Battles of the First Militia with the Poles At the end of the summer of 1611, the position of both the militia and the Poles was difficult. Each side did not have enough strength to deliver the final blow to the enemy. But there were small military skirmishes almost every day. They appeared during forays for salt

People's militias in the Time of Troubles arose in an atmosphere of despair and awareness of the need to save the country. The Rurik dynasty was interrupted, the tsar was absent, the Poles, Lithuanians and Swedes robbed everything that was possible. The intervention threatened the very existence of the state. In addition, many had historical associations with the Tatar-Mongol yoke, only now the threat was not eastern, but western. Against this background, the formation of a people's militia has become a completely natural and respectable historical fact.

It is worth noting that the second militia in the Time of Troubles had to get rid of the interventionists by popular forces, because there were no alternatives. There was already at that time the failure of the first, in which, by the way, Prince Pozharsky also took part. But, oddly enough, this experience was not perceived by many only from the negative side. Some participants in the first clash saw exactly how the Poles and Swedes fought, learned their weaknesses, learned how to fight. In the end, they decided to use the experience gained.

The main initiative to organize the militia came from Nizhny Novgorod, from artisans, mid-level merchants, and townspeople. Here there was already a successful experience in the fight against the troops of the impostor, which was led by the governor Alyabyev. He quite actively opposed the robbers, the so-called "freemen" and, despite the fact that many cities went over to the side of the Pretender, he continued to be loyal to Shuisky as a legitimately chosen king. Moreover, when they tried to capture Nizhny Novgorod several times by force, including the outnumbered army of the Pretender, Alyabyev managed to give a worthy rebuff. This became an excellent example for other cities, which also decided to begin to refuse subordination to both the False Dmitry and the interventionists subsequently.

A huge role in the creation of the second militia was played by Kuzma Minin, the Zemstvo headman, who at first began to tell the townspeople about the need to resist foreign invaders. After they supported him, he spoke to the city council, talked with the clergy and wealthy people. Then it was decided to collect by the whole city, which included the suburbs along with the settlements, property for the militia, because it was clear that armaments would require money.

As a commander, they invited a member of the first militia, who was just being treated after him, Pozharsky. The prince was perfect for this role: he was an experienced military man, he was even distantly related to the Rurikovichs. The management of business affairs was entrusted to Minin. From the inhabitants of Nizhny Novgorod, it was possible to immediately collect 750 volunteers. Then the prince offered to replenish the militia with those whom the Poles had expelled from their hometowns, for example, from Smolensk. It turned out that the total number of warriors immediately increased to 3000.

Everyone who served in the militia, it was decided at the expense of the city to appoint a permanent allowance of at least 30 rubles. Moreover, soldiers of the 1st rank received 50 rubles a year. At the time it was very good money. Taking into account the Time of Troubles, the news that they were paying here attracted a huge number of well-trained warriors from Ryazan, Kolomna and so on into the militia. This is how the militia was replenished with Cossacks and archers from Ukraine, whose skills to hit from a long distance were very useful in the future.

The second militia acted carefully and rather quickly, began to send its people to other cities with an appeal to join the fight against intervention. In fact, they did what in their place in such a situation the government, interested in saving the state, should have done. Also, Minin and Pozharsky along the way got rid of the largest bands of robbers, putting things in order in the country and reminding them of the need and importance of unity. Thanks to excellent organization, they managed to take Yaroslavl and Suzdal faster than their opponents, which only strengthened their positions.

It must be understood that the organizational work was carried out in conditions of constant and active resistance from not only the interventionists (for obvious reasons), but also the Seven Boyars. However, the former did not fully control the situation, and besides, they were poorly versed in Russian affairs. And the latter were afraid of losing control over Moscow, where there were already enough dissatisfied with the situation. In addition, many people supported Pozharsky, so a number of orders directed against them were simply not carried out.

In March 1612, Pozharsky advanced. Together with Minim, he perfectly understood that in the current situation it was impossible to delay. On the way to Moscow from Nizhny Novgorod, they visited other cities. So, in Balakhna they were well received, they were given quite a lot of specially collected money and replenishment. It was the same in Yurevets. But the governor of Kostroma refused to let the militia, I had to deal with this situation and deal with the displacement. Along the way, Pozharsky learned that Pskov had gone over to the side of the enemy.

First, the militia reached Yaroslavl, where the provisional government finally took shape. Pozharsky received support from noble princely families, among whom were the Sheremetevs, Dolgoruky and many others. He continued to liberate the cities gradually from the invaders, depriving those of financial assistance. At the same time, he began to conduct diplomatic negotiations, thinking about the possibility of accepting foreign aid. But since one of the indispensable conditions for obtaining it was consent to a foreign king on the throne, all the proposed options were ultimately abandoned. However, this gave time, made the interventionists nervous, drew their attention somewhat.

While in Yaroslavl, Pozharsky gained control over Siberia, Pomorie, as well as over a number of cities near Moscow. The government created the “Council of All the Earth”, under which temporary institutions even began to work with their own orders, for example, Posolsky was just dealing with diplomatic issues. The militia detachments began to do what the government should normally do: cleanse the country of robbers and thieves, restore order, and stop the chaos on the ground. Pozharsky was often approached for help and asked to sort things out, because the Seven Boyars had no time for this: she negotiated with the Poles, engaged in personal enrichment and thought about how to keep power.

The provisional authorities took over the administrative and judicial work, began to deal with abuses in the field. The number of militia by that time had increased to 10 thousand. Thanks to the relatively established order, economic activity in the country has more or less returned to normal. True, Pozharsky now had control. He also began to temporarily collect taxes instead of the government.

However, in early July, Pozharsky learned that the Lithuanian hetman Khodkevich was moving towards Moscow with a 12,000-strong army and a huge convoy. It became clear that longer

performance cannot be postponed. In addition, assassins have already been sent against Prince Pozharsky himself once. The idea failed, but it also clearly demonstrated that if you sit further, you can face a complete loss of control over the situation.

Fight with Khodkevich

On September 1, 1612, Khodkevich decided to cross with supplies to the Kremlin in order to deliver food to the garrison located there. Pozharsky did not want to let this venture succeed, because he knew perfectly well that if they fortified there, it would be very difficult to knock them out. Therefore, he blocked the way for the hetman, while the Cossack regiments decided to stand on the other side of the Moscow River. At the same time, Prince Trubetskoy, contrary to the agreements, did not want to help Pozharsky, and his army did it without permission.

At the same time, the Cossacks refused to fight for free, only the cellar Avraamy Palitsyn saved the situation when he promised them the payment of the entire salary from the treasury of the monastery. The militia really needed this help. However, the decisive battle took place 2 days after the first clash, that is, on September 3. It lasted 14 hours, and Minin personally participated in it: he unexpectedly attacked the Poles from an ambush, which caused them to panic. And when the Cossacks were added, Khodkevich's army began to flee, with the exception of a very small number of military men. However, they also left Moscow in the morning.

Liberation of Moscow

But this victory did not mean the complete liberation of the capital. Kitay-gorod and the Kremlin were also captured, where the terribly starving Poles were sitting. Knowing this, Pozharsky suggested that they surrender, promising that he would save their lives. But he was refused in a rather arrogant manner. At the same time, the invaders reached the point of cannibalism. Pozharsky offered to go out with weapons and banners, but leave everything looted. The Poles again refused. The prince took the regiment and stood near the Trinity Gates of the Kremlin. This was done to protect the boyar families from the Cossacks, who wanted to deal with them. Not all were mercenaries, many were from free Cossacks and believed that the boyars had betrayed them. Therefore, the situation could not be called safe.

In the end, hunger did its job: the Poles surrendered. Budila with his regiment ended up at Pozharsky, who kept his word: the prisoners survived, after they were sent to Nizhny Novgorod. But Strus and his people got to Trubetskoy, where the Cossacks, who were extremely angry with the Poles, met everyone and cut them. On October 27, the militia solemnly completely occupied Moscow, with prayers and banners.

Meaning

The second militia is a phenomenon unique in its nature, which clearly shows the value of national identity, understanding the responsibility of people from different social strata for the future of the state. It is also noteworthy for how much it unites. So, Prince Pozharsky, as already mentioned, was at that time one of the most noble people in Russia. Minin, on the other hand, was a simple man, and an illiterate one: on those documents where his signature was required, the prince signed for him. Nevertheless, the huge social difference between them did not prevent the prince and the ordinary headman from defending their country. It is worth noting that representatives of other strata of society also joined the fight: the clergy, townspeople, part of the army, merchants, peasants, and so on.

It is also curious that Pozharsky, despite his incredible popularity, as well as some connection with the Rurik dynasty, did not try to claim power or take the opportunity to seize it. He contributed to the organization of the Zemsky Sobor, which chose Mikhail Romanov, the founder of the dynasty, the former cousin of Fyodor Ioannovich, the last representative of the Moscow Rurikovich, as the new tsar.

Thus, there was no personal benefit in Pozharsky's actions. At the same time, he was rewarded for this rank of boyar, received large lands for his services to the fatherland, and Mikhail Romanov confirmed the issuance of this award and gave out even more lands. Also during the chrismation, Pozharsky was given the honor of presenting the power to the sovereign.

Subsequently, Mikhail Romanov repeatedly turned to Pozharsky in order to ask him, as a commander, to protect him from the Poles, to liberate this or that city, and to deal with the unrest. It is known that even when Dmitry Pozharsky was already 60 years old, that is, he was already of advanced age, the tsar still practically did not let him go, completely trusting his judgments and needing him as an honest, open and decisive person. And since Pozharsky was repeatedly granted land for numerous successes in military and other affairs, he died one of the richest people in Russia at that time. His descendants were the princes Volkonsky. Minin was also granted land and the title of duma nobleman, the only one then who was granted such an honor by the tsar himself.

All this clearly shows that the great importance of the second militia was well understood not only by historians, but also by contemporaries of the main organizers. First of all, the king himself. Pozharsky really proved that he knows how to be loyal to the ruler, and the first of the Romanov family - that he values ​​\u200b\u200bloyalty.

The second militia, in fact, saved the state. It turned out to be extremely necessary when the disintegration of the country almost began. However, it is clear that the militia could not completely solve all the problems and save the state from the consequences of the Time of Troubles. However, he did not set such a goal. In fact, Minin and Pozharsky also played the role of an interim government, which allowed people to calm down, to believe in the possibility of changes for the better and in the fact that they themselves can control the situation. It also somewhat restored the trust in the nobility that had been undermined by Ivan the Terrible and, in particular, by the oprichnina.

It should be noted that this was a critical period for the Russian state. Since the moment of the Tatar-Mongol yoke, it has not yet been in such a vulnerable position. No wonder the Troubles is called one of the worst periods in history. The problem was not only in the intervention, but also in the loss of political will, in the destruction of the administrative apparatus, in the fact that people refused to accept responsibility. At the same time, ordinary bandits actively used it. So the second militia has one huge advantage: undeniable timeliness. And now it is already difficult to say what would have happened to Russia if it were not for Minin and Pozharsky. Most likely, the state would not simply not exist.

Second militia. Liberation of Russia. Russia was threatened with the loss of national independence, the dismemberment of the lands. In this difficult, dashing time in Nizhny Novgorod, a large and rich city on the Volga, the townspeople, led by Kuzma Minin, a simple "beef" (meat merchant) and township headman, organized a fundraiser to create a new militia. In the Volga region, Pomorye and other places, detachments of militias are being created, funds and supplies are being collected.

The second, or Nizhny Novgorod, militia was headed by Minin and Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky. The first was in charge of the treasury, the home of the militia, the second, a descendant of the family of Suzdal princes, became a military leader. Detachments marched on Nizhny from all sides, and the militia, which at first had 2-3 thousand soldiers, quickly increased its ranks. In March 1612 it moved from Nizhny to Kostroma and Yaroslavl. On the way, new reinforcements pour in. In early April, already in Yaroslavl, they created the "Council of All the Earth" - a government of representatives of the clergy and the Boyar Duma, nobles and townspeople; in fact it was led Pozharsky and Minin. Orders started to work. The militia already consisted of 10 thousand people - nobles, archers, peasants, artisans, merchants and others; it included Tatar detachments from Kasimov and Temnikov, Kadom and Alatyr.

Minin and Pozharsky.

In July, the militia left Yaroslavl - its leaders received the news that Hetman Khodkevich was coming to Moscow with an army. The militia went through Rostov, Pereyaslavl, Trinity. At the end of the month, the first detachments approached the capital from the north side. In August, the main forces appeared. Under the capital, they were met by detachments of Zarutsky and Trubetskoy. But Pozharsky and Minin chose not to unite with them, they stood separately. Soon Zarutsky left for Kolomna.

On August 22, Khodkevich's army, which came from the Commonwealth, with a huge convoy, settled down near Moscow. He tried to break through to the besieged in the Kremlin. But every time he was thrown back by the militias of Pozharsky-Minin and the troops of Trubetskoy, either west of the Borovitsky Gates, or at the Donskoy Monastery. Having not gained success, having lost many people and wagons with food, the hetman left Moscow. The siege, the fighting continued. Famine began in the Kremlin, and the besieged capitulated at the end of October 1612. The militia solemnly entered the Kremlin - Moscow, the heart of all Russia, was liberated by the efforts of the people, who, in a difficult hour for Russia, showed endurance, steadfastness, courage, saved their country from a national catastrophe.

The “Council of All the Land” convened representatives of different strata of the population to the Zemsky Sobor (clergy, boyars, nobility, townspeople, Cossacks, black-haired peasantry). In January 1613, he elected young Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov, the son of the Tushino Patriarch Filaret, as tsar, in the world boyar Fyodor Nikitich Romanov, a female relative of Tsars Ivan IV the Terrible and Fyodor Ivanovich. The election of the king meant the revival of the country, the protection of its sovereignty, independence and originality.

Liberation of Moscow in 1612. The new government had to solve difficult problems. The country was ruined, exhausted. Gangs of robbers and invaders roamed the towns and villages. One of these Polish detachments, even before Mikhail Romanov arrived in Moscow (he was then in the Kostroma Ipatiev Monastery), operated in Kostroma and neighboring districts. The ancestral lands of the mother of the newly elected king were located here. It was winter time. The Poles appeared in one of the villages of the Romanovs, seized the headman Ivan Susanin and demanded that he show them the way to where his young master was. Susanin led them into the wilds and, dying himself under the sabers of enemies, destroyed the detachment. The feat of the Kostroma peasant played a role not only in saving Mikhail Fedorovich, but also in preventing a new unrest in the country, in the event of the death of young Romanov.

In October 1612, unable to withstand the famine, the enemy garrison surrendered the Kremlin.

The Moscow authorities are sending military detachments everywhere, and they are gradually freeing the country from gangs. The campaign in Russia, undertaken by the grown-up prince Vladislav in the autumn of 1618, ended in failure. On December 1 of the same year, in the village of Deulino, near the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, a truce was concluded for 14.5 years - hostilities ceased, Poland retained Smolensk and some cities along the southwestern border.

Almost two years earlier, on February 27, 1617, peace was established with Sweden under the Stolbovsky Treaty. She was given land along the southern and eastern shores of the Gulf of Finland with the cities of Ivan-gorod, Yam, Koporye, Oreshek. Russia again lost access to the Baltic Sea.

The task of "pacification" of the country in relations with neighboring countries was finally solved. There were internal affairs, first of all, the continuing unrest and uprisings of the offended people. The rebels during these years captured Cheboksary, Tsivilsk Sanchursk and other cities in the Volga region, Vyatka district and the city of Kotelnich in the northeast. Besieged Nizhny Novgorod and Kazan. In Pskov and Astrakhan, local “better” and “lesser” people waged a fierce struggle among themselves for many years. In Pskov, in some years, the rebels established "smerd autocracy", removing the governors, boyars and nobles from business. Impostors operated in both cities.

The Romanov government organizes the fight against the rebels. The civil war is coming to an end. But its echoes, the last peals are heard for several more years, until 1617-1618.

The turmoil, also called by contemporaries the “Moscow or Lithuanian ruin”, is over. She left grave consequences. Many cities and villages lay in ruins. Russia has lost many of its sons and daughters. Agriculture, crafts were ruined, trading life died out. The Russian people returned to the ashes, proceeded, as was customary from time immemorial, to a holy cause - they revived their dwellings and arable land, workshops and trade caravans.

The Time of Troubles greatly weakened Russia and its people. But it also showed his strength. Early 17th century heralded the dawn of national liberation.

§First Romanovs
§On the eve of "Razinschiny"
§Stepan Razin
§Church reforms of the 17th century
§Nikon and Habakkuk

Intervention. Civil uprising.

Liberation of Moscow.

TROUBLE - indignation, uprising, rebellion, sedition, general disobedience, discord between the people and the authorities. IN AND. The TIME OF TROUBLES is a period of Russian history from 1598 to 1613, from the death of Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich, the last representative of the Rurik dynasty on the Moscow throne, to the accession of Mikhail Romanov, the first representative of the new dynasty. The era of socio-political, economic and dynastic crisis. It was accompanied by popular uprisings, the rule of impostors, the destruction of state power, Polish-Lithuanian and Swedish intervention, and the ruin of the country.

Intervention is the forcible intervention of one or more states in the internal affairs of another. Intervention can be both military and economic, ideological, informational, diplomatic, financial, etc. Polish-Lithuanian intervention (beginning of the 17th century) - the intervention of the Commonwealth in the internal affairs of Russia during the Time of Troubles; actions of the ruling circles of the Commonwealth, aimed at the dismemberment of Russia and the elimination of its state independence. Swedish intervention - Sweden's military intervention in the internal affairs of Russia during the Time of Troubles with the aim of tearing away from Russia the northwestern (Pskov, Novgorod) and northern Russian regions. The open intervention of the Swedes in Russia began in the summer of 1610 and developed until 1615.

Militia: A militia is an army, a squad, an army, especially a people's army, assembled on an emergency occasion, a people's or zemstvo army. (according to V.I. Dahl) The First Zemstvo Militia is a militia under the leadership of Prokopy Lyapunov, created in Russia in 1611, during the Time of Troubles, to fight the Polish intervention. The second militia is a people's militia under the leadership of K. Minin and D. Pozharsky, created in Russia in 1611, during the Time of Troubles, to fight the Polish intervention.

Minin Kuzma (? - 1616) He is also called Kozma, Kosma, by his patronymic - Zakharyevich, nicknamed - Sukhoruky or Sukhoruk, or Zakharyev-Sukhoruky

Pozharsky Dmitry Mikhailovich (1578 - 1642)

Church of John the Baptist in Nizhny Novgorod

Tasks Give definitions: What is turmoil? What is an intervention? What is a militia?

Quiz №1 What are the names of the interventions of the time of troubles: Polish-Lithuanian and Ottoman Swedish and Greek Greco-Roman and Ottoman Polish-Lithuanian and Swedish In what year did the Polish-Lithuanian intervention begin? In 1147 In 1340 In 1609 In 2015 In what year did the Swedish intervention begin? In 1610 In 1609 In 1054 In 1999 How many people's militias were formed during the turmoil? 10 3 0 2

Test number 2 When was the first people's militia formed? In June 1505 In January 1611 In December 1700 In September 1445 Who was the leader of the first militia? P.P. Lyapunov K. Minin B. Godunov D. Medvedev When was the second people's militia formed? In September 1611 In April 1054 In October 1598 In December 1611 Who was at the head of the second people's militia? Putin and Medvedev Minin and Pozharsky Bolotnikov and Pugachev Razin and Godunov

Keys to Test #1 d c a d Keys to Test #2 b a a b

First militia

The first people's (zemstvo) militia- militia led by Procopius Lyapunov, Ivan Zarutsky and Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy, who in 1611 tried to put an end to the Polish-Lithuanian occupation of Moscow.

At the beginning of January 1611, Patriarch Hermogenes began to send letters to Russian cities containing the following appeal:

You see how your fatherland is being plundered, how they swear at holy icons and temples, how innocent blood is shed... Disasters like our disasters have never happened, you won’t find anything similar in any books.

The letter of the patriarch found a warm response in Ryazan, where the voivode Prokopy Lyapunov, the first of the future leaders of the people's militia, began to gather patriots of the Russian land for the campaign and liberation of Moscow from the interventionists and already sent out letters on his own, calling for the fight against the Poles.

The Poles, having learned about this, called for help for the ruin of the Ryazan cities of the Little Russian Cossacks, who occupied a number of cities, including Pronsk. Lyapunov recaptured the city from them, but he himself fell under siege. Prince D. M. Pozharsky, the governor of Zaraisk, came to the aid of Lyapunov. Having released Lyapunov, Pozharsky returned to Zaraysk. But the Cossacks, who left near Pronsk, captured the Zaraysk fortifications (stockade) around the Kremlin, where Pozharsky was located, at night. Pozharsky managed to knock them out, the survivors fled.

Lyapunov's militia was significantly reinforced by former supporters of the "Tushinsky Thief", who, however, subsequently ruined his undertaking. Among them were Prince D.T. Trubetskoy, Masalsky, princes Pronsky and Kozlovsky, Mansurov, Nashchokin, Volkonsky, Volynsky, Izmailov, Velyaminov.

The Cossack freemen, led by atamans Zarutsky and Prosovetsky, also went over to the side of the militias.

In January 1611, the inhabitants of Nizhny Novgorod, having established themselves by kissing the cross (oath) with the balakhons (residents of the city of Balakhna), sent draft letters to the cities of Ryazan, Kostroma, Vologda, Galich and others, asking them to send warriors to Nizhny Novgorod in order to “stand for ... faith and for Moscow state at one. Appeals from Nizhny Novgorod were successful. Many Volga and Siberian cities responded.

The Ryazan governor Prokopiy Lyapunov, in turn, sent his representatives to Nizhny Novgorod to agree on the timing of the campaign against Moscow and asked Nizhny Novgorod to take more ammunition with them, in particular gunpowder and lead.

The advance detachment of the Nizhny Novgorod people set out from Nizhny Novgorod on February 8, and the main forces under the command of the governor, Prince Repnin, on February 17. In Vladimir, the advance detachment of Nizhny Novgorod united with the Cossack detachment of Prosovetsky. Repnin, having joined on the road with Masalsky and Izmailov, caught up with the advance detachment, and all of them together reached Moscow in mid-March 1611, where they met with the troops of Lyapunov and other governors. Among the associates of Lyapunov, the Zaraisk governor, Prince Pozharsky, arrived with his detachment. The Polish garrison of Moscow consisted of 7 thousand soldiers under the command of Hetman Gonsevsky, 2000 of them were German mercenaries.

On March 19, 1611, the first detachments of the First Home Guard reached the walls of Moscow, where a popular uprising began, which was brutally suppressed by a detachment of German mercenaries. According to some reports, up to 7 thousand Muscovites died. A large number of victims is explained by the fire that arose during the riots. Prince Andrei Vasilyevich Golitsyn, who was in custody, was also killed.

Among the Muscovites were the advance detachments of the militia that had penetrated the city, led by Prince Pozharsky, Buturlin and Koltovsky. The Pozharsky detachment met the enemies on Sretenka, repulsed them and drove them to Kitay-gorod. Buturlin's detachment fought in the Yauza Gates, Koltovsky's detachment - in Zamoskvorechye. Seeing no other means to defeat the enemy, the Polish troops were forced to set fire to the city. Special companies were appointed, which set fire to the city from all sides. Most of the houses were set on fire. Many churches and monasteries were looted and destroyed.

On March 20, the Poles counterattacked a detachment of the First Home Guard, which settled on the Lubyanka. Pozharsky was seriously wounded, he was taken to the Trinity Monastery. The attempt of the Poles to occupy Zamoskvorechye failed, and they fortified themselves in Kitai-Gorod and the Kremlin.

On March 24, a detachment of Prosovetsky's Cossacks approached Moscow, but it was attacked by the Polish cavalry of Sborovsky and Strus, suffered significant losses and retreated. In the skirmish, about 200 Prosovetsky Cossacks were killed, after which he went on the defensive ("sat down in walk-towns"). The Poles did not dare to attack and returned to Moscow.

On March 27, the main forces of the First Home Guard approached Moscow: detachments of Lyapunov, Zarutsky and others. A militia of 100 thousand people strengthened at the Simonov Monastery. By April 1, the militia was already assembled. On April 6, it attacked the towers of the White City, and on May 22, the towers of Kitai-Gorod.

Having stopped near Moscow, the people's militia did not begin active hostilities against the Poles who were under siege, but began to restore power structures. On the basis of the army headquarters, the Zemsky Sobor was founded, which consisted of "vassal Tatar khans (princes), boyars and rounders, palace officials, clerks, princes and murzas (Tatar princes), nobles and boyar children, Cossack atamans, delegates from ordinary Cossacks and all service people.

In the militia, antagonism between the Cossacks and the nobles immediately emerged: the former sought to preserve their liberty, the latter - to strengthen serfdom and state discipline. This was complicated by personal rivalry between two prominent figures at the head of the militia - Ivan Zarutsky and Prokopy Lyapunov. The Poles skillfully took advantage of this. They sent fabricated letters to the Cossacks, where it was written that Lyapunov was trying to destroy the Cossacks.

Lyapunov was summoned to the Cossack circle and hacked to death there on June 22, 1611. After that, most of the nobles left the camp; the Cossacks under the command of Zarutsky and Prince Trubetskoy remained until the approach of the Second Militia of Prince Pozharsky.

Second militia

The second national or second zemstvo militia - arose in September 1611 in Nizhny Novgorod to fight the Polish invaders. It continued to actively form during the journey from Nizhny Novgorod to Moscow, mainly in Yaroslavl in April - July 1612. It consisted of detachments of townspeople, peasants of the central and northern regions of Russia. The leaders are Kuzma Minin and Prince Dmitry Pozharsky. In August 1612, with part of the forces remaining near Moscow from the First Home Guard, they defeated the Polish army near Moscow, and in October 1612, they completely liberated the capital from occupation by the interventionists.

The initiative to organize the Second People's Militia came from the craftsmen and merchants of Nizhny Novgorod, an important economic and administrative center on the Middle Volga. At that time, about 150 thousand males lived in the Nizhny Novgorod district (in the Nizhny district itself - about 3.5 thousand male residents, of which about 2-2.5 thousand townspeople), there were up to 30 thousand households in 600 villages.

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Causes of the First Militia

see also: Seven Boyars

At the end of the first decade of the XVII century. The position of the Russian state was very difficult. The siege of Smolensk continued for almost two years, which fell in June 1611. The Polish detachments that ended up in Moscow behaved like conquerors. Swedish mercenaries held Novgorod-rod. Detachments of Tushino people "walked" around the country; robber gangs appeared, which included both Russian "thieves" and Poles. They plundered lands, ravaged cities and monasteries.

The Boyar Duma did not enjoy authority and power, the boyars practically did not rule the country. In different parts of the state, different authorities were recognized: some - the Polish prince, others - the newly born baby Marina Mnishek as the legitimate son of Tsarevich Dmitry; the third - False Dmitry II.

The Russian kingdom was threatened with the loss of integrity and independence. The Troubles led to such a sad result. The question stood like this: either the people will “wake up” and defend their country themselves, or Russia will perish. We needed decisive and bold steps. The impasse political situation created by the egoism of the Seven Boyars and the stubbornness of King Sigismund could not remain forever.

Formation of the First Militia

The initiative to create a militia was shown by the elected authorities of the cities. They began to send letters to each other with a call to abandon the power of the "traitors" who had settled in the Kremlin.

Only by rising "with all the earth" could Moscow be liberated and legally, at the Zemsky Sobor, choose a new tsar.

Patriarch Hermogenes initiated the rise of the people, the Zemsky Sobor was convened from service people - the “Council of the whole earth”. The first militia was headed by the voivode Prokopy Lyapunov, as well as Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy, Cossack ataman Ivan Zarutsky. The participants in the campaign pursued not only selfish goals. In their actions, patriotic sentiments are clearly visible: the desire to clear Moscow of interventionists and elevate an Orthodox tsar to the throne.

Composition of the First Militia

After the death of False Dmitry II, the Cossack ataman I. S. Zarutsky became his political heir, who proclaimed the newly born son of False Dmitry II and Marina Mnishek Ivan as king. Together with Prince D.T. Trubetskoy, Zarutsky led his regiments to Moscow. Simultaneously with the former Tushinians, detachments of the Ryazan nobles under the command of P.P. Lyapunov moved to Moscow.

Campaign of the militia to Moscow

From the beginning of 1611, detachments of the First Militia from different cities moved towards the capital and in March 1611 approached Moscow.

The inhabitants of Moscow were burdened by the presence of foreigners. In March 1611, the citizens of the capital raised an uprising against the Poles. However, the Poles and their Russian henchmen managed to save the day by starting a fire. Fires started in the city. Forgetting about the rebellion, the townspeople rushed to save their property. The raging fire destroyed most of the Moscow suburb, almost all of Moscow burned out. Material from the site http://wikiwhat.ru

The army of Lyapunov, Trubetskoy and Zarutskoy approached Moscow a few days after the fire. The militia entered the burning city. They managed to capture the White City. The Poles took refuge behind the walls of Kitay-gorod and the Kremlin, which were not damaged by the fire. An attempt to storm the powerful city fortifications was repulsed by the besieged.

Failure of the militia

Soon strife broke out in the militia camp, enmity broke out between the nobles and the Cossacks. It was skillfully inflated by the Poles and supporters of the Seven Boyars. The leader of the Lyapunov movement was summoned to the Cossack circle, suspected and accused of treason and killed by the Cossacks. After that, the nobles, who had lost their leader, went home. The militia as a single force ceased to exist. However, the Cossack troops continued to stand near Moscow and from time to time attempt to storm it.

Thus, the First Militia broke up, without liberating the capital from the Poles. The situation in the country became almost hopeless.

On this page, material on the topics:

• Formation of 1 militia in a Russian city

• Boltnikov's uprising

• Militia and liberation of moscow table

• Members of the 1 militia

• Date of the liberation of Moscow from the Poles

Questions for this article:

• From which cities and where was the First People's Militia sent?

Material from the site http://WikiWhat.ru

The prerequisites for "distemper" and its general periodization

At the turn of the 16th–17th century, the Muscovite state experienced a severe crisis that engulfed all spheres of life and brought it to the brink of existence. The main prerequisites for unrest are the ruin of the country as a result of the Livonian War and the oprichnina, and the intensification of social conflicts.

The main directions of social conflicts:

the struggle of the peasants against enslavement (reserved years were introduced, and then a five-year period for the search and return of fugitive and deported peasants);
boyars against autocracy;
small service people are also dissatisfied with their position.
The effect of these socio-economic factors was intensified by the socio-psychological state of society: the oprichnina led to the moral degradation of society: According to the great Russian historian S.M. While the sovereigns of the usual dynasty sat on the Moscow throne, the vast majority of the population meekly obeyed. But the suppression of the dynasty led to general unrest and crisis. A huge number of "thieves' people" appeared - outcasts, not bound by any moral restrictions, ready to fight under any banner.

Academician Sergei Platonov, the most prominent researcher of the "distemper", singled out its three periods: dynastic, social and national.

"Dynastic" period - 1598-1606 (reign of Boris Godunov and False Dmitry I).

"Social" period - the uprising of Bolotnikov in 1606-1607.
"National" period - 1607-1612 (the struggle against the interventionists is increasingly coming to the fore)
Naturally, there is a large share of conventionality in such periodization, since all these three aspects were traced throughout the "Time of Troubles".

"Dynastic" period of "troubles"

On the eve of the "troubles" in 1584-1598. reign of Tsar Fedor. A certain stabilization of the internal and international situation of the country.

The real ruler of the state becomes the boyar Boris Fedorovich Godunov, who came forward even under Grozny, the brother-in-law of the tsar (he was married to his sister Irina). He was a smart and ambitious figure who aspired to power. Since Godunov came from a minor boyar family, representatives of the Moscow nobility treated him with envy and ill will.

In 1591, an event took place in the city of Uglich (on the Volga), the consequences of which had a great influence on the course of subsequent events: under mysterious circumstances, the young Tsarevich Dmitry died; rumors began to spread among the people that the prince was killed on the orders of Boris Godunov, who aspired to the throne.
Tsar Boris Godunov (1598 - 1605)

After the death of the childless tsar Fyodor in 1598, the Rurik dynasty on the Moscow throne ended, and Boris Godunov was elected king by the Zemsky Sobor.

According to the general opinion, being on the throne, Boris Godunov showed himself to be a talented ruler, tried to pursue a balanced policy, sought to reconcile the interests of various groups of society. Particular attention is paid to strengthening the western borders of the Moscow State. The danger from the West is becoming more acute, as the Polish-Lithuanian feudal lords are making plans for the complete subjugation of Russia. This goal was to be served by an agreement on the unification (union) of the Catholic and Orthodox Churches. It was proclaimed in 1596 in Brest, and since then, up to the present time, the Uniates (supporters of this union) have played an important (not only religious, but also political) role in the life of this region. Boris Godunov managed to conclude a truce with Poland for several years. A defensive outpost was erected on the western border - the powerful Smolensk fortress (under the guidance of the architect Fyodor Kon).

However, it can be said that the new king was fatally unlucky: in addition to social contradictions, a natural factor intervened. In 1601 there was a terrible crop failure, which lasted another two years. Famine began in the country, food aid provided to the population by order of the king was insufficient. Only in Moscow were buried 127 thousand people who died of starvation. Many boyars, in order not to feed their serfs, let them go free. Numerous armed groups gather from the released and fugitives. The main focus of the concentration of discontented and rebellious elements becomes the western outskirts of the state (the so-called Seversk Ukraine). As early as 1603, the government barely managed to suppress a significant movement of dissatisfied people under the leadership of Khlopok.

In such an explosive situation, Tsar Boris had a mysterious and terrible enemy: a young man appeared in Poland, who called himself Tsarevich Dmitry, the son of Ivan the Terrible, and announced his intention to go to Moscow, to get the “ancestral throne”. Historians are still arguing about the identity of that impostor. At that time, the official version was that he was the Galich boyar son Grigory Otrepyev, who took the monastic vows at the Chudov Monastery in Moscow, but then fled to Lithuania, so he was subsequently called a “rasstriga” (runaway monk).

Some Polish magnates agreed to help him, and in October 1604 False Dmitry entered Moscow and issued an appeal to the people with the message that God had saved him. The population of the Seversk Ukraine began to go over to his side, the troops sent against the rebels showed "unsteadiness" and "bewilderment" - are they going against the legitimate king?

In April 1605, Tsar Boris died unexpectedly, the troops went over to the side of "Dmitry" and in June Moscow triumphantly received the "natural" sovereign (1605-1606). The wife and son of Boris Godunov were killed before False Dmitry arrived in Moscow.

The new king seemed to be an active and energetic ruler, confidently holding on to his "ancestral" throne. In diplomatic contacts with other countries, he assumed the title of "emperor" and tried to create a large alliance of European powers to fight against Turkey. But soon he began to arouse dissatisfaction with the fact that he did not observe the old Russian customs and rituals (the opinion is expressed that he was the first “Westernizer” tsar, a kind of predecessor of Peter I). The Poles who came with him behaved arrogantly and arrogantly in Moscow, offended and insulted the Muscovites.

Discontent especially increased when, in early May 1606, his bride, Marina Mniszek, came to the tsar from Poland, and he married her and crowned her as a queen, although she refused to convert to Orthodoxy. Using this discontent, the boyars, led by Vasily Shuisky, prepared a conspiracy. On the night of May 17, 1606, the conspirators broke into the Kremlin and killed the tsar. According to legend, the corpse of "Dmitry" was burned and, having mixed the ashes with gunpowder, they shot him from a cannon in the direction from which he came.

Vasily Shuisky (reigned 1606-1610), who later became king, was known as an old intriguer and liar, he was not respected. The main result of the "dynastic" stage of "distemper" is a catastrophic fall in the authority of power, the collapse of all restraining ties, the beginning of a "war of all against all."

"Social" stage of "troubles". Beginning of the civil war

Bolotnikov's uprising. Shortly after the overthrow of "Tsar Dmitry", an uprising began in the cities of Seversk Ukraine under the leadership of the Putivl voivode, Prince Shakhovsky (he was later called "a breeder of all blood"). Then the former serf of Shakhovsky, Ivan Bolotnikov, became the leader of the uprising. In his appeals, he called on the lower classes to exterminate the rich and noble and take away their property, which provided him with massive support. At the same time, servicemen from Tula and Ryazan rebelled under the leadership of Pashkov and Lyapunov.

Bolotnikov's army and rebellious service people united near Moscow. But when the supporters of Pashkov and Lyapunov became better acquainted with their ally, with his “program” and actions, they decided to choose the lesser of two evils and at the decisive moment of the battle near Moscow went over to the side of the tsar. Bolotnikov was defeated and retreated first to Kaluga, then to Tula, where he was besieged by the tsarist troops and forced to surrender (then he was blinded and drowned).

"Tushinsky Thief".

The masses of the participants in the uprising dispersed, ready to resume the struggle if a new leader was found. This soon appeared in the person of the second False Dmitry. Under his banners gathered not only representatives of the oppressed lower ranks of the people, but also part of the service people, Cossacks, detachments of Poles - in a word, everyone who sought to profit in an atmosphere of unrest. False Dmitry approached Moscow and settled down in the village of Tushino near Moscow (hence his nickname - "Tushinsky Thief").

Growing external danger and the struggle against the interventionists

Not being able to defeat the "Tushins", Tsar Vasily agreed on military assistance with the Swedes. The enemy of Sweden, the Polish king Sigismund, took advantage of this - in 1609 he crossed the border and besieged Smolensk. In the summer of the next, (1610). after the defeat of the tsarist troops near Moscow near the village. Klushino Shuisky finally lost his authority and was overthrown.

The boyar government (“seven boyars”) came to power, which decided to elect the king’s son Sigismund Vladislav to the throne. Moscow swore allegiance to Vladislav as its future tsar, with the consent of the boyars, Polish troops entered Moscow.

For the time being, the Poles were tolerated as protection from the main danger - the "Tushins". However, at the end of 1610, False Dmitry II was killed, and now people's discontent turned more and more to foreign invaders. Patriarch Hermogenes became the initiator of the struggle for the revival of national statehood at that time.

At the beginning of 1611, the first zemstvo militia was created, which is trying to liberate Moscow. It broke up because of the conflict between the service people and the Cossacks. After that, Nizhny Novgorod, headed by the Zemstvo headman Kuzma Minin, became the initiator of the new zemstvo militia. Voivode Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky was invited as the head of the militia. After the arrival of the militia in Yaroslavl, a new temporary supreme power was actually formed - the "council of all the earth."

In October 1612 Moscow was finally liberated. At the beginning of 1613, the Zemsky Sobor elected 16-year-old Mikhail Romanov as the new tsar. Thus the turmoil was ended and the beginning of a new dynasty was laid, which ruled the country until a new turmoil in February 1917.

Consequences and historical significance of "distemper"

For many years, "troubles" terribly ruined and weakened the country. According to contemporaries, at that time it was possible to travel all day long without meeting a living person - only a crow over abandoned villages. In the subsequent period, with great difficulty, the revival of the Muscovite state takes place.

Long-term consequences - the events of the turmoil left a deep mark on the psychology of the Russian people, who became stronger in the idea of ​​the need to support autocratic power, because even harsh and sometimes unjust power turned out to be better than general disintegration and anarchy. After all, the disasters experienced were mainly the result not of an external invasion (it was a consequence of the weakening of the state), but of internal turmoil. All this strengthened the positions of the autocracy, especially since during the turmoil the old nobility weakened even more: it was either exterminated or, to a large extent, discredited itself with its “unsteadiness”. The difficult restoration of the devastated country forced the state to increase state duties, and contributed to the strengthening of serfdom.

The events of the Time of Troubles at the same time showed the enormous vitality of our people: they were able to find the strength in themselves to save and revive the country in an almost hopeless situation. The Russians turned out to be not passive and obedient "slaves", but enterprising people who retained certain democratic traditions (militia on their own initiative) and the ability to act together. There are many heroic deeds: the long resistance of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery to the “Tushins”, Smolensk - to the Poles, the feat of Ivan Susanin.

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on the topic: "The first and second Zemstvo militia"

Plan

Introduction

1. Time of Troubles. Polish-Swedish intervention against Russia

2. The first Zemstvo militia

3. The second Zemstvo militia. The role of Minin and Pozharsky

Conclusion

List of used literature

Introduction

At the turn of the XVI - XVII centuries. The Muscovite state was going through a severe and complex moral, political and socio-economic crisis, which was especially evident in the position of the central regions of the state. Formally, the cause of the Troubles was the dynastic crisis and the question of succession to the throne in connection with the suppression of the dynasty of the descendants of Ivan Kalita. The real reason is the most acute internal socio-economic crisis, when absolutely all social strata of that time were dissatisfied with their position. The new Russian Tsar Boris Godunov (1598 - 1605, elected to the kingdom by the Zemsky Sobor, failed to ensure stabilization. As a result, the country entered a period of general civil strife, political and social discord.

During the Time of Troubles, Russia experienced a fierce struggle for the throne of Moscow by numerous legitimate and illegal applicants (for 15 years there were more than 10 of them. through the kings being erected and overthrown from the throne, the "imposture" of the peasant-Cossack actions, the Polish-Swedish, Polish occupation of Moscow.

The threat of loss of independence, the threat to the Orthodox faith accelerated national consolidation, caused the formation of popular militias to fight foreign troops. In October 1612, Moscow was liberated from the invaders by the forces of the second national militia, the decisive role in the creation of which was played by the merchant Kuzma Minin and Prince Dmitry Pozharsky.

The purpose of this work is to consider the role in Russian history of the first and second people's militia.

1. Time of Troubles. Polish-Swedish intervention against Russia

The turn of the 16th - 17th centuries, called the Time of Troubles, was difficult and alarming for Russia. The circumstances of social and political reality have revealed a number of serious political problems requiring urgent resolution.

The first two years of Boris's reign were calm and prosperous. However, as a result of extremely inconsistent reforms, the territory of central Russia was depopulated. There was a self-capture of forest lands in areas remote from the center and their reduction for plowing, simultaneously with the abandonment and overgrowing of lands in the restless central regions. Perhaps major changes in the structure of land were one of the main causes of the famine of the early 17th century, the first peasant uprising in Russia in 1606 (led by Ivan Bolotnikov .. In 1601 - 1602, there were two crop failures in a row that gave rise to a terrible famine and carried many lives (about 127,000 people died in Moscow alone .. Government measures to combat hunger - the distribution of bread and money to the starving - were not successful. Usury and speculation in bread flourished, large landowners (boyars, monasteries. did not want to give out their grain reserves.

Many of the rich people at this time let their servants go free so as not to feed them, and this increases the crowds of the homeless and hungry. Bands of robbers were formed from those released or fugitives. The main center of unrest and unrest was the western outskirts of the state - Seversk Ukraine, where the government exiled criminal or unreliable elements from the center, who were full of discontent and anger and were just waiting for an opportunity to rise up against the Moscow government.

To ease social tension, a temporary limited transfer of peasants from one landowner to another was allowed. However, mass escapes of peasants and serfs, refusals to pay duties continued. Especially a lot of people went to the Don and Volga, where the free Cossacks lived. The difficult economic situation inside the country led to a fall in the authority of Godunov's government.

In 1603, a wave of numerous uprisings of the starving common people was growing, especially in the south of the country. A large detachment of rebels under the command of Khlopko Kosolap operated near Moscow itself. Government forces had difficulty suppressing such "revolts".

At this time, in Poland, a young man came out against Tsar Boris, who called himself Tsarevich Dmitry, the son of Ivan the Terrible, and announced his intention to go to Moscow, to get himself the ancestral throne. The Moscow government claimed that he was the Galich boyar son Grigory Otrepyev, who had a haircut as a monk and was a deacon in the Miracle Monastery in Moscow, but then fled to Lithuania, so he was later called Rasstriga.

Patriarch Job (a great supporter of Godunov, having heard about the impostor, realized that it was none other than Grigory Otrepyev. Job addressed the Rada of the Commonwealth and the Hetman of the Polish Army Konstantin Ostrozhsky with exposing letters. However, it was not possible to convince the Poles of deceit.

Some Polish lords agreed to help the impostor, and in October 1604 False Dmitry entered the Moscow redistributions; issued an appeal to the people that God saved him, the prince, from the villainous intentions of Boris Godunov, and he calls on the population to accept him as the legitimate heir to the Russian throne. The fight between the unknown young adventurer and the powerful tsar began, and Rastriga was the winner in this fight. The population of northern Ukraine went over to the side of the pretender to the throne of Moscow, and the cities opened their gates to him.

On the one hand, the Dnieper Cossacks came to the aid of the applicant, along with the Poles, and on the other hand, the Don Cossacks came, dissatisfied with Tsar Boris, who tried to restrict their freedom and subordinate them to the power of the Moscow governors. Tsar Boris sent a large army against the rebels, but there was “shakiness” and “bewilderment” in his army - were they not going against the legitimate tsar? military operations are sluggish and indecisive. In April 1605, Tsar Boris died, and then his army went over to the side of the applicant, and then Moscow (in June 1605, it triumphantly accepted its lawful "natural" sovereign, Tsar Dmitry Ivanovich (Fyodor Borisovich Godunov and his mother were killed before the arrival of False Dmitry in Moscow .. Then an angry crowd, bursting into the Assumption Cathedral, attacked Job, tore off his patriarchal vestments and dragged him to the Execution Ground.Humiliated and beaten, he was sent to the Staritsky Monastery under strict supervision.

The new king turned out to be an active and energetic ruler, confidently sitting on the ancestral throne. He assumed the title of emperor and tried to create a great alliance of European powers to fight against Turkey. But soon he began to arouse the dissatisfaction of his Moscow subjects, firstly, by the fact that he did not observe the old Russian customs of rituals, and secondly, by the fact that the Poles who came with him behaved arrogantly and arrogantly in Moscow, offended and insulted Muscovites.

Discontent especially increased when, in early May 1606, his bride, Marina Mnishek, came to the king, and he married her and crowned her as queen, although she refused to convert to Orthodoxy. Now the boyars, led by Prince Vasily Shuisky, decided that the time had come to act. Shuisky began agitation against False Dmitry immediately after his accession; he was judged by the council from all the ranks of people and sentenced to death, but the king pardoned him.

On the night of May 17, 1606, having raised the Moscow people against the Poles with a tocsin, the boyars themselves with a handful of conspirators broke into the Kremlin and killed the tsar. At this time, the Muscovites were busy beating the Poles and looting their houses. The corpse of False Dmitry after the desecration was burned. The head of the boyar conspiracy, Prince Vasily Shuisky, "was, not to say, elected, but shouted out by the tsar." The new tsar sent letters throughout the state, in which he denounced the impostor and heretic Rastriga, who had deceived the Russian people. During his accession, Shuisky took a formal obligation not to execute anyone or punish anyone with confiscation of property and not to listen to false denunciations, but this oath turned out to be false. Shuisky publicly and solemnly took a false oath three times publicly and solemnly: first he swore that Tsarevich Dmitry had accidentally stabbed himself, then that the Tsarevich was alive and well, he was going to occupy the royal throne, and finally that Dmitry had accepted martyrdom from his crafty slave Boris Godunov.

No wonder that the accession of Shuisky served as a signal for general confusion and the struggle of all against all. Revolts broke out everywhere against the boyar tsar. “From the autumn of 1606, a bloody turmoil broke out in the state, in which all classes of Moscow society took part, rebelling one against the other.” The cities of Seversk Ukraine rose under the command of the Putivl voivode, Prince Shakhovsky (whom contemporaries later called "a breeder of all blood." And then a new popular leader of the uprising, a former serf, Ivan Bolotnikov appeared. runaway serfs, peasants and Cossacks began to flock under his banner, partly to take revenge on their oppressors, partly "for the sake of obtaining sudden and easy wealth," in the words of a contemporary.In the Tula and Ryazan regions, servicemen rose up against Shuisky people, nobles and children, boyars under the command of Pashkov, Sumbulov and Lyapunov.The Mordovians and other recently conquered peoples rose up in the Volga region in order to free themselves from Russian power.

Contemporaries accurately and correctly write: "thieves from all ranks", i.e. from all classes and classes of society. The Tushino camp of the second False Dmitry is considered a characteristic "thieves" camp, and meanwhile "the Thief had representatives of very high strata of the Moscow nobility." "Thieves' people" - this was by no means an economic, but a moral and psychological category - people without any moral and religious foundations and legal principles, and there were many of them in all classes of society, but still they were a minority of the population. And who were those “zemstvo people” who rose up against domestic “thieves” and foreign enemies and restored the national state destroyed by “thieves” and external enemies? These were Trinity monks, townsmen and villagers, merchant and plowed peasants of the central and northern regions, middle service people and a significant part of the Don Cossacks - a very motley union in terms of class.

So, there is no doubt that in the middle of the Time of Troubles (starting from 1606 we observe elements of the “class struggle”, or the uprising of the poor against the rich, but to a greater extent it was a general civil strife, which one of the Yaroslavl letters of the second Zemstvo militia characterizes in in the following words: “thieves from all ranks gathered in the Muscovite state perpetrated internecine bloodshed and the son rebelled against the father, and the father against the son, and the brother against the brother, and every neighbor will draw the sword, and much Christian bloodshed was perpetrated.

The intervention of the Polish-Lithuanian state of the Commonwealth in the affairs of Russia began with the advent of Grigory Otrepyev. After his overthrow, detachments of Poles, Lithuanians and Ukrainian Cossacks began to support False Dmitry II. The Polish king was interested in having an obedient tsar in Russia, and they did not abandon the idea of ​​extending Catholicism and the Jesuits to it. The most famous leaders of the Polish-Lithuanian Cossacks were Lisovsky and Sapieha.

False Dmitry II was, of course, already a conscious and obvious deceiver, but few people were interested in checking his personality and his legal rights; he was only a banner under which all those who were dissatisfied with the Moscow government and their position, and all who sought to arrange their careers or acquire "uncomplicated wealth" hurried to gather again. Under the banner of the impostor gathered not only representatives of the oppressed lower ranks of the people, but also part of the service people, the Cossacks and, finally, large detachments of Polish and Lithuanian adventurers, striving at the expense of the unreasonable and rushing about in civil strife "Rusaks". Marina Mnishek, who had been the Queen of Moscow for 8 days and escaped during the coup on May 17, agreed to become the wife of the new False Dmitry.

Having gathered a large and rather motley army, False Dmitry approached Moscow and encamped in the village of Tushino near Moscow (hence his nickname: “Tushinsky thief” .. There were their own boyars and governors, their own orders and even their own patriarch; he became such (as contemporaries say - Metropolitan Philaret of Rostov - former boyar Fyodor Nikitovich Romanov Quite a few boyar princes came to the Tushino camp from Moscow, although they knew, of course, that they were going to serve an obvious deceiver and impostor.

One of the bright pages of this time was the famous successful defense of Trinity-Sergius, besieged by Poles, Lithuanians and Russian thieves from September 1608 to January 1610.

Not being able to defeat the Tushins, Tsar Vasily was forced to seek help from the Swedes, who agreed to send him an auxiliary detachment of troops. At that time, the young talented nephew of Tsar Vasily, Prince Mikhail Skopin-Shuisky, became the head of the Moscow troops. With the help of the Swedes and the militias of the northern cities, who rose up against the power of the Tushino government, Skopin-Shuisky cleared the north of Russia from the Tushinos, moved to Moscow.

However, the intervention of the Swedes in Russian affairs caused the intervention of the Polish King Sigismund, who blamed Shuisky for the alliance with Sweden and decided to use the Moscow Time of Troubles in the interests of Poland. In September 1609 he crossed over with a large army and laid siege to the strong Russian fortress of Smolensk. In his appeals to the Russian population, the king proclaimed that he had come not to shed Russian blood, but to stop unrest, internecine strife and bloodshed in the unfortunate Muscovite state. But the Smolensk people, led by their governor Shein, did not believe the king's words and for 21 months offered the king stubborn heroic resistance.

The approach of Skopin Shuisky and quarrels with the Poles forced the Tushinsky thief in the fall of 1609 to leave Tushin and flee to Kaluga. Then the Russian Tushians, left without their king, sent ambassadors near Smolensk to the Polish king Sigismund and concluded with him in February 1610 an agreement on accepting his son, Prince Vladislav, to the kingdom.

In March 1610, the Tushino camp was abandoned by all its inhabitants, who dispersed in different directions, and Skopin-Shuisky solemnly entered the liberated Moscow. Moscow joyfully greeted the young governor and expected new exploits and successes from him in the fight against enemies, but in April Skopin suddenly fell ill and died (according to rumors - from poison ..

Meanwhile, from the western border to Moscow, the Polish army was moving under the command of Hetman Zolkiewski; at s. Klushino Zholkevsky met and defeated the Moscow army, which was under the command of the royal brother, Prince Dmitry Shuisky, and approached Moscow itself. On the other hand, Tushinsky thief approached Moscow from Kaluga. The city was in alarm and confusion, Tsar Vasily lost all trust and authority; On July 17, 1610, he was deposed from the throne, and on the 19th he was forcibly tonsured a monk.

After the overthrow of Shuisky, an interregnum began in Moscow. The boyar duma turned out to be at the head of the government - “Prince F.I. Mstislavsky and comrades ”(the so-called“ seven boyars ”.. However, this boyar rule could not be long and lasting. The approach of the Tushinsky thief, followed by the specter of a social upheaval and anarchy, frightened all the boyars and all the “best people.” To get rid of the thief and his claims, the boyars decided to elect the Polish prince Vladislav to the throne of Moscow.

After Zholkiewski accepted the conditions offered to Vladislav, on August 27 Moscow solemnly swore allegiance to Prince Vladislav as its future sovereign, on the condition that he promises to protect the Orthodox faith. The last condition was categorically insisted on by Patriarch Hermogenes, who did not allow the possibility of non-Orthodox occupation of the Moscow throne.

False Dmitry was driven away from Moscow and again fled to Kaluga with Marina and the Cossack ataman Zarutsky. An embassy was sent to King Sigismund near Smolensk, headed by Metropolitan Filaret and Prince Vasily Golitsyn; the embassy was instructed to insist that Prince Vladislav accept Orthodoxy and go to Moscow without delay, and the king and his army were asked to leave the Moscow state.

However, Sigismund's plans were different: he did not want to let his young son go to Moscow, all the more he did not want to allow him to accept Orthodoxy; he intended to take the Moscow throne himself, but so far he has not revealed his plans. Therefore, the Russian embassy near Smolensk was forced to conduct lengthy and fruitless negotiations, in which the king, for his part, insisted that the ambassadors, for their part, encourage the “Smolensk inmates” to surrender.

Meanwhile, Moscow in September 1610, with the consent of the boyars, was occupied by the Polish army of Zholkevsky, who soon left, transferring command from there to Gonsevsky. The boyar Mikhail Saltykov and the “trading peasant” Fyodor Andronov, who tried to rule the country on behalf of Vladislav, became the head of the civil government. In the summer (in July 1611 Novgorod the Great was occupied by the Swedes almost without any resistance from the inhabitants, which completes the sad picture of the general moral decline and decay.

The Polish occupation of Moscow dragged on, Vladislav did not accept Orthodoxy and did not go to Russia, the rule of the Poles and Polish slanderers in Moscow aroused more and more displeasure, but he was tolerated as a lesser evil, because the presence of the Polish garrison in the capital made it inaccessible to Tushinsky (now Kaluga. thief But in December 1610 Vor was killed in Kaluga, and this event served as a turning point in the history of the Time of Troubles. one enemy, the one that occupied the Russian capital with foreign troops and threatened the national Russian state and the Russian Orthodox faith.

The results by the end of the summer of 1611 are completely unenviable: after another assault on the Polish troops in June, Smolensk fell; Based on the verdict of the Home Guard Council and the position of the local elite, the Swedish troops entered Novgorod, and then occupied the Novgorod lands, fixing in the contract the right of the Swedish prince to the Russian throne or to the Novgorod region. Finally, the crisis in the Cossack camps near Moscow reached an alarming level.

Patriarch Hermogenes became the head of the national-religious opposition at that time. He firmly declares that if the prince does not accept Orthodoxy, and the “Lithuanian people” do not leave the Russian land, then Vladislav will not be our sovereign. When his verbal arguments and exhortations had no effect on the behavior of the opposing side, Hermogenes began to turn to the Russian people with direct calls for an uprising in defense of the church and the fatherland. Subsequently, when the patriarch was imprisoned, his work was continued by the monasteries of Trinity-Sergius and Kirillo-Belozersky, who sent their letters to the cities calling for unity and “great standing” against enemies for the holy Orthodox faith and for their fatherland.

2. The first Zemstvo militia

The voice of Patriarch Hermogenes was soon heard. Already at the very beginning of 1611, a broad patriotic movement began in the country. Cities correspond with each other so that everyone can unite, gather military people and go to the rescue to Moscow. "The main engine of the uprising ... was the patriarch, at the behest of which, in the name of faith, the Earth rose and gathered."

In the spring of 1611, the Zemstvo militia approached Moscow and began its siege. At this time, King Sigismund stopped endless negotiations near Smolensk with Russian ambassadors and ordered Metropolitan Filaret and Prince Golitsyn to be taken to Poland as prisoners. In June 1611, the Poles finally took Smolensk, in which, of the 80,000 inhabitants who were there at the beginning of the siege, barely 8,000 people remained alive.

The two-year siege of Smolensk ended with the destruction of the city and its population, as well as the complete extermination of all life in the county. Quite close to the true state of affairs, an assessment of the reasons for the fall of Smolensk was given by Martin Ver in his Moscow Chronicle. He wrote: more than 300 or 400 healthy people who could no longer defend its vast fortifications, which had a whole mile in circumference ... Smolensk, even without cannons, gunpowder, copies, sabers, could easily repel the enemy if there were every hole in the wall, although one person at a time."

About the devastation of the Smolensk district, Martin Behr writes: “This two-year siege killed 80,000 people, ruining the Smolensk region to the end, where there was no sheep, no bull, no cow, no calf - the enemies exterminated everything.”

Thus, after a two-year siege, the Smolensk district turned into a desert, and the city lay in ruins. Smolensk perished, but saved the country from enslavement by the Polish invaders.

A significant part of Moscow in March 1611 was destroyed and burned by the Polish garrison, who wanted to prevent an uprising, and several thousand inhabitants were beaten. The zemstvo militia that came near Moscow consisted of two different elements: firstly, they were nobles and boyar children, headed by the then famous Ryazan governor Prokopy Lyapunov, and secondly, the Cossacks, headed by former Tushino boyars , Prince Dm. Trubetskoy and Cossack ataman Ivan Zarutsky. After many disagreements and strife, the governors and the militias agreed among themselves and on June 30, 1611, they drew up a general verdict on the composition and work of the new zemstvo government - from Trubetskoy, Zarutskoy and Lyapunnov, who were "chosen by the whole land" to manage the "zemstvo and military deeds."

However, the verdict on June 30 did not eliminate the antagonism between the nobles and the Cossacks and the personal rivalry between Lyapunov and Zarutsky. The matter ended with the fact that the Cossacks, suspecting Lyapunov of hostile intentions, called him into their circle for an explanation and hacked him to death. Left without a leader and frightened by the Cossack lynching, the nobles and children, the boyars in the majority, left Moscow for their homes. The Cossacks remained in the camp near Moscow, but they were not strong enough to cope with the Polish garrison.

The failure of the first zemstvo militia upset, but did not discourage the zemstvo people. In the provincial cities, a movement soon began again to organize a new militia and march on Moscow.

3. The second Zemstvo militia. The role of Minin and Pozharskaboutth

The starting point and center of the movement was Nizhny Novgorod, headed by its famous zemstvo elder Kuzma Minin, who in September 1611 spoke in the Nizhny Novgorod zemstvo hut with ardent appeals to help the Muscovite state, sparing no means and no victims.

The city council, from representatives of all segments of the population, led the initial steps - the collection of funds and the call of military people. The head of the zemstvo militia was invited by the "steward and governor" Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky, a capable military leader and a man with an unsullied reputation; the economic and financial part was taken over by Kuzma Minin, the "elected man of the whole earth".

In addition, the core of the second militia was made up of the nobles of the Smolensk land, who were left without estates and means of subsistence.

Several months of joint work proved the complementarity of the leaders of the militia: an experienced and successful governor, a man of strong convictions, Pozharsky entrusted the current management to Minin, who provides the main nerve - finances and supplies.

In November, the movement started by Nizhny already covered a significant Volga region, and in January 1612 the militia moved from Nizhny, first to Kostroma, and then to Yaroslavl, where it arrived by the beginning of April 1612, meeting along the way the liveliest sympathy and support from side of the population.

Having learned about the movement of the Nizhny Novgorod militia, Mikhail Saltykov and his henchmen demanded from Patriarch Hermogenes that he write a letter forbidding the Nizhny Novgorod people to go to Moscow. “... He spoke to them ...” ... may they have mercy from God and a blessing from our humility; on you traitors, may anger be poured out from God, and from our humility be damned in this vice and in the future "... and from that time on, he began to torment him with hunger and died from hunger in February 1612 on the 17th day, and was buried in Moscow in the Chudov Monastery. "

Zemstvo militia remained in Yaroslavl for about 4 months; this time passed in hard work on restoring order in the country, on the creation of central government institutions, on gathering forces and means for the militia itself. More than half of what was then Russia united around the militia; local councils from representatives of all segments of the population worked in the cities, and governors were appointed from Yaroslavl to the cities. In Yaroslavl itself, a Zemsky Sobor, or council of all the earth, was formed, from representatives from the localities and representatives from service people who made up the militia; this council was the temporary supreme power in the country.

Remembering the fate of Lyapunov and his militia, Pozharsky was in no hurry to go to Moscow until he had gathered enough forces. At the end of July, Pozharsky's militia moved from Yaroslavl to Moscow. Hearing about his movement, Ataman Zarutsky, carrying with him several thousand "thieves'" Cossacks, left Moscow for Kaluga, while Trubetskoy remained with the majority of the Cossack army, waiting for the arrival of Pozharsky. In August, Pozharsky's militia approached Moscow, and a few days later the Polish hetman Khodkevich approached Moscow, going to the aid of the Polish garrison in Moscow, but was repelled and forced to retreat.

In September, the governors of the Moscow region agreed, "by petition and the verdict of all the ranks of the people", that together they "do Moscow and the Russian state in everything good to want without any cunning", and do all sorts of things at the same time, and write letters from the unified government from now on on behalf of both governor, Trubetskoy and Pozharsky.

On October 22, the Cossacks went on the attack and took Kitai-Gorod, and a few days later the Poles, who were sitting in the Kremlin, surrendered, exhausted by hunger, and both militias solemnly entered liberated Moscow with the ringing of bells and the jubilation of the people.

The provisional government of Trubetskoy and Pozharsky summoned to Moscow elected representatives from all cities and from every rank of people "for the Zemstvo Council and for the state election." The Zemsky Sobor, which met in January and February 1613, was the most complete of the Moscow Zemstvo Sobors in composition: all classes of the population were represented on it (with the exception of serfs and landlord peasants .. It was relatively easy to agree that “the Lithuanian and Swedish king and their children and some other states of the non-Christian faith of the Greek law in a foreign language, do not elect the Vladimir and Moscow state, and do not want Marinka and her son to the state. "We decided to elect one of our own, but then disagreements, disputes, intrigues and Troubles began, for among the "noble" Moscow boyars, who were previously allies or the Poles, or the Tushinsky thief, there was no worthy and popular candidate.

Urban societies of the central and northern regions, headed by their elected authorities, become carriers and preachers of national consciousness and social solidarity. In their correspondence, the cities call on one another “to be in love and in council and in unity with each other”, and “in this is the cross to kiss between us, that we are with you, and you and us will come to life and die together”, and for “ the true Christian faith on the destroyers of our Christian faiths, on the Polish and Lithuanian people and on Russian thieves to stand firm, ”and then“ we would choose a sovereign for the Muscovite state with all the land of the Russian state. The leaders of the Nizhny Novgorod militia, for their part, call on the cities to unite, “so that we, on the advice of the whole state, elect the sovereign by the general council, so that without the sovereign the Moscow state would not be completely ruined” ..., “and we would choose the sovereign all by the Earth .. . by the world council".

After long and fruitless disputes, on February 7, 1613, the elected people agreed on the candidacy of 16-year-old Mikhail Romanov, the son of Metropolitan Philaret, who was languishing in Polish captivity; but since they did not know how the whole Earth would react to this candidacy, it was decided to arrange something like a plebiscite - “they sent secretly, faithful and God-fearing people in all kinds of people, their thoughts about the sovereign election were visited by whom they want to be the sovereign tsar to the Muscovite state in all cities. And in all cities and counties in all people the same thought: what to be in the Moscow State Sovereign Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov ... ". And upon the return of the envoys, on February 21, 1613, the Zemsky Sobor unanimously elected and solemnly proclaimed Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov Tsar.

In the electoral letter it was said that “all the Orthodox peasants of the entire Moscow State” wished him to reign, and on the other hand, his family ties with the former royal dynasty were indicated: the new tsar is the son of the cousin of Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich, Fyodor Nikitich Romanov-Yuryev, and Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich - a nephew ...

Conclusion

During the period of the so-called interregnum (1610-1613, the position of the Muscovite state seemed completely hopeless. The Poles occupied Moscow and Smolensk, the Swedes - Veliky Novgorod; gangs of foreign adventurers and their "thieves" ravaged the unfortunate country, killed and robbed the civilian population. When the land became "stateless", political ties between individual regions were broken, but still the society did not fall apart: it was saved by national and religious ties.City societies of the central and northern regions, headed by their elected authorities, become carriers and preachers of national consciousness and social solidarity.

In the autumn of 1611, a movement began in Nizhny Novgorod, which gradually consolidated the majority of the estates of Russia in the intention to restore an independent national monarchy in the country. Under the influence of the letters of Hermogenes and the elders of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, a political platform was formed: do not take Ivan Dmitrievich (Marina's son) as tsar, do not invite any foreign applicant to the Russian throne, the first goal is the liberation of the capital with the subsequent convening of the Zemsky Sobor to elect a new tsar.

It is no less significant that the head of the militia was the steward, Prince D.M. Pozharsky and Nizhny Novgorod headman K. Minin. In addition to the corporations of the Middle Volga region, the local instrumental servicemen, the core of the second militia was the nobles of the Smolensk land, who were left without estates and means of subsistence.

The greatest role of Minin and Pozharsky in Russian history is that, under their leadership, the expulsion of the Poles from Russia was successfully completed by the armies of the cities outside Moscow.

List of used literature

1. Great statesmen of Russia / Ed. A.F. Kiseleva. - M., 1996.

2. Vetyugov V.E. Absolutism in Russian political and legal thought of the 16th - 18th centuries. // History of state and law. - 2007. - No. 9.

3. State institutions of Russia XVI - XVIII centuries. / Ed. N.B. Golikova. - M., 1991.

4. Deryugin V.Yu. State Agricultural Policy in Russia (XVII - XVIII centuries. // History of State and Law. - 2006. - No. 12.

5. History of religions in Russia: Textbook / Ed. ed. ON THE. Trofimchuk. - M., 2002.

6. History of Russia from ancient times to the end of the 17th century. Rep. ed. A.N. Sakharov. - M., 1998.

7. Kartashev A.V. Church. Story. Russia. - M., 1996.

8. Klyuchevsky V.O. Works. ? M., 1959. ? T. 2.

9. The course of church law: Proc. allowance. - Klin, 2002.

10. Nikulin M.V. The Orthodox Church in the public life of Russia. - M., 1997.

11. Nikolsky N.M. History of the Russian Church. 3rd ed. - M., 1983.

12. Platonov S.F. Russian history. ? M., 1996.

13. Platonov S.F. Time of Troubles. - M., 2001.

14. Pushkarev S.G. Review of Russian history. ? Stavropol, 1993.

15. Sirotkin V.G. Milestones of national history. - M., 1991.

16. Soloviev S.M. History of Russia since ancient times. ? M., 1960. ? Book. III.

17. Timofeev I. Vremennik. - L., 1951.

18. Cherepnin L.V. Zemsky Sobors of the Russian state in the XVI-XVII centuries. - M., 1978.

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