.

And soon the Russian army launched a new campaign to the East, to the city of Berdaa. Like the treaty of 911, the new agreement was drawn up according to all the highest standards of international diplomacy. The agreement was drawn up in two copies - in Greek and Russian. Each party took an oath of allegiance to the treaty on its own text. The Russian ambassadors, as follows from the chronicle record, “led the essence of the king ... company”, that is, they took an oath of allegiance to the treaty of 944 by Roman I Lekapin and his sons. Then a huge caravan, consisting of the Russian and Byzantine embassies, headed for Russia. The Russians returned to their homeland, and the Greeks went to Kyiv in order to take the oath of Igor, his boyars and warriors on the agreement.

And now a solemn day has come in the Russian capital. In the morning, Igor called the Byzantine ambassadors to him and together with them went to the hill, where the statue of the main god of Russia, Perun, stood; at his feet the Russians laid down their weapons, shields, and gold. This was not only the Russian custom: many pagan peoples of Eastern Europe swore an oath on weapons and gold. Russia, in this sense, followed the international tradition.

Here Igor and his people took the oath. Prominent Russian boyars and warriors, who were Christians, went with the ambassadors to the church of St. Elijah and there they swore an oath on the cross.

Then there was a solemn reception of the Byzantine embassy by the great Russian prince: the ambassadors were richly gifted with furs, servants, wax - the traditional items of Russian export to Byzantium.

The Russian original of the treaty went with ambassadors to the empire, and a copy of this text and the Greek original of the agreement went into the grand ducal storage.

The conclusion of a peace treaty between Russia and Byzantium

Diplomacy of Princess Olga

Renewal of relations with Byzantium. The turbulent 40s of the 10th century passed. After that, great changes took place in Russia: Prince Igor died in the Drevlyansk forests, power passed to his wife, Princess Olga, since the heir to the throne, Prince Svyatoslav, “bebo detesk”, that is, was still small. Changes also took place on the Byzantine throne: one after another after the coup d'état Roman I Lecapinus and his sons went into exile, until finally in 945 the throne was taken by the son of Leo VI, who had previously kept in the shadows, Constantine VII, who, while still a boy, was mentioned among the Byzantine emperors, along with his father and uncle, in the Russian-Byzantine treaty of 911. The faces changed, but the policy remained the same; in relations between the two states, an agreement of 944 was in force. In fulfillment of allied obligations, Russian soldiers participated in the second half of the 40s. 10th century in the expedition of the Greek fleet against the Cretan corsairs; Russian garrisons were located in the fortresses bordering the Arab Caliphate, creating a barrier against Arab pressure on Byzantine possessions from the southeast. But new diplomatic initiatives

Russia for a long time did not undertake, its embassies to the empire were not marked, its voice in the East fell silent. And this is understandable: the second half of the 40s. marked in Russia by an acute socio-political crisis. The Drevlyans rose up, opposing the arbitrary, disorderly collection of tribute by the Russian elite. Igor was killed, and the Drevlyane land was deposited from Kyiv. And although Olga brutally suppressed the uprising of the Drevlyans and imposed a “heavy tribute” on them, she was nevertheless forced to carry out the first reform of the taxation of Russian lands in the history of Russia. Throughout the Russian land - along the Dnieper, among the Drevlyans, Novgorod Slovenes - she established fixed dues and tributes.

All this took months, if not years. And only under 955 in the annals is there a record that Princess Olga visited Constantinople. This information is also confirmed in other sources - the work of her contemporary, the Byzantine emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, who received Olga in the Byzantine capital, Greek and German chronicles. Constantine VII, however, provides information that allows us to talk about a different date for her visit to Byzantium - 957.

By the mid 50s. before Russian foreign policy new challenges arose. Russia regularly fulfilled its allied obligations in the east, west, southeast of the Byzantine borders; from the political turmoil of the 1940s. she came out stronger, more powerful, united. Its socio-economic and political development required new foreign policy initiatives, the establishment of new external relations, the expansion and strengthening of trade routes, and the elevation of the international prestige of the ancient Russian state. And for its allied assistance, Russia had the right to demand new political privileges from Byzantium.

Russia, in turn, at that time was needed by Byzantium as a counterweight against Khazaria, as a supplier of allied troops in the fight against the Arabs.

The problem of Christianization arose more and more acutely before Russia. Most of the leading countries of Europe have already been baptized. The new religion significantly strengthened the position of the growing class of feudal lords and raised the international prestige of the Christianized states. Russia has repeatedly tried on Christianity to its state experience, but the pagan opposition each time threw it away. And yet Christianity made its way. Byzantium also strove for the baptism of Russia, thereby trying to neutralize the dangerous neighbor, to tie him to its policy, since the Byzantine patriarch was considered the head of the entire Christian church in the region.

Under these conditions, the parties needed negotiations, filling the treaty of 944 with new concrete content. Therefore, the journey of the Russian Grand Duchess to Byzantium was a timely and fully justified political step.

For the first time in the history of relations between the two countries, a high Russian sovereign was preparing for a visit to Constantinople.

Arrival of the Russian Princess Olga in Tsargrad

In the summer of 957, a huge Russian embassy headed by Grand Duchess moved to Constantinople. The composition of the embassy, ​​not counting the guards, shipbuilders, servants, exceeded a hundred. The retinue of the princess included her closest relative - Anepsy, as the Greeks called him, who occupied the second place in the embassy after Olga, 8 of her close associates - noble boyars or relatives, 22 noble Russians, members of the embassy, ​​44 merchant people, people of Svyatoslav, priest Gregory, 8 a man of the retinue of ambassadors, 2 translators, as well as approximate women of the princess. Russia has never sent such a magnificent, such a representative embassy to Byzantium.

The Russian flotilla arrived in the harbor of Constantinople, and then complications began. The emperor first received Olga only on September 9, that is, when Russian caravans usually made their way back. For about two months, the Russians were waiting for an appointment. Later, Olga will remember this in Kyiv, when ambassadors from Byzantium come to her, in anger she will tell them: “... stay with me in Pochaina (in the Kyiv harbor, at the mouth of the Pochaina River, which flows into the Dnieper. - BUT. C), as if in the Court (in the harbor of Constantinople. - A.S.)..." The Russian princess did not forget about the long standing in the “Court” even after several months. What's the matter? Why was such disrespect shown to a welcome guest and ally? The answer lies in the order of the two receptions of the Russian princess in the imperial palace - September 9 and October 18, which were described in detail by Constantine VII in his work "On Ceremonies". This order went far beyond the usual, had no analogies during meetings with other foreign representatives, and in no way corresponded to the Byzantine ceremonial, which the Byzantine Empire and especially Constantine VII, the guardian and guardian of age-old traditions, sacredly held on to. Usually, anyone who approached the throne of the Byzantine emperors performed proskinesis - prostrated at the imperial feet, but nothing like this happened to Olga: on September 9, she approached the throne unaccompanied, only with a slight tilt of her head greeted Constantine VII and stood talking with him. Then she was received by the Empress.

Reception Kievan princess Olga of the Byzantine ambassadors in Russia

After a short break, the meeting of the Russian princess with the imperial family took place, which was never even claimed by foreign ambassadors and sovereign persons. Here Olga had the main conversation with the emperor on all issues of interest to both sides. At the same time, the Russian princess was sitting, which was also unheard of. At the ceremonial dinner, Olga found herself at the same table with members of the imperial family. The same kind of privileges were given to the Russian princess during the second reception.

Of course, all these deviations from the traditions of the Byzantine diplomatic ceremonial cannot be considered accidental. The Russians, apparently, insisted on an exceptionally high level of reception, and the Greeks persisted, trying to maintain a distance between Russia and the great empire. Now it becomes clear that Olga was waiting for the first reception: there was a tense diplomatic struggle on ceremonial issues, which in relations between countries have always been of a principled nature and showed the level of prestige of a particular state, its place among other powers. Russia demanded, if not equality, then at least great privileges; the empire persisted. But Byzantium needed Russian help, and the Greeks had to give in.

As expected, the question of Christianization took one of the central places in Olga's negotiations with Constantine VII.

The Russian chronicle tells that Olga decided to be baptized in Constantinople, and the emperor supported this idea. To this, the princess answered him: "... if you want to baptize me, then baptize me yourself." That was the whole point of the problem. Using the desire of Byzantium to Christianize Russia, Olga sought to receive baptism directly from the hands of the emperor and the patriarch. Moreover, the emperor was assigned the role of godfather. The chronicle notes: “And baptize yu (her. - BUT. S.) the king with the patriarch. In baptism, the Russian princess took the name Elena in honor of the mother of Emperor Constantine the Great, who made Christianity the state religion of the Roman Empire. Apparently, all this was discussed in the circle of the imperial family on September 9, 957.

The baptism of the Russian princess took place in the church of St. Sophia, in the main Christian sanctuary of the empire. As a sign of her stay here, Olga presented the temple with a golden dish adorned with precious stones.

Everything about this ceremony is of great political significance.

First, the very fact of the baptism of the Russian princess. In the presence of a strong pagan opposition in Russia, which was led by the young Svyatoslav, who relied on a pagan squad, the question of the baptism of the whole country was still premature, it could cause discontent both in the Russian elites and among the people. But there was already the experience of Western European countries, when the Anglo-Saxon and Frankish kings at one time were baptized with the participation of representatives of the Pope without the conversion of all Franks or Anglo-Saxons to Christianity. Shortly before the appearance of Olga in Byzantium, the Hungarian leaders Bulchu and Gyula accepted personal baptism in Constantinople, although all of Hungary adopted Christianity only at the turn of the 10th-11th centuries. This path was more painless, gradual. Judging by the treaty between Igor and the Greeks in 944, there were already quite a few Christians in Russia, in Kyiv there was a church of St. Elijah. Now the baptism of the Russian princess, of course, greatly strengthened the position of Russian Christians, made the Christianization of the whole country only a matter of time. Russia in this case used the examples of other large early feudal monarchies in Europe.

Secondly, the act of christening Olga by the highest representatives of the secular and ecclesiastical authorities of the empire greatly elevated both her personal prestige and the political prestige of Russia.

Thirdly, the fact that Olga took the Christian name of Elena, a well-known figure in the empire, and also received the title of "daughter" of the emperor, also contributed to the political resonance of baptism.

But not only questions of baptism were discussed during the first conversation with the emperor. It was also about the dynastic marriage of the young Svyatoslav and the young daughter of Constantine VII - Theodora.

It was an honor to be related to the Byzantine imperial house for any state, any dynasty, but Byzantium carefully guarded this privilege, granting it either to very famous and strong European monarchies, say the Frankish Empire, later to the German kingdom, or went to such marriages under the influence of circumstances. So, needing in the VII century. In order to help the Khazars against the onslaught of the Persians and Avars, the Byzantine emperor Heraclius promised the Khazar Khagan to give his daughter Evdokia as a wife if he would send him 40 thousand horsemen. In the 20s. In the 10th century, in an effort to pacify Bulgaria, Roman I Lakapin gave his granddaughter Maria for Tsar Peter. Subsequently, Constantine VII in his writings assessed these facts as a disgrace to the empire.

Undoubtedly, Olga, with her prestigious claims, could have raised the issue of dynastic marriage in Constantinople, especially since the emperor asked her, as the chronicle says, “howl for help.” This is also indicated by the presence in Olga's retinue of a mysterious relative, who could well be the young Svyatoslav.

But if negotiations on the marriage of Svyatoslav with the Byzantine princess took place, they ended in nothing: the Greeks did not yet consider Russia worthy of dynastic ties. This also could not but hurt the Russian princess and her son, who, as is known, later became one of the most stubborn and dangerous opponents of Byzantium.

Olga and Constantine VII, despite certain differences, confirmed the validity of the treaty of 944, in particular with regard to the military alliance. This is evident from the fact that some time later the Byzantine embassy came to Kyiv with a request to send Russian soldiers to Byzantium. The Russian detachment again came to the aid of the empire in its struggle against the Arabs.

Under Olga, the scope of Russia's diplomatic efforts expanded significantly. Thus, for the first time since 839, a Russian embassy was sent to the West, to the lands of the German kingdom. Information about this is available in the German chronicle, written by a certain anonymous successor of the chronicle, Abbot Reginon. Under 959, he reported that in Frankfurt, where the German king celebrated Christmas, "ambassadors of Helen, the queen of the Rugs", who was baptized in Constantinople, came with a request "pretendy, as it turned out later" "to appoint ... a bishop and presbyters to their people" . The request was granted, the monk Adalbert was sent to Russia. Under 962, the same author wrote: “Adalbert, consecrated as a bishop for the Russians, unable to succeed in anything for which he was sent, and seeing his work in vain, returned back. On the way back, some of his companions were killed and he himself, with great difficulty, barely escaped. So the attempt of the German baptizers of Russia ended unsuccessfully.

In this whole story, the purpose of the Russian embassy, ​​as described by the German chronicler, looks implausible. It is difficult to assume that Olga, having a serious pagan opposition in Russia led by her son Svyatoslav, who herself had recently been baptized according to the Constantinople model, asked the German king Otto I, who was closely connected with papal Rome, to baptize all of Russia.

Subsequent events confirmed this. This is also evidenced by the words of the author of the chronicle, that the Russians “feignedly” made this request, i.e., they had no serious intention to baptize Russia by the hands of the German bishop in Kyiv.

The meaning of events lies elsewhere. Russia of that time actively continued to seek international contacts. With all the surrounding countries, it was already connected by diplomatic relations. Only the German Kingdom, a strong European state, has so far been outside the sphere of attention of Russian politicians. The long-standing and unsuccessful embassy of 839 in Ingelheim was already forgotten, and now Russia tried to enter into traditional relations of "peace and friendship" with Germany, which usually involved the exchange of embassies, assistance in the development of trade between the two countries. Under these conditions, the Russian government could agree to the admission of German missionaries to the Russian lands. Adalbert, who considered himself really the head of the Christian Church in Russia and tried to introduce a new religion among the peoples, failed in his intentions. The people of Kiev rebelled against him, and he was expelled in disgrace.

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Russian-Byzantine war of 941-944- the unsuccessful campaign of Prince Igor against Byzantium in and a repeated campaign in , which ended in a peace treaty in .

N. Ya. Polovoi offers the following reconstruction of events: Khalga was one of Igor's governors. While he was fighting Pesach, Igor decided to make peace with the Khazars, recalled Khalga from Tmutarakan and marched on Constantinople. That is why Khalga so firmly holds the word given to Pesach to fight with Roman. Part of the Russian army with the voivode Khalga passed on ships past Chersonese, and the other part with Igor along the coast of Bulgaria. From both places, news came to Constantinople about the approaching enemy, so Igor did not manage to take the city by surprise, as happened during the first raid of the Rus in 860.

Igor's first campaign. 941

Sources for the campaign of 941

The second campaign of Igor. 943

The text of the Russian-Byzantine treaty, which is of a military-trade nature, is fully quoted in the PVL. First of all, he regulates the conditions for the stay and trade of Russian merchants in Byzantium, determines the exact amounts of fines for various misconduct, and establishes the amount of ransom for captives. It also formulated a provision on mutual military assistance between the Russian Grand Duke and the Byzantine tsars.

The following year after the conclusion of the treaty, Grand Duke Igor was killed by the Drevlyans.

Notes

Literature

• Sexual N. Ya.// Byzantine Time Book, Volume XVIII, 1961, pp. 85-104.
• Sexual N. Ya.

Russian-Byzantine war of 941-944
	941-944 years
	Black Sea coast of Byzantium
	Byzantine victory
Territorial changes:
Opponents
Byzantine Empire	Kievan Rus
Commanders
Roman I Lecapenus Admiral Feofan Varda Foca John Kurkuas	Prince Igor
Side forces
More than 40 thousand	OK. 40 thousand

Russian-Byzantine war of 941-944- the unsuccessful campaign of Prince Igor against Byzantium in 941 and a second campaign in 943, ending with a peace treaty in 944.

On June 11, 941, Igor's fleet was scattered at the entrance to the Bosphorus by a Byzantine squadron that used Greek fire, after which the fighting continued for another 3 months on the Black Sea coast of Asia Minor. On September 15, 941, the Russian fleet was finally defeated off the coast of Thrace while trying to break through to Russia. In 943, Prince Igor gathered a new army with the participation of the Pechenegs and led a campaign on the Danube to the northern borders of the Byzantine Empire. This time, things did not come to military clashes, Byzantium concluded a peace treaty with Igor, paying tribute.

Background and role of the Khazar Khaganate

The Cambridge document (a letter from a Khazar Jew of the 2nd half of the 10th century) links the campaign of Russia against Constantinople with the events that took place in Khazaria not long before. Around the 930s, the Byzantine emperor Romanus launched a campaign against the Jews. In response, the Khazar Khagan, professing Judaism, “ overthrown many uncircumcised". Then Roman, with the help of gifts, persuaded a certain Khalgu called " king of Russia”, to raid the Khazars.

Khalga captured Samkerts (near the Kerch Strait), after which the Khazar military leader Pesakh came out against him and Byzantium, who ravaged three Byzantine cities and laid siege to Chersonesus in the Crimea. Then Pesach attacked Khalga, recaptured the spoils of that one from Samkerts and, from the position of the winner, entered into negotiations. Khalga was forced to agree to Pesach's demand to start a war with Byzantium.

The further development of events in the Cambridge document generally coincides with the description of Prince Igor's campaign against Byzantium, known from Byzantine and Old Russian sources, but with an unexpected ending:

There were attempts to identify Khalga with Oleg Veshchim (S. Shekhter and P.K. Kokovtsov, later D.I. Ilovaisky and M.S. Grushevsky) or Igor himself (Helgi Inger, “Oleg the Younger” by Yu. D. Brutskus). Such identifications, however, led to a contradiction with all other reliable sources on the campaign of 941. According to the Cambridge Document, Russia became dependent on the Khazars, but the ancient Russian chronicles and Byzantine authors do not even mention the Khazars when describing events.

N. Ya. Polovoi offers the following reconstruction of events: Khalga was one of Igor's governors. While he was fighting Pesach, Igor decided to make peace with the Khazars, recalled Khalga from Tmutarakan and marched on Constantinople. That is why Khalga so firmly holds the word given to Pesach to fight with Roman. Part of the Russian army with the voivode Khalga passed Chersonesos on ships, and the other part with Igor along the coast of Bulgaria. From both places, news came to Constantinople of the approaching enemy, so Igor was not able to take the city by surprise, as happened during the first raid of the Rus in 860.

Igor's first campaign. 941

Sources for the campaign of 941

The raid on Constantinople in 941 and subsequent events of the same year are reflected in the Byzantine Chronicle of Amartol (borrowed from Theophanes Continuer) and the Life of Basil the New, as well as in the historical work of Liutprand of Cremona (Book of Retribution, 5.XV). The messages of the ancient Russian chronicles (XI-XII centuries) are based on the whole on Byzantine sources with the addition of individual details preserved in Russian legends.

Defeat at Hieron

Theophan's successor begins the story of the raid like this:

The raid did not come as a surprise to Byzantium. The news about him was sent in advance by the Bulgarians and later by the strategist of Kherson. However, the Byzantine fleet fought the Arabs and defended the islands in the Mediterranean, so that according to Liutprand, only 15 dilapidated helandia (a type of ship) remained in the capital, left because of their dilapidation. The Byzantines estimated the number of Igor's ships at an incredible 10 thousand. Liutprand of Cremona, passing on the story of an eyewitness, his stepfather, named a thousand ships in Igor's fleet. According to The Tale of Bygone Years and the testimony of Liutprand, the Russians first rushed to plunder the Asia Minor coast of the Black Sea, so that the defenders of Constantinople had time to prepare a rebuff and meet Igor's fleet in the sea at the entrance to the Bosphorus, not far from the city of Hieron.

The most detailed account of the first naval battle was left by Liutprand:

“Roman [the Byzantine emperor] ordered shipbuilders to come to him, and said to them:“ Now go and immediately equip those helands that are left [at home]. But place a fire-throwing device not only at the bow, but also at the stern and on both sides". So, when helandia were equipped according to his order, he put in them the most experienced men and ordered them to go towards King Igor. They set sail; seeing them at sea, King Igor ordered his army to take them alive and not kill them. But the good and merciful Lord, desiring not only to protect those who honor Him, worship Him, pray to Him, but also to honor them with victory, tamed the winds, thus calming the sea; for otherwise it would have been difficult for the Greeks to throw fire. So, having taken a position in the middle of the Russian [troop], they [began] throwing fire in all directions. The Russians, seeing this, immediately began to rush from the ships into the sea, preferring to drown in the waves rather than burn in the fire. Some, weighed down with chain mail and helmets, immediately went to the bottom of the sea, and they were no longer seen, while others, having swum, continued to burn even in the water; no one was saved that day if he did not manage to run to the shore. After all, the ships of the Russians, due to their small size, also swim in shallow water, which the Greek Helandia cannot because of their deep draft.

Amartol adds that the defeat of Igor after the attack of the fire-bearing helands was completed by a flotilla of Byzantine warships: dromons and triremes. It is believed that the Russians on June 11, 941 for the first time encountered Greek fire, and the memory of this was preserved for a long time among the Russian soldiers. The Old Russian chronicler of the beginning of the XII century conveyed their words in this way: “ It is as if the Greeks have heavenly lightning and, by releasing it, they set fire to us; that is why they did not overcome them.» According to the PVL, the Russians were first defeated by the Greeks on land, only then there was a brutal defeat at sea, but, probably, the chronicler brought together the battles that took place at different times in different places.

According to the PVL and Liutprand, the war ended there: Igor returned home with the surviving soldiers (according to Leo the Deacon, he had hardly 10 ships left). Emperor Roman ordered the execution of all captured Rus.

Fighting in Asia Minor

Byzantine sources (Chronicle of Amartol and the life of Basil the New) describe the continuation of the campaign of 941 in Asia Minor, where part of the Russian army retreated after the defeat at Hieron. According to Theophan's Successor, the fighting on the southern coast of the Black Sea developed as follows:

“The survivors swam to the eastern shore, to Sgora. And then he was sent by land to intercept them from the stratigi, the patrician Varda Foka with horsemen and selected soldiers. The dews sent a sizable detachment to Bithynia to stock up on provisions and everything necessary, but Varda Fok overtook this detachment, defeated it utterly, put to flight and killed his soldiers. Came there at the head of the entire eastern army and the most intelligent domestic schol John Kurkuas, who, appearing here and there, killed a lot of those who had broken away from their enemies, and the dews retreated in fear of his onslaught, no longer daring to leave their ships and make sorties. The dews committed many atrocities before the approach of the Roman army: they set fire to the coast of the Sten (Bosphorus), and some of the prisoners were crucified on the cross, others were driven into the ground, others were set as targets and shot with bows. Prisoners of the priestly class, they tied their hands behind their backs and drove iron nails into their heads. They also burned many holy temples. However, winter was approaching, the Ross were running out of food, they were afraid of the advancing army of the domestic schol Kurkuas, his mind and ingenuity, they were no less afraid of naval battles and skillful maneuvers of Patrician Theophanes and therefore decided to return home. Trying to pass unnoticed by the fleet, in September of the fifteenth indict (941) they set sail at night to the Thracian coast, but were met by the aforementioned patrician Theophanes and could not hide from his vigilant and valiant soul. A second battle immediately begins, and many ships sink to the bottom, and many Ross are killed by the mentioned husband. Only a few managed to escape on their ships, approach the coast of Kila (Thrace) and flee at nightfall.

Thus, throughout the summer of 941, Russian troops plundered the Asia Minor coast of the Black Sea, until the main forces of the Byzantine army approached. PVL reports about 40 thousand soldiers in the eastern army of the domestic Kurkuas, in addition to the detachments of Varda Foki (from Macedonia) and the stratilate Theodore (from Thrace). The fighting was carried out by the Rus with raids from boats, which were inaccessible to Byzantine warships in the shallow waters of Asia Minor. When trying to break through to Russia, undertaken on the evening of September 15, 941, the Rus fleet was discovered at sea and destroyed near the city of Kila (Κοιλία) near the entrance to the Bosphorus. The fate of the Russian army after the second defeat at sea remained unknown. It is unlikely that many managed to return to Russia, since the Russian chronicles are silent about such a development of events.

Old Russian sources rearranged the narrative in such a way that all military operations ended with the first and only naval defeat. The historian N. Ya. Polovoi explains this fact by the fact that after the defeat at Hieron, the Russian army was divided. Part of the army with Igor returned to Russia, only their fate was reflected in the Russian chronicles, but most of the fleet escaped in shallow water off the coast of Asia Minor, where Greek ships could not get close due to deep draft. As the head of the part of the Russian army remaining in Asia Minor, N. Ya. Polovoi considers Khalga, known from the aforementioned Khazar source, who fought with Byzantium for 4 months. Also, for 4 months, from June to September 941, hostilities continued along Amartol.

The historian G. G. Litavrin suggests that the Rus also entered the Bosphorus and the Sea of ​​Marmara through shallow water and completely dominated there, which led to a break in communications between the European and Asian shores.

The second campaign of Igor. 943

All information about Igor's 2nd campaign and the subsequent peace treaty is contained only in Russian chronicles.

PVL refers the campaign to 944: “ In the year 6452. Igor gathered many warriors: the Varangians, Rus, and Polyans, and Slovenes, and Krivichi, and Tivertsy, - and hired the Pechenegs, and took hostages from them, - and went to the Greeks in boats and on horses, trying to take revenge for myself. »

The Byzantine emperor was warned of the attack and sent ambassadors to meet the Rus and the Pechenegs. The negotiations took place somewhere on the Danube. Igor agreed to take a rich tribute and returned to Kyiv, sending his Pecheneg allies to fight against the Bulgarians. The decision was influenced by the recent defeat at sea, the warriors at the council spoke as follows: “ Does anyone know - whom to overcome: whether we, whether they? Or who is in alliance with the sea? After all, we do not walk on the earth, but on the depths of the sea: a common death for all.»

Historians date the campaign to 943 (N.M. Karamzin, B.A. Rybakov, N.Ya. Polovoi). The Novgorod First Chronicle of the younger edition, which contains fragments of the chronicle of the 11th century, erroneously dates Igor's campaign to 920 and reports a second campaign a year later, which corresponds to 943 according to a more accurate Byzantine chronology. The successor of Theophanes under the same year mentions the big campaign of the "Turks", which ended with a peace treaty with Byzantium. By "Turks" the Greeks usually meant the Hungarians, who began to raid Byzantium from 934, and it is possible that the ancient Russian chronicler confused the Hungarians with the Pechenegs. At least Theophan's successor reports that after the agreement with the "Turks" in 943, peace was maintained for 5 years.

Russian-Byzantine treaty. 944

The next year after Igor's campaign, Emperor Roman sent envoys to Igor to restore peace. The PVL dates the peace treaty to 945, but the mention of Roman in the treaty points to 944. In December 944, Roman was overthrown by his sons, Stephen and Constantine, who were immediately removed from power by the new emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus.

The text of the Russian-Byzantine treaty, which is of a military-trade nature, is quoted in full in the PVL. First of all, he regulates the conditions for the stay and trade of Russian merchants in Byzantium, determines the exact amounts of fines for various misconduct, and establishes the amount of ransom for captives. It also formulated a provision on mutual military assistance between the Russian Grand Duke and the Byzantine tsars.

The following year, after the conclusion of the treaty, Grand Duke Igor was killed by the Drevlyans.

In 915, moving to the aid of Byzantium against the Bulgarians, the Pechenegs first appeared in Russia. Igor chose not to interfere with them, but in 920 he himself conducted a military campaign against them.

“On the eleventh of June of the fourteenth indiction (941), ten thousand ships sailed to Constantinople, the dews, who are also called dromites, but they come from the tribe of the Franks. Against them, with all the dromons and triremes that just ended up in the city, the patrician [Theophanes] was sent. He equipped and put in order the fleet, strengthened himself with fasting and tears, and prepared to fight against the dews.

The raid did not come as a surprise to Byzantium. The news about him was sent in advance by the Bulgarians and later by the strategist of Kherson. However, the Byzantine fleet fought the Arabs and defended the islands in the Mediterranean, so that, according to Liutprand, only 15 dilapidated helandia (a type of ship) remained in the capital, left because of their dilapidation. The Byzantines estimated the number of Igor's ships at an incredible 10 thousand. Liutprand of Cremona, passing on the story of an eyewitness, his stepfather, named a thousand ships in Igor's fleet. According to The Tale of Bygone Years and the testimony of Liutprand, the Russians first rushed to plunder the Asia Minor coast of the Black Sea, so that the defenders of Constantinople had time to prepare a rebuff and meet Igor's fleet in the sea at the entrance to the Bosphorus, not far from the city of Hieron.

“Roman [the Byzantine emperor] ordered shipbuilders to come to him, and said to them: “Now go and immediately equip those helands that are left [at home]. But place a device for throwing fire not only at the bow, but also at the stern and on both sides. So, when helandia were equipped according to his order, he put in them the most experienced men and ordered them to go towards King Igor. They set sail; seeing them at sea, King Igor ordered his army to take them alive and not kill them. But the good and merciful Lord, desiring not only to protect those who honor Him, worship Him, pray to Him, but also to honor them with victory, tamed the winds, thus calming the sea; for otherwise it would have been difficult for the Greeks to throw fire. So, having taken a position in the middle of the Russian [troop], they [began] throwing fire in all directions. The Russians, seeing this, immediately began to rush from the ships into the sea, preferring to drown in the waves rather than burn in the fire. Some, weighed down with chain mail and helmets, immediately went to the bottom of the sea, and they were no longer seen, while others, having swum, continued to burn even in the water; no one was saved that day if he did not manage to run to the shore. After all, the ships of the Russians, due to their small size, also swim in shallow water, which the Greek Helandia cannot because of their deep draft.

Amartol adds that the defeat of Igor after the attack of the fire-bearing helands was completed by a flotilla of Byzantine warships: dromons and triremes. It is believed that the Russians on June 11, 941 for the first time encountered Greek fire, and the memory of this was preserved for a long time among the Russian soldiers. The ancient Russian chronicler of the beginning of the 12th century conveyed their words in this way: “It is as if the Greeks have heavenly lightning and, releasing it, burned us; That's why they didn't overcome them." According to the PVL, the Russians were first defeated by the Greeks on land, only then there was a brutal defeat at sea, but, probably, the chronicler brought together the battles that took place at different times in different places.

According to the annals in 944 (historians consider 943 proven), Igor gathered a new army from the Varangians, Rus (Igor's tribesmen), Slavs (Polyany, Ilmen Slovenes, Krivichi and Tivertsy) and Pechenegs and moved to Byzantium by cavalry by land, and most sent troops by sea. The Byzantine emperor Roman I Lekapen, warned in advance, sent envoys with rich gifts to meet Igor, who had already reached the Danube. At the same time, Roman sent gifts to the Pechenegs. After consulting with the squad, Igor, satisfied with the tribute, turned back. Theophan's successor reports a similar event in April 943, only the opponents of the Byzantines, who made peace and turned back without a fight, were called "Turks". The Byzantines usually called the Hungarians “Turks”, but sometimes they widely applied the name to all nomadic peoples from the north, that is, they could also mean the Pechenegs.

In the next 944, Igor concluded a military-trade agreement with Byzantium. The contract mentions the names of Igor's nephews, his wife Princess Olga and son Svyatoslav. The chronicler, describing the approval of the treaty in Kyiv, reported on the church in which the Varangians-Christians took an oath.

In the autumn of 945, at the request of the squad, dissatisfied with their content, Igor went to the Drevlyans for tribute. The Drevlyans were not included in the army that was defeated in Byzantium. Perhaps that is why Igor decided to improve the situation at their expense. Igor arbitrarily increased the amount of tribute from previous years, while collecting it, the combatants committed violence against the inhabitants. On the way home, Igor made an unexpected decision:

“On reflection, he said to his squad:“ Go home with tribute, and I will return and look like more. And he sent his retinue home, and he himself returned with a small part of the retinue, desiring more wealth. The Drevlyans, having heard that he was coming again, held a council with their prince Mal: ​​“If a wolf gets into the habit of sheep, he will carry out the whole herd until they kill him; so this one: if we don’t kill him, then he will destroy us all” [...] and the Drevlyans, leaving the city of Iskorosten, killed Igor and his warriors, since there were few of them. And Igor was buried, and there is his grave near Iskorosten in Derevskoy land to this day.

25 years later, in a letter to Svyatoslav, the Byzantine emperor John Tzimiskes recalled the fate of Prince Igor, calling him Inger. In the presentation of Leo the Deacon, the emperor reported that Igor went on a campaign against some Germans, was captured by them, tied to the tops of trees and torn in two.

Princess Olga is the first Christian ruler and the first reformer on the throne of Kiev. Tax reform of Princess Olga. administrative changes. Baptism of the princess. Spread of Christianity in Russia.

Having conquered the Drevlyans, Olga in 947 went to the Novgorod and Pskov lands, assigning lessons there (a kind of tribute measure), after which she returned to her son Svyatoslav in Kyiv. Olga established a system of "graveyards" - centers of trade and exchange, in which taxes were collected in a more orderly manner; then temples began to be built around the graveyards

In 945, Olga established the size of the "polyudya" - taxes in favor of Kyiv, the timing and frequency of their payment - "dues" and "charters". The lands subject to Kyiv were divided into administrative units, in each of which a princely administrator - "tiun" was appointed.

Despite the fact that Bulgarian preachers had long been spreading Christianity in Russia, and the fact of Olga's baptism, most of the inhabitants of Russia remained pagans.

2.2) Svyatoslav is a prince-warrior. War with the Khazar Khaganate. Campaigns of the prince on the Danube Bulgaria. Conclusion of agreements with Byzantium. Expanding the boundaries Kievan Rus and strengthening international prestige.
The Tale of Bygone Years notes that in 964 Svyatoslav "went to the Oka River and the Volga, and met the Vyatichi." It is possible that at this time, when main goal Svyatoslav was striking at the Khazars, he did not subjugate the Vyatichi, that is, he had not yet imposed tribute on them.
In 965 Svyatoslav attacked Khazaria:

“In the summer of 6473 (965) Svyatoslav went to the Khazars. Having heard, the Khazars went out to meet him with their prince kagan and agreed to fight, and in the battle Svyatoslav the Khazars defeated, and took their capital and the White Tower. And he defeated the yas and the kasogs.

A contemporary of the events, Ibn-Khaukal, refers the campaign to a slightly later time and also reports a war with the Volga Bulgaria, the news of which is not confirmed by other sources:

“Bulgar is a small city, there are no numerous districts in it, and it was known for being a port for the states mentioned above, and the Rus devastated it and came to Khazaran, Samandar and Itil in the year 358 (968/969) and set off immediately after to the country of Rum and Andalus ... And al-Khazar is a side, and there is a city in it called Samandar, and it is in the space between it and Bab al-Abwab, and there were numerous gardens in it ... but then the Rus came there, and not there are no grapes or raisins left in that city.”

Having defeated the armies of both states and ruined their cities, Svyatoslav defeated the yas and kasogs, took and destroyed Semender in Dagestan. According to one version, Svyatoslav first took Sarkel on the Don (in 965), then moved east, and in 968 or 969 conquered Itil and Semender. M. I. Artamonov, on the other hand, believed that the Russian army was moving down the Volga and the capture of Itil preceded the capture of Sarkel. Svyatoslav not only crushed the Khazar Khaganate, but also tried to secure the conquered territories for himself. In place of Sarkel appeared Russian settlement White Vezha. Perhaps, at the same time, Tmutarakan also passed under the authority of Kyiv. There is information that Russian detachments were in Itil until the early 980s.

In 967, a conflict broke out between Byzantium and the Bulgarian kingdom, the cause of which the sources state in different ways. In 967/968, the Byzantine emperor Nicephorus Foka sent an embassy to Svyatoslav. The head of the embassy, ​​Kalokir, was given 15 centinaries of gold (approximately 455 kg) to send the Rus to raid Bulgaria. According to the most common version, Byzantium wanted to crush the Bulgarian kingdom with the wrong hands, and at the same time weaken Kievan Rus, which, after defeating Khazaria, could turn its eyes to the Crimean possessions of the empire.

Kalokir agreed with Svyatoslav on an anti-Bulgarian alliance, but at the same time asked for help to take the Byzantine throne from Nicephorus Foka. For this, according to the Byzantine chroniclers John Skylitsa and Leo the Deacon, Kalokir promised "great, countless treasures from the state treasury" and the right to all the conquered Bulgarian lands.

In 968, Svyatoslav invaded Bulgaria and, after the war with the Bulgarians, settled at the mouth of the Danube, in Pereyaslavets, where "tribute from the Greeks" was sent to him. During this period, relations between Russia and Byzantium were most likely tense, but the Italian ambassador Liutprand in July 968 saw Russian ships in the Byzantine fleet, which looks somewhat strange.

By 968-969, the Pechenegs attacked Kyiv. Svyatoslav returned with his cavalry to defend the capital and drove the Pechenegs into the steppe. Historians A.P. Novoseltsev and T.M. Kalinina suggest that the Khazars contributed to the attack of the nomads (although there are reasons to believe that Byzantium was no less beneficial), and Svyatoslav in response organized a second campaign against them, during which Itil was captured , and the kaganate was finally defeated.

During the stay of the prince in Kyiv, his mother, Princess Olga, who actually ruled Russia in the absence of her son, died. Svyatoslav arranged the administration of the state in a new way: he put his son Yaropolk on the reign of Kiev, Oleg - on the Drevlyansk, Vladimir - on the Novgorod. After that, in the fall of 969, the Grand Duke again went to Bulgaria with an army. The Tale of Bygone Years conveys his words:

“I don’t like to sit in Kyiv, I want to live in Pereyaslavets on the Danube - for there is the middle of my land, all good things flow there: from the Greek land, gold, curtains, wines, various fruits; from the Czech Republic and from Hungary silver and horses; from Russia, furs and wax, honey and slaves.

The chronicle Pereyaslavets has not been accurately identified. Sometimes it is identified with Preslav or referred to the Danube port of Preslav Maly. According to unknown sources (according to Tatishchev), in the absence of Svyatoslav, his governor in Pereyaslavets, voivode Volk, was forced to endure a siege by the Bulgarians. Byzantine sources sparingly describe Svyatoslav's war with the Bulgarians. His army on boats approached the Bulgarian Dorostol on the Danube and, after a battle, captured him from the Bulgarians. Later, the capital of the Bulgarian kingdom, Preslav the Great, was also captured, after which the Bulgarian king entered into a forced alliance with Svyatoslav.

Soon he returned to the Balkans, again took the Pereyaslavets he liked so much from the Bulgarians. This time, the Byzantine emperor John Tzimiskes spoke out against the presumptuous Svyatoslav. The war went on for a long time with varying success. All new Scandinavian detachments approached Svyatoslav, they won victories and expanded their possessions, reaching Philippol (Plovdiv). It is curious that in that war of conquest, far from his homeland, Svyatoslav uttered before the battle the catchphrase of a Russian patriot that later became: “We will not disgrace the Russian land, but we will lay down our bones, for the dead have no shame.” But the troops of Svyatoslav and other kings melted away in battles, and in the end, surrounded in 971 in Dorostol, Svyatoslav agreed to make peace with the Byzantines and leave Bulgaria.

In the spring of 970, Svyatoslav, in alliance with the Bulgarians, Pechenegs and Hungarians, attacked the possessions of Byzantium in Thrace. According to Byzantine sources, all the Pechenegs were surrounded and killed, and then the main forces of Svyatoslav were defeated. The ancient Russian chronicle recounts the events differently: according to the chronicler, Svyatoslav won a victory, came close to Constantinople, but retreated, only taking a large tribute, including on the dead soldiers. According to Syuzyumov M. Ya. and Sakharov A. N., the battle, which the Russian chronicle tells about and in which the Russians won, was separate from the battle of Arcadiopol. One way or another, in the summer of 970, major hostilities on the territory of Byzantium ceased. In April 971, Emperor John I Tzimiskes personally opposed Svyatoslav at the head of a land army, sending a fleet of 300 ships to the Danube to cut off the retreat route for the Rus. On April 13, 971, the Bulgarian capital Preslav was captured, where the Bulgarian Tsar Boris II was captured. Part of the Russian soldiers, led by the governor Sfenkel, managed to break through to the north to Dorostol, where Svyatoslav was with the main forces.

On April 23, 971, Tzimisces approached Dorostol. In the battle, the Rus were thrown back into the fortress, a three-month siege began. The parties suffered losses in continuous skirmishes, the leaders of Ikmor and Sfenkel died among the Rus, the commander John Kurkuas fell among the Byzantines. On July 21, another general battle took place, in which Svyatoslav, according to the Byzantines, was wounded. The battle ended inconclusively for both sides, but after it Svyatoslav entered into peace negotiations. John Tzimiskes unconditionally accepted the conditions of the Rus. Svyatoslav with an army had to leave Bulgaria, the Byzantines provided his soldiers (22 thousand people) with a supply of bread for two months. Svyatoslav also entered into a military alliance with Byzantium, trade relations were restored. Under these conditions, Svyatoslav left Bulgaria, greatly weakened by the wars on its territory.

3.1) The main directions of the state activity of Yaroslav the Wise. Socio-economic structure of Kievan Rus. Formation of large landed property. The formation of an estate structure. The main categories of free and dependent population. "Russian Truth" and "The Truth of the Yaroslavichs". The reign of the sons of Yaroslav and princely civil strife. The reign of Vladimir Monomakh.

After the death of Yaroslav, as before, after the death of his father Vladimir, discord and strife reigned in Russia. As N. M. Karamzin wrote: “Ancient Russia buried its power and prosperity with Yaroslav.” But this did not happen immediately. Of the five sons of Yaroslav (Yaroslavich), three survived his father: Izyaslav, Svyatoslav and Vsevolod. Dying, Yaroslav approved the order of succession to the throne, according to which power passes from the elder brother to the younger. At first, the children of Yaroslav did just that: the golden table went to the eldest of them, Izyaslav Yaroslavich, and Svyatoslav and Vsevolod obeyed him. They lived together with him for 15 whole years, together they even supplemented Yaroslav's Pravda with new articles, focusing mainly on raising fines for encroachment on princely property. This is how Pravda Yaroslavichi appeared.
But in 1068 the peace was broken. The Russian army of the Yaroslavichs suffered a heavy defeat from the Polovtsians. The people of Kiev, dissatisfied with them, expelled the Grand Duke Izyaslav and his brother Vsevolod from the city, plundered the princely palace and declared Prince Vseslav of Polotsk released from the Kyiv prison to be the ruler - he was captured during a campaign against Polotsk and brought as a prisoner to Kyiv Yaroslavichi. The chronicler considered Vseslav bloodthirsty and evil. He wrote that Vseslav's cruelty came from the influence of a certain amulet - a magical bandage that he wore on his head, covering an unhealed ulcer with it. Exiled from Kyiv, Grand Duke Izyaslav fled to Poland, taking the prince's wealth with the words: "This way I will find warriors," meaning mercenaries. And soon he really appeared at the walls of Kyiv with a mercenary Polish army and quickly regained power in Kyiv. Vseslav, without putting up resistance, fled home to Polotsk.
After the flight of Vseslav, a struggle began already within the clan of Yaroslavichs, who had forgotten the commandments of their father. The younger brothers Svyatoslav and Vsevolod overthrew the elder Izyaslav, who again fled to Poland, and then to Germany, where he could not find help. The middle brother Svyatoslav Yaroslavich became the Grand Duke in Kyiv. But his life was short lived. Active and aggressive, he fought a lot, had immense ambitions, and died from the knife of a clumsy surgeon, who in 1076 tried to cut out some kind of tumor from the prince.
The younger brother Vsevolod Yaroslavich, who came to power after him, married to the daughter of the Byzantine emperor, was a God-fearing and meek man. He also ruled for a short time and ingenuously ceded the throne to Izyaslav, who had returned from Germany. But he was chronically unlucky: Prince Izyaslav died on Nezhatina Niva near Chernigov in 1078 in a battle with his nephew, Svyatoslav's son Oleg, who himself wanted to take the throne of his father. The spear pierced his back, therefore, either he fled, or, most likely, someone struck the prince with a treacherous blow from behind. The chronicler informs us that Izyaslav was a prominent man with a pleasant face, had a rather quiet disposition, and was soft-hearted. His first act on the Kiev table was the abolition of the death penalty, replaced by vira - a fine. His gentleness was, apparently, the cause of his misfortunes: Izyaslav Yaroslavich all the time longed for the throne, but was not cruel enough to establish himself on it.
As a result, the Kyiv gold table again went to the youngest son of Yaroslav Vsevolod, who ruled until 1093. Educated, endowed with intelligence, the Grand Duke spoke five languages, but he ruled the country poorly, unable to cope with either the Polovtsy, or the famine, or the pestilence that devastated Kyiv and surrounding lands. On the magnificent Kiev table, he remained a modest appanage prince of Pereyaslavsky, as great father Yaroslav the Wise made him in his youth. He was not able to restore order in his own family. The grown sons of his siblings and cousins ​​quarreled desperately for power, constantly fighting each other over land. For them, the word of their uncle - Grand Duke Vsevolod Yaroslavich - no longer meant anything.
The strife in Russia, now smoldering, now breaking out into war, continued. Intrigues and murders became common among the princely milieu. So, in the autumn of 1086, the nephew of the Grand Duke Yaropolk Izyaslavich was suddenly killed during a campaign by his servant, who stabbed the master in the side with a knife. The reason for the villainy is unknown, but, most likely, it was based on a feud over the lands of Yaropolk with his relatives - the Rostislavichs, who were sitting in Przemysl. Prince Vsevolod's only hope was his beloved son Vladimir Monomakh.
The reign of Izyaslav and Vsevolod, the feuds of their relatives took place at a time when for the first time a new enemy came from the steppes - the Polovtsians (Turks), who expelled the Pechenegs and began to attack Russia almost continuously. In 1068, in a night battle, they defeated the princely regiments of Izyaslav and began to boldly plunder the Russian lands. Since then, not a year has passed without Polovtsian raids. Their hordes reached Kyiv, and once the Polovtsy burned down the famous princely palace in Berestov. The Russian princes, warring with each other, for the sake of power and rich destinies, entered into agreements with the Polovtsians and brought their hordes to Russia.
July 1093 turned out to be especially tragic, when the Polovtsians on the banks of the Stugna River defeated the united squad of Russian princes, who acted unfriendly. The defeat was terrible: the entire Stugna was filled with the corpses of Russian soldiers, and the field was smoking from the blood of the fallen. “The next morning, the 24th,” writes the chronicler, “on the day of the holy martyrs Boris and Gleb, there was great weeping in the city, and not joy, for our great sins and iniquities, for the multiplication of our iniquities.” In the same year, Khan Bonyak almost captured Kyiv and destroyed its previously inviolable shrine - the Kiev Caves Monastery, and also set fire to the surroundings of the great city.