Edition of Manifesto on October 17, 1905. The highest manifesto on the improvement of state order

110 years ago, 17 (30) of October 1905, the manifesto of Emperor Nicholas II "On Improvement of State Order", which declared the giving citizens to citizens of political freedom, the inviolability of the personality, the expansion of the electoral qualification in the elections to the State Duma was published. The Manifesto on October 17, 1905 was prepared by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire S. Yu. Witte, who considered constitutional concessions to the only means to discharge the revolutionary atmosphere in Russia.

The manifesto 1905 was published by the emperor Nicholas II under pressure from an increasing revolutionary situation: mass strikes and armed uprisings. This manifesto satisfied the liberal community, as it was a real step towards the transition to a limited constitutional monarchy. Liberals were able to influence power through parliament. This manifest is considered the beginning of the Russian monarchy and parliamentarism.

Manifesto secured the freedom of conscience, words, assemblies and assemblies; attracting the elections of wide segments of the population; Mandatory procedure for approval by the State Duma of all issued laws.

It must be said that the idea of \u200b\u200b"democratizing" the Russian empire has long been Vitala in society. Constitutional projects have not been born more than once, which should have reformed Russia from above. Among the Westerners (the leading part of the Russian educated society), "constitutional dreams" were a leading idea and gradually they were radicalized.

Thus, in the Russian Empire of the XIX period of the XX centuries. There were two basic ideas of "democratization" of Russia. "From above" to change the existing system wanted some emperors, representatives of the ruling dynasty and the highest dignitaries. They wanted an evolutionary way to arrange a constitutional monarchy in Russia by England. That is, they also followed the exema of the West and were Western, but did not want unrest and troubled. While representatives of the pro-Western community dreamed of the fact that the main branch of power in Russia will be the legislative - parliament. They wished to eliminate autocracy. This was dreamed of both the Decembrists and allocations, so liberals and socialists of the late XIX - early XX centuries. This discrepancy in the vision of the future of Russia, and on the basis of Western concepts, as a result, led to a catastrophe of the Russian Empire and the entire Russian civilization, which was only a new, Soviet project.

The first to think about the reform Alexander I. Because of the heir to the throne, Alexander critically referred to the despotic and paternalistic methods of the reign of his father. The reformist mood Alexander was expressed in attracting M. M. Speransky to state activities, who prepared several own political notes: "On the fundamental laws of the state", "reflections on the state-owned device of the empire", "On the gradualness of public improvement", etc. in 1803 On behalf of the Emperor, the Speranssky amounted to the "note on the device of judicial and government agencies in Russia". When it was developed, he showed himself an active supporter of the constitutional monarchy. However, the case did not go further. In addition, Alexander canceled the serfdom in the Baltic provinces, granted a constitutional structure to the Great Principality of Finland, and then the Kingdom of Polish. Alexander took part in the development of the Constitutional Charter of France, which turned it into a constitutional monarchy. In Russia itself, except for the Speransky on constitutional projects, Vorontsov and Novosilleov worked, but all their projects were laid under the cloth.

By the end of his reign, Alexander was clearly disappointed in reforming activities, seeing that it leads to an increase in revolutionary sentiment in society, and not stabilizes it. So, speaking in 1818 in Warsaw at the opening of the first Polish Sejm, Alexander I once again returned to constitutional projects and stressed that the rest of Russia has not yet matured as Poland, for the constitutional reorganization. Interestingly, Alexander knew about the emergence of the flow of "Decembrists", mixed in Westernity and Freemasonry. When, in 1821, Prince A. V. Vasilchikov acquainted the king with materials about the conspiracy and about the programs of conspirators, Alexander I threw a list of conspirators to the fire, noting that he could not punish them, since "in his youth divided their views." The radical program of the Decembrists (especially the Pestel) was marked by a radical, revolutionary challenge to the government fluctuate in its constitutional plans. Moreover, the challenge to the government challenged the most educated part of society, the basis of the education of which was Western culture.

Thus, the flushing of the government Alexander with a liberal public ended badly. The speech of the Decembrists could lead to the bloody confusion and only the decisive actions of Nikolai saved the empire from very severe consequences.

The emperor Nicholas, suppressing the speech of the Decembrists, was cold to constitutional projects and "frozen" Russia. The next experience in the constitutional field was taken by the king-reformer Alexander II and ended no less tragically. On April 11, 1880, M. T. Loris-Melikov, Kharkiv Governor-General, appointed by the Chairman of the Supreme Regulatory Commission of Russia, filed the emperor Alexander II report "On attracting population representatives to legislative activities." It was about the establishment of two preparatory commissions in St. Petersburg from representatives of the departments and the largest cities of Russia, by analogy with the editorial commissions of 1859 regarding the decision of the peasant question. Essentially, in the Empire planned to introduce the law-based activities of representative institutions. The sovereign imposed on the draft resolution: "execute". However, 1 Mata Sovereign was mortally wounded. The attempt on the king organized revolutionaries-terrorists, fighters for "national freedom" and the constitutional republic from "People's Will". The text of the Constitution remained lying on the Emperor's Table.

Emperor Alexander III, who was restal, the opponent of transformations and the conservative, instructed to discuss the project on the Council of Ministers. He was again approved. And on April 29, the new emperor issued his famous manifesto, hearing the inviolability of the principles of autocracy. On the first page of the report of M. T. Loris-Melikova, the king wrote the king: "Thank God, this criminal and hurried step to the Constitution was not made." The new sovereign took the course to unlimited autocracy. This line after the death of the father continued Nicholas II, who declared the inviolability of the principles of autocracy at the end of the throne in 1894.

Alexander III and Nicholas II, at the beginning of his rule, again "frozen" the situation. However, contradictions in the Russian Empire were indigenous and sooner or later they led to the collapse of the Empire Building. The empire could save the decisive modernization of the "top", but not according to the liberal (Western) path, but in its own, distinctive. In fact, Nicholas II should have done that after the crash of the Russian empire, Stalin and his "Iron Commissaries" were made.

When Nicholas succumbed to the influence of the pro-Western government (Witte was a typical Western and agent of the influence of "world backstage"), he did only worse. The concessions of the liberal community could not save the old Russia. They only raised the Westerners and various kinds of revolutionaries, increased their possibilities for the destruction of the ustivo empire. So, most of the press in the Russian Empire, controlled by liberal parties and movements, worked for the destruction of the empire. Stolypin could incredible efforts to postpone the wreck of the empire, but when the empire got into war, it was no longer saved.

In the very first year (1906), Russia, in the conditions of "civil liberties", as a result of terrorist acts, 768 were killed and 820 government officials were injured. On August 19, 1906, Stolypin signed a decree on the introduction of military field courts, but presented it for consideration of the Duma only in the spring of 1907. Over the eight months, 1,100 people were executed. Trade unions were closed, revolutionary parties were pursued, reprisals against press began. Prime Minister Peter Stolypin had to dissolve two Duma before he received the Duma of this composition with which he could cooperate. Stolypin tough hand was put into order in the country.

As a result, the manifesto on October 17 cannot be considered a happy acquisition for Russia began the beginning of the twentieth century, the opposition used it in order to strengthen the fight against autocracy, which led to a new blood, and the authorities did not know and did not understand what parliamentarism, political parties and public Opinion in the conditions of print freedom. The Russian Empire entered the qualitatively other state state, being absolutely to this black. Bureaucracy, subordinate only to the king, was absolutely incapable of parliamentarism of the European type. European ideas in Russian soil led to perversions and only worsened the situation (this is fully confirmed in modern Russia).

Thus, during this period, we are very clearly observing the feature of the historical development of Russia. As soon as the power in the face of her supreme carrier is practically taken for the democratization of the state and society to the Western LAD and "developing nuts" of the centralized imperial system, the liberal society immediately perceives it as evidence of its weakness and uses its new opportunities not for action for the benefit of the people, but for In order to politically (or physically) to destroy the Supreme Power (not enough, in her opinion, democratic), and forcing the troubles.

In Manifesto, the "unshakable foundations of civil liberties on the basis of the actual inviolability of the individual, freedom of conscience, words, meetings and unions" were prlaimed; The highest legislature in Russia became the Duma, and the selective right of those sections of the population who used to be deprived of them were promised, first of all workers.

Manifesto on October 17 had a number of far-reaching consequences. By marveling a serious victory of the revolutionary movement, the manifesto at the same time contributed to it. The liberal figures played a considerable role, which were kept in the shadows before, and now they went to the fore. Manifestus provided them with the opportunity to create legal parties than they immediately and took advantage. On October 12-18, at the height of a political strike, as it were, the constituent congress of the Constitutional-Democratic (Cadet) party prepared by the "Union of Liberation" and the most resolutely tuned to the "Union of Liberation". In its ranks, the Cadets united first of all representatives of the intelligentsia - urban and Zemskoy, as well as landowners, bourgeoisie, military, officials. A similar composition, although he did not give cadets a fairly reliable social support, but allowed to claim the expression of all-Russian interests.

The leaders of the Cadets, among which the famous historian P. N. Milyukov especially highlighted, constantly stated the extracelave nature of their party. Cadet program was drawn up with such positions: its authors tried to find compromise solutions to the most acute questions of Russian reality. So, the forced alienation of the landlord land for the ransom was assumed, but only the part that landowners, without being processed, was leased. The introduction of an 8-hour working day was envisaged, but not everywhere, but only where it is at this time it is possible to establish freedom of personality, words, meetings, etc. Open in their program, the Cadets left the question of the form of public administration in Russia. As previous events showed, they were ready to be able to be a constitutional monarchy.

Union October 17 (Octobrists) was a more solid and determined by its composition of the party: it included the tops of a major bourgeoisie and the vulnerable landowners who managed to translate their farms on capitalist rails. As follows from the name of the party, those concessions that were promised by the Manifesto on October 17, quite satisfied its members, and more serious reforms could only scare. The recognized leader of the party was the representative of the ancient Moscow merchant name A. I. Guccov.

Consolidating your strength, these parties launched an active struggle for the termination of the revolution. From their point of view, she fulfilled its task, giving the country to the legislative Duma, which was covered with the population and was proposed to impose all hopes. In the folk masses, tired of heavy tests, such appeals found a certain response.

The proclamation of political freedom made sorgate and reactionaries. Immediately after the manifesta essay, the autocracy, who celebrated their victory with grand demonstrations and rallies, had to face a black hundred. On the streets of Russian cities, real battles were tied, accompanied by numerous human victims.

The main organizing power of this movement was the noblemen-landowners of the old, serfdom. The "constitutional" concession of Nikolai II frightened them - the next step could be confiscated landlord land. Feeling that the soil leaves them from under the feet, the reactionaries tried to provide autocracy of active support in the fight against the revolution, with any serious change. In the draft movement, many representatives of the bureaucratic apparatus were actively involved, and the Russian clergy was alienated. A serious support is a black hundred and surrounded among the prosperous urban meshness - small merchants, homeowners, etc. Heads of the Black Hundred Movement did not happen to use for their own purposes and declassed elements that were in excess of settled at the bottom of large cities.

Being so diverse in composition, the blackstone was distinguished by the rare simple and clear ideology: all the misfortunes of Great and Mighty Russia occur from the revolutionaries-intellectuals and foreigners who wanted to ruin it in the name of their own dark interests. Need not reforms, but a merciless struggle with confusion. In 1905-1907 The blackstones used by the unlawful support of the government widely carried out these ideas in practice: they killed revolutionaries, participated in the dispersals of rallies and demonstrations, they organized Jewish pogroms, etc. The most massive black-based organizations were the Union of the Russian People, the Russian People's Union named after Mikhail Arkhangel.

Thus, at the end of 1905, the revolution appeared powerful opponents, one of which skillfully acted in a word, others - mercilessly. At the same time, the new government, headed by Witte, began to take more decisive measures to guide the order in the country. Under these conditions, the revolutionary movement gradually lost latitude, power and cohesion.

Topic 27. The first Russian bourgeois-democratic revolution (1905-1907)

Plan:

Revolution Background 5. Education of liberal parties

Revolutions in Russia (Moscow Armed Rise)

The main events of revolution 7. Recession of the revolution

1. The main prerequisites of the revolution 1905-1907. It was the preservation of feudal remnants in the economic (landlord land ownership, the peasant community, the cheap, the exhaust system) and the political (royal autocracy, the preservation of class privileges, the lack of democratic rights and freedoms) of the country. The revolution accelerator was the Russian-Japanese war, unsuccessful for Russia.

2. The revolution was bored bourgeois-democratic character, since its main task was to eliminate the remnants of the feudal system. However, in contrast to similar revolutions in the West, she had a number of features:

The main driving forces were the proletariat, the peasantry and liberal bourgeoisie. Moreover, the main and most consistent political force in the revolution was not a bourgeoisie (in Russia she was indecisive and weak), and the proletariat, ready to go to achieve the goals to the end.

The situation was complicated by the fact that the revolution acquired a national tint on the outskirts of the country, where representatives of the national bourgeoisie and the working class were announced about his own interests;

In addition, political parties had a different idea of \u200b\u200bthe new revolution: the Bolsheviks gave an installation on the outstanding of the bourgeois-democratic revolution to socialist, and Mensheviks believed that there was no speech about it until the proletariat became the majority of the country's population;

Revolutionary events developed through the interaction and struggle of three political camps: government, liberal and revolutionary.

3. Revolutionary events began on January 9, 1905, when an organized peaceful demonstration of St. Petersburg workers under the leadership of Hapon's pops moved to the Winter Palace. They carried the tsar petition with a request to establish an 8-hour working day and minimal wages, but in response were shot by the troops.

The construction of barricades began in the capital, and the wave of perturbation swept around the country. The king was called "bloody." Mass speeches began in various regions.

In the revolution, two main stages can be distinguished: the increase in the growing revolutionary struggle (January - December 1905) and its decline (late December 1905 - June 1907).

At the first stage, a 72-day strike of Ivanovo-Voznesensk workers should be allocated, which first nominated, in addition to economic radical political requirements (convening the constituent assembly, the introduction of political freedoms, etc.). The Council of Commissioning Deputies in Russia was formed here.

On June 14, 1905, the uprising began on the battleship "Potemkin" (Black Sea Fleet), the participants of which raised the Red Flag and hoped to support other squadron ships. According to the Black Sea, the armadiole "Potemkin" walked 11 days - from June 27, to 7.07.1905

In Lodz, the universal strike of workers in June 1905 turned into an armed uprising.

In August 1905 there was a first mass organization in the village - the All-Russian Peasant Union, leading position in which belonged to Esramen and Liberals. They suggested declare land with the property of the entire people, but opposed the violent forms of struggle.

The result: in the All-Russian political strike in October 1905, more than 2 million people participated. Along with the workers, students, teachers, doctors, employees of state institutions have also become its participants. The main requirements of the participants of the strike were the establishment of an 8-hour working day, the proclamation of democratic freedoms, convening a constituent assembly.

4. In the conditions of acute revolutionary struggle, the king was forced to sign the compiled S. Yu. Witte Manifesto "On the Improvement of State Order", in which the political freedoms of speech, conscience, meetings and unions declared the convening of the legislative body of the State Duma. The liberal opposition perceived this document as the completion of the revolution and the beginning of the constitutional system in Russia. By his manifesto, the king, in fact, bowed to his side a liberal camp.

5. The process of formation in the country of legal multiparty began. Two large political parties were created - "Union October 17" (the leaders of which were a major breeder A. I. Guccov) and the Constitutional Democratic Party (its leader was the famous historian Professor

P.N.Milyukov). The programs of both parties were aimed at the formation of a constitutional monarchist system.

6. Despite the adoption of manifest, the unrest did not stop. In November, the leadership of the peasant union, dissatisfied with the fact that the agricultural issue has not yet been resolved, announced an accession to the universal strike workers. The performances in the army did not stop. In November, an uprising occurred on the cruiser "Ochakov" under the leadership of Lieutenant P. P. Schmidt.

The Apogee revolution was the December armed uprising in Moscow (December 6-19). The center of struggle has become the Presnya. But the forces were too unequal. December 19, the uprising on the orders of the revolutionary council was discontinued. Thousands of hanged, shot and arrested workers became victims of the struggle were victims of the struggle. By order of the new Prime Minister P.G.Stolepina, about 4 thousand gallops were installed on the forehead, which immediately received the name "Stolypinsky ties".

There were also armed performances in Sormovo, Krasnoyarsk, Chita. All of them were suppressed by the troops. Other major armed performances of the workers did not follow. However, peasant performances not only did not stop, but also intensified (in April 1906 there were 47, and in June - already 739). It was necessary to urgently carry out agricultural reform.

7. Soothing of revolutionary activity largely contributed to the elections and the work of the State Duma. But the I-I am the State Duma began its work in April 1906 and existed 72 days (in July 1906 it was dissolved). The II of the State Duma existed since February until June 1907 and was also dissolved by the king. Both Duma were not satisfied with the king because they set the main question for consideration - the issue of land, on the endowment of the land of peasants without redemptions and payments, on the transfer of landlord land in nationwide property. The adoption by the king of the main laws of the Russian Empire, which limited the power of the monarch and therefore perceived in the circles of the liberal community as the first Russian constitution, also served as a reason for calming the rebels.

8. Results of the revolution:The first Russian revolution was incomplete, because She could not solve all the problems that gave rise to it. But, nevertheless, the authorities were forced to make concessions. The proletariat managed to achieve a reduction in working day to 9-10 hours, some increase in wages. For the peasants, redeemed payments made by them since 1861 were canceled. Workers were able to create trade unions, insurance organizations in case of injury and death. The king gave some democratic freedoms: freedom of religion, freedom of speech, inviolability of personality, freedom of press, meetings. The right to convene the first legislative body - the State Duma

The revolution has drawn large segments of the population into active political life.

Revolution 1905-1907 There was a great historical meaning: She showed the authorities that their choice in conducting politics lies between reforms and the revolution and in case of delay it threatens the social explosion. In 1905-1906 Under pressure from national discontent, the royal power went on serious changes in the country's political and economic system, which created the opportunity for the progressive and relatively calm development of Russian society.

Questions for knowledge control

1. How were the reasons for the first Russian revolution?

2. Use the nature and driving forces of the revolution.

3kone social layers took part in the revolution? What claims did they prevent authorities?

4. Close the behavior of the authorities in the first period of revolution.

5. Can it be agreed with the traditional definition of the October strike as the All-Russian political strike?

6. Analyze the manifesto on October 17, 1905. What concessions were forced to go king and why?

7. How do you think why Cadets and Octobrists satisfied the results of the revolution?

8. How has the system of state authorities changed during the revolution? Is it possible to agree with the definition of the state system in Russia, data in one of the German newspapers: "Parliamentary Empire with the autocratic king"?

Similar information.

Manifesto October 17, 1905 (October Manifesto) - a legislative act developed by the supreme power of the Russian Empire in order to put an end to the riots and strikes in the country.

The manifest was developed by order of Nikolai 2nd as soon as possible and became a response to the incessant strikes passing throughout the country from October 12. The author of Manifesta spoke S. Witte, the full name of the document is the highest manifesto on the improvement of state order.

The main essence and purpose of the manifesto on October 17, 1905 - to give the workers of civil rights and carry out a number of their claims in order to stop the uprising. Manifesto became a forced measure.

Prerequisites for the creation of manifest on October 17

Manifesto became one of the most notable events of the first Russian revolution (1905-1907). By the beginning of the 20th century. The country was in a rather poor condition: an industrial decline occurred, the economy was in a state of crisis, the public debt continued to grow, and the lack of town years caused mass hunger in the country. In the second half of the 19th century. He strongly influenced the economy, however, the current management system in the country could not adequately respond to changes.

In the difficult position of peasants and workers who could not feed themselves and also possessed limited civil rights, demanded reforms. Differences for the actions of Emperor Nicholas 2nd led to an increase in revolutionary sentiment and popularization of slogan "Down-auto-bar".

The events of the "bloody Sunday" became a trigger at the beginning of the revolution, when the imperial troops shot a peaceful demonstration of the workers on January 9, 1905. Mass riots, strikes and riots began throughout the country - people demanded to take away the sole power from the emperor and give it to the people.

In October, strikes reached their peak, there were more than 2 million people in the country, pogroms and bloody collisions were held regularly.

The reaction of the government and the process of creating a manifest on October 17

The government tried to cope with rebounds, releasing various decrees. In February 1905, two documents were released simultaneously, which contradicted each other in content:

• Decree allowing the population to submit for consideration documents on the change and improvement of the state system;
• Decree, proclaiming inviolability of autocracy.

The government gave citizens freedom in the expression of their will, but in fact, this freedom was fictitious, since the right to make a decision still remained behind the emperor, and the power of the monarchy in Russia could not be reduced by a legitimate way. Demonstrations continued.

In May 1905, a new project was received for consideration in the Duma, which provided for the creation of a single lawyer in Russia, which would take into account the interests of the people in making important solutions for the country. The government did not support the project and tried to change its content in favor of autocracy.

In October, the Bunty reached their peak, and Nikolai 2 was forced to go to reconciliation with the people. The result of this decision was the manifest of 1905, which marked the beginning of a new state structure - a bourgeois constitutional monarchy.

The main provisions of Manifesto on October 17, 1905

The main provisions of the Oktyabrsky Manifesta:

• Manifesto gave freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and creating unions and public organizations;
• in the elections, wider segments of the population could now participate - the election law appeared from those estates that they never had it before. Thus, voted now could almost all citizens;
• Manifesto obliges to consider in advance and approve all bills through the State Duma. From now on, the sole power of the emperor weakened, began to form a new, more perfect legislative body.

Results and importance of October Manifest

The adoption of such a document was the first in the history of Russia attempt to state more civil rights and freedoms. In fact, the manifesto not only gave the authority to all citizens, he proclaimed certain democratic freedoms that were necessary for the transition of Russia to a new type of government.

With the introduction of manifest, the legislative right of sole (he had only emperor) was now distributed between the emperor and the legislature - the State Duma. Parliament was established, without a decision of which no decree could enter into force. However, Nikolai did not want to be so easy to miss power, so the autocratic man left the right at any time to dissolve the State Duma, taking advantage of the right veto.

The changes made by the manifesto in the basic laws of the Russian Empire actually became the beginning of the first Russian constitution.

The right to freedom of speech and assembly led to the rapid growth of various organizations and unions throughout the country.

Unfortunately, the manifesto was only a temporary agreement between the peasantry and the emperor and served for a short time. In 1917, a new revolution broke out - the autocracy was overthrown.