The most closed people. From Lenin to Gorbachev: Encyclopedia of Biographies

Vladimir Dolgikh
4th Member of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation - representative from the executive body of the city of Moscow
from September 13, 2013
Governor: (Moscow Mayor) Sergei Semyonovich Sobyanin
Predecessor: Yuri Vitalievich Roslyak
Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee
December 18, 1972 - September 30, 1988
Birth: December 5, 1924
With. Ilanskoye, Yenisei province, RSFSR, USSR (now the city of Ilansky, Krasnoyarsk Territory, Russia)
Party: CPSU (1942-1991)

Vladimir Ivanovich Dolgikh(b. December 5, 1924, village of Ilanskoye, Yenisei province) - Soviet and Russian statesman and party leader. Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (December 18, 1972 - September 30, 1988), candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee (May 24, 1982 - September 30, 1988). Deputy of the State Duma of the 6th convocation (since 2011). Twice Hero of Socialist Labor (1965, 1984). Since September 13, 2013 - member of the Federation Council - representative of the executive body of state power of the city of Moscow.

Son of railway worker Ivan Ivanovich Dolgikh. A version was expressed that V. Dolgikh is the son of State Security General Ivan Ivanovich Dolgikh or his brother State Security General Ivan Ilyich Dolgikh.
In the Red Army since 1941. Participant of the Great Patriotic War. Having added a year to myself, Vladimir Dolgikh volunteered to join the active army. He was enlisted in the 6th Guards Rifle Division, and was soon appointed political instructor of an anti-tank rifle company (PTR). He fought on the Bryansk Front. After being seriously wounded in 1943, he was demobilized from the army. Member of the CPSU from 1942 to 1991.
In 1944 Vladimir Dolgikh entered and graduated from the Irkutsk Mining and Metallurgical Institute in 1949. From 1949 to 1958 he worked at the Krasnoyarsk Non-Ferrous Metals Plant (Krasnoyarsk Refinery)

In June 1958 Vladimir Dolgikh appointed chief engineer at the Norilsk MMC. In 1963-1969 he was director of the Norilsk MMC.
In 1968 Vladimir Dolgikh defended his dissertation for candidate of technical sciences.
From April 28, 1969 to December 27, 1972 Vladimir Dolgikh- First Secretary of the Krasnoyarsk Regional Committee of the CPSU.

Vladimir Dolgikh- Member of the CPSU Central Committee (April 9, 1971 - April 25, 1989), candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee (May 24, 1982 - September 30, 1988). Delegate to the XXIII, XXIV, XXV, XXVI, XXVII Congresses of the CPSU and the XIX All-Union Conference of the CPSU.

From December 18, 1972 to September 30, 1988 - Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, at the same time in 1976-1984 - head of the Department of Heavy Industry and Energy of the CPSU Central Committee, oversaw the metallurgical industry.
« Vladimir Dolgikh was the most prominent representative of our “director’s corps” - a serious, efficient, knowledgeable specialist,” M. S. Gorbachev characterized him in his memoirs. Gorbachev recalled that in 1982, when considering the formation of the economic department of the Central Committee, Dolgikh applied to head it, but N.I. Ryzhkov was appointed to this position].
« « IN AND. Dolgikh. Perhaps he was one of the most professional and efficient secretaries of the Central Committee. So until his retirement he remained a candidate member of the Politburo. Relatively young, he was not yet fifty years old, he became the secretary of the Central Committee, having arrived from Krasnoyarsk. Dolgikh was distinguished by consistency and balance; he never offered hasty decisions, and independence - of course, within the limits of what was permissible. ... In his speeches, he did not like to criticize, but simply expressed his personal - a clear, clear and thoughtful proposal. It seems to me that he was very useful to the Politburo, but he was soon “taken away” into retirement. - we quote the work of B. Yeltsin “Confession on a given topic”, 1990"

Vladimir Dolgikh- Deputy of the Council of the Union of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR 7-11 convocations (1966-1989) from the Krasnoyarsk Territory. Deputy of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR (1975-1990).
Since September 30, 1988 Vladimir Dolgikh- personal pensioner of union significance.
Since 1997 Vladimir Dolgikh- Chairman of the Board of the Krasnoyarsk Community Society.

In the 2000s Vladimir Dolgikh was a member of the Board of Directors of MMC Norilsk Nickel, which he led during Soviet times. To the Board of Directors Vladimir Dolgikh was enrolled based on the results of a vote of shareholders, did not have a share in the capital of the enterprise.
Since 2002 - Chairman of the Moscow city organization of the All-Russian public organization of veterans (pensioners) of war, labor, Armed Forces and law enforcement agencies (Moscow Veterans Council), registered on Malaya Lubyanka Street, 12a.
Since July 2008 Vladimir Dolgikh- Chairman of the Moscow Public Council.

On December 4, 2011, Vladimir Dolgikh was elected to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the sixth convocation as part of the federal list of candidates nominated by the United Russia party. He is the oldest deputy of the State Duma of the sixth convocation and, therefore, in accordance with the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the regulations of the State Duma Vladimir Dolgikh opened the first meeting of the lower house of the new convocation.
September 13, 2013, by decree of Moscow Mayor S.S. Sobyanin Vladimir Dolgikh vested with the powers of a member of the Federation Council from the executive power of the city of Moscow.

Family Vladimir Dolgikh

Father Vladimir Dolgikh- Ivan Ivanovich Dolgikh(1879-1953), railway worker at the Ilanskaya station in the Krasnoyarsk Territory.
U V. I. Dolgikh 3 daughters: Elena, Olga, Natalia.

Information about income and property Vladimir Dolgikh
According to official data, Dolgikh’s income for 2011 amounted to 2.3 million rubles. Dolgigi and his wife own two land plots with a total area of ​​more than 3 thousand square meters, 4 apartments and a residential building.

Facts about Vladimir Dolgikh
In 2003, he put forward the idea of ​​​​renaming the Izmailovsky Park metro station to Partizanskaya, since the park is a meeting place for veterans of the partisan movement (the corresponding decree was signed by Yuri Luzhkov on May 3, 2005).
According to V.V. Zhirinovsky, “Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Dolgikh, going to Spitak to eliminate the consequences of the earthquake in Armenia, together with the Chairman of the Council N. Ryzhkov, arrived at the airport and only there he learned that Armenians are not Muslims. He says: “It turns out that they are Christians!” The secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, who is responsible for the entire industry of the country, did not know that Armenians are not Muslims!” Zhirinovsky explained this episode by saying that “these were the mistakes of all former leaders. They ruled the country by numbers. Because it was believed that we had a great country, one people, a single party, and it calmly ruled the country by telephone.”
In 2009, he advocated changing the name of the Anti-Soviet kebab shop in Moscow. As chairman of the city Council of Veterans, V.I. Dolgikh sent a letter to the prefect of the Northern Administrative District of Moscow Oleg Mitvol, in which he mentioned that the name of the kebab shop “Anti-Soviet” insults veterans “who respect the Soviet period in our history” and asked remove the “inappropriate political pun” from the façade of the kebab shop.
On December 5, 2012, in Dolgikh’s small homeland in the city of Ilansky, his bust was installed as a twice Hero of Socialist Labor. Vladimir Ivanovich’s grandchildren, Igor and Vladimir, came to the opening of the bust.

Awards Vladimir Dolgikh
Hero of Socialist Labor:

December 4, 1965 - for outstanding services in fulfilling tasks to increase the production of non-ferrous metals and achieving high technical and economic indicators at the Norilsk Mining and Metallurgical Combine named after A.P. Zavenyagin
December 4, 1984 - for outstanding services as a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee and Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, and in connection with the 60th anniversary of his birth

Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree (December 28, 2009) - for many years of fruitful activity in social support of veterans and active participation in the military-patriotic education of youth
Order of Friendship (August 8, 2005) - for many years of fruitful work in social support of veterans and patriotic education of youth
6 Orders of Lenin
2 Orders of the Patriotic War, 1st degree,
Medals of the USSR and Russia, as well as orders and medals of foreign countries.
Honorary citizen of Moscow (March 31, 2010)
Order of the Holy Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow, III degree (Russian Orthodox Church, 2013)

The Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party was created in October 1917 by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, who gave it the powers of political leadership through an armed coup. The members of this leadership of the Communist Party were the real party elite, possessing immunity and exerting enormous influence not only on the policy of the party, but also on the life of the vast Country of Soviets. In fact, we can confidently call the Politburo under Brezhnev the highest leadership of the Soviet Union. The composition (photo below) included a total of 27 people, each of whom had a significant impact on the fate of the Union of Soviets.

Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev spent a long period as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (1966-1982). The Politburo under Brezhnev included the most influential political figures of the Soviet Union at that time, and they will be discussed in this article.

Composition of the Politburo in 1966

The Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev in 1966 consisted of 11 people:

1. Brezhnev Leonid.
2. Voronov Nikolay.
3. Polyansky Dmitry.
4. Suslov Mikhail.
5. Mazurov Kirill.
6. Kosygin Alexey.
7. Kirilenko Andrey.
8. Podgorny Nikolay.
9. Pelshe Arvid.
10. Shelepin Alexander.
11. Rustle Peter.

In the first years of his reign, only eleven members were part of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev. The composition, age and photos of the members of the Politburo in the next years are of considerable interest, since this unique elite club is filled with the brightest politicians of their time.

Politburo in 1971

Over time, there was an increase in members of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev. The 1971 composition consisted of 15 people:

1. Brezhnev Leonid.
2. Voronov Nikolay.
3. Grishin Victor.
4. Kirilenko Andrey.
5. Kosygin Alexey.
6. Kulakov Fedor.
7. Kunaev Dinmukhamed.
8. Mazurov Kirill.
9. Pelshe Arvid.
10. Podgorny Nikolay.
11. Polyansky Dmitry.
12. Suslov Mikhail.
13. Shelepin Alexander.
14. Rustle Peter.
15. Shcherbitsky Vladimir.

Composition of the Politburo in 1976

1. Brezhnev Leonid.
2. Andropov Yuri.
3. Grechko Andrey.
4. Grishin Victor.
5. Gromyko Andrey.
6. Kirilenko Andrey.
7. Kosygin Alexey.
8. Kulakov Fedor.
9. Kunaev Dinmukhamed.
10. Mazurov Kirill.
11. Pelshe Arvid.
12. Podgorny Nikolay.
13. Romanov Grigory.
14. Suslov Mikhail.
15. Ustinov Dmitry.
16. Shcherbitsky Vladimir.

Lineup changes 1981

The Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev, whose composition remained unchanged until 1981, was radically restructured. The changes affected not only the policies pursued, but also the structure of the central committee. The current lineup included:

1. Brezhnev Leonid.
2. Andropov Yuri.
3. Gorbachev Mikhail.
4. Grishin Victor.
5. Grechko Andrey.
6. Kirilenko Andrey.
7. Kunaev Dinmukhamed.
8. Pelshe Arvid.
9. Romanov Grigory.
10. Suslov Mikhail.
11. Tikhonov Nikolay.
12. Ustinov Dmitry.
13. Chernenko Konstantin.
14. Shcherbitsky Vladimir.

Events of 1982

The composition of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev in 1982 underwent serious changes, since 1982 was marked by a tragic event. On March 23, in the city of Tashkent, Leonid Ilyich visited an aircraft plant. The large crowd overflowed the catwalk, and they fell right on top of him, causing a broken collarbone. The tragedy shook Leonid Ilyich’s health completely and irrevocably, the collarbone never healed and the General Secretary had to overcome severe pain while conducting meetings. On November 10 he passed away. The Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev in 1982 lost two of its most influential politicians - Mikhail Suslov and Leonid Brezhnev.

1. Andropov Yuri (Secretary General of the Central Committee dated November 12, 1982).
2. Leonid Brezhnev (died 11/10/1982).
3. Gorbachev Mikhail.
4. Grishin Victor.
5. Gromyko Andrey.
6. Aliyev Heydar.
7. Kunaev Dinmukhamed.
8. Pelshe Arvid.
9. Romanov Grigory.
10. Mikhail Suslov (died on January 25, 1982).
11. Tikhonov Nikolay.
12. Ustinov Dmitry.
13. Chernenko Konstantin.
14. Shcherbitsky Vladimir.

Five most important

Among some modern political scientists, there is an opinion that the main problems and issues were considered in the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev by 5 main members.

The Politburo decided on the most important issues - political, economic, party. The Secretariat of the Central Committee was involved in the preparation of these issues, and specially created commissions were involved in solving individual problems. The political bureau consisted of the five main members of the Central Committee, the remaining members had only an advisory vote at meetings.

Who was part of the “elite five” of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev, and at what age did they join it?

Suslov Mikhail Andreevich(life years 1902-1982). He became a member of the Politburo twice: the first - even under I.V. Stalin, the second - in 1955, at the age of 53, and remained one until his death. The main ideologist of the country, Suslov, when he was a member of the Politburo under Brezhnev of the USSR, was the main controller and curator of the departments of culture, science, agitation, and education. Responsible for censorship. Stalin’s confidant, the smartest and most resourceful politician, he bore the nickname “gray eminence” and “man in galoshes.” He had a huge influence on the country's politics. According to rumors, even Comrade Brezhnev himself did not dare to argue with Mikhail Andreevich.

Podgorny Nikolay Viktorovich (1903-1983). He was in the Politburo for more than 17 years - from 1960 to 1977. He held the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the BC CCCP during the reign of Brezhnev. This meant that Podgorny, a low-profile politician with little influence, could be called the “head of state.” Realizing this, Nikolai Viktorovich loved it when journalists, when interviewing him, called him nothing more than “the president of the Soviet Union.” Brezhnev did not like this fact, and in 1977, 74-year-old Podgorny was removed, combining his position with the position of Secretary General.

Kosygin Alexey Nikolaevich (life years 1904-1980). He was introduced to the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev (since 1960), and remained there almost until his death. He was a kind of record holder - he was chairman of the Council of Ministers for sixteen long years, while at the same time moving through minor positions in the Politburo. Carried out activities in the economic sphere - carried out reforms in the planning system. After suffering two heart attacks, at the age of 76, Alexei Nikolaevich was removed from the Political Bureau under Brezhnev.

Pelshe Arvid Yanovich (life years 1899-1983). Latvian communist, was admitted to the Politburo in 1966, at the age of 67. Dropped out due to death. Monitored compliance with party discipline as Chairman of the Party Control Committee. Arvid Yanovich is also known for writing multi-volume works on the history of the CPSU, which were recommended at that time for mandatory reading in universities.

Ustinov Dmitry Fedorovich (life years 1908-1984). Member of the Politburo from 1976 until his death. Died at the age of 76. From 1941 to 1945 he served as People's Commissar of Armaments, and in 1976 he held the high post of Minister of Defense. Not being a military man, he held the rank of marshal. He is credited with a major role in bringing Soviet troops into Afghanistan. He had every chance to take the helm of the country as the new Secretary General in connection with the death of Brezhnev, but lost the championship to Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov.

List of other members

Throughout the existence of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev, the composition, the list of members of which is presented in the table, regularly changed, forming the structure of the main governing body of the country.

	Years of Politburo membership
Nikolay Voronov
Dmitry Polyansky
Kirill Mazurov
Andrey Kirilenko
Alexander Shelepin
Peter Shelest
Victor Grishin
Fedor Kulakov
Dinmukhamed Kunaev
Vladimir Shcherbitsky
Yuri Andropov
Andrey Grechko
Andrey Gromyko
Grigory Romanov
Mikhail Gorbachev
Nikolay Tikhonov
Konstantin Chernenko
Heydar Aliyev

Brief biographical information

Every member who was ever a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev (composition, age, photo of which is presented in a brief biographical information) made a serious contribution to the development of a great power.

Leonid Brezhnev

Born in 1906 in the village of Kamenskoye (Ukraine). He studied at the gymnasium, reclamation technical school, and the Institute of Metallurgy. He succeeded in his party career. The Second World War was fought by Leonid Brezhnev as a political worker.

In 1960 he headed the BC CCCP. As a result, he took an active part in the preparations for which he became the First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee in 1964, and in 1966 - the General Secretary. Contemporaries described Leonid Ilyich as a friendly, polite person, an executive and conservative official.

During Brezhnev's time at the helm, national gross income increased, some industries developed, but at the same time, bureaucracy developed and the USSR's participation in the Afghan War began.

Mikhail Suslov

Date of birth: November 21, 1902. Place of birth: Shakhovskaya village, Saratov province. The family into which Mikhail Suslov was born was from the poorest classes of peasants, and the young man had the opportunity to study and develop only with the advent of Soviet power.

Active work in the field of the party, moving to Moscow and further advancement along the party line lead to the fact that at a fairly young age - about forty years old, Suslov assumed the post of secretary of the Stavropol regional committee. He actively implements Stalin's policies and as a result becomes the main ideologist of the Union - the editor of the newspaper Pravda. Until the end of his life (until 1982), he was a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev.

Arvid Pelshe

Born in Latvia in January 1899, into a family of peasants. He was a simple worker in Riga, at the same time he joined the ranks of the Social Democratic Party of Latvia. He actively conducted revolutionary propaganda. Active participant in the 1917 revolution.

Arvid Yanovich's entire subsequent career was connected with party teaching activities in the Red Army and Navy. During the war, he trained party personnel. He occupied a leading role in the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee under Brezhnev, the composition, the list of members of which largely depended on the opinion of Pelshe.

Alexey Kosygin

Born in St. Petersburg in 1904. He served in the army, then received a diploma from the Leningrad Textile Institute.

He worked his way up from a foreman to the director of the Oktyabrskaya factory. In 1939 he was elected a member of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. From that moment on, Alexei Nikolaevich’s party career began to grow. During the war, he headed the commissariat of the Civil Defense Committee and participated in the construction of the “Road of Life” from besieged Leningrad. A year after the victory over the fascists, he was elected Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the CCCP and a member of the Politburo. Due to deteriorating health, he was relieved of his positions and died in 1980.

Nikolay Voronov

Born in 1899 in the family of a bank employee, who then became a teacher in the village. He graduated from eight classes of the gymnasium as an external student, and since 1917 he worked in the banking sector. He volunteered to join the army in the artillery troops and participated in the Civil War. Was injured. He graduated from the Higher Artillery School, then the PKKA Military Academy named after Mikhail Frunze.

During the war, in 1943, he commanded artillery. Nikolai Voronov was the first in the history of the USSR to be awarded the rank of marshal of artillery and chief marshal of artillery. He visited the front several times as a representative of the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. A career military man, a brave and skillful commander, Nikolai Nikolaevich Voronov was awarded many awards, including the Order of Lenin and the “3gold 3star” medal.

Dmitry Polyansky

He was born into a peasant family living in the city of Slavyanoserbsk, Lugansk region. Being active by nature, he participated in the public life of the city and was interested in party ideology. After graduating from the Kharkov Agricultural Institute, he enlists in the army. Having been demobilized, he began studying at the Higher Party School, while at the same time directing the regional Komsomol commissariat.

During the war he works in the rear. He shows himself as an extraordinary leader, always looking for non-standard solutions to issues. After 1945, he dealt with issues of agricultural growth in Orenburg. An ally of N. S. Khrushchev, Polyansky successfully moved up the party ladder and since 1958 was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the CCCP. When Brezhnev came to power, he first dealt with agriculture as Minister of Agriculture, and then served as ambassador to Japan and Norway.

Kirill Mazurov

He was born in 1914 in the village of Rudnya, Gomel region, in a large family where he was the youngest. He was distinguished by his curiosity and ability to learn - at the age of six he could already read and write. After graduating from school, he entered the highway technical school. I dreamed of a career as a pilot, but it didn’t work out due to poor eyesight. After serving in the army, in the railway troops, he became an instructor in the political department at the Belarusian railway.

During the war he became the organizer of the partisan movement in Belarus. After the war, he continued his ascent up the party ladder - from First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus to First Assistant to the Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers. An extraordinary and brave man, Kirill Trofimovich, during the years of peace, was involved in the rehabilitation of partisan commanders who came under suspicion of treason. Received retirement at the end of the 70s. Died in 1989.

Andrey Kirilenko

Born in 1906 in the Voronezh province in the village of Alekseevka in a family engaged in handicrafts. He graduated from the Alekseevsk vocational school, worked in a mine, and was constantly involved in party and trade union work. Graduated from Rybinsk ATI. Member of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus since 1931.

He has come a long way along the party line to the post of First Deputy Chairman of the Bureau of the CPSU Central Committee, Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. He was a supervisor of industry and one of the candidates for the post of Secretary General after Brezhnev. In connection with the death of Leonid Ilyich, he was honorably retired.

Nikolai Podgorny

Born into the family of a foundry worker in 1903 in the village of Karlovka in Ukraine. He worked in mechanical workshops and, together with other enterprising people, participated in the creation of a Komsomol organization in Karlovka.

In 1939, Nikolai Viktorovich became deputy people's commissar of the Food Industry of the Ukrainian CCP. In 1940 - Deputy People's Commissar of the Food Industry. After the war, he created bodies of Soviet power in the regions of Ukraine liberated from the Nazis and organized food supplies for the population. As First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Ukrainian SSR, Nikolai Podgorny worked to restore the destroyed economy and improve the well-being of the people. An experienced party worker, he devoted a lot of time and effort to developing the course of the CPSU and implementing it. Recognized with numerous awards for services to the Communist Party.

Alexander Shelepin

Born in August 1918 in the city of Voronezh. Alexander's father worked as a civil servant. He received his higher education at MIFLI. During the Second World War, he recruited youth personnel for partisan detachments.

After the war, he first became secretary and then headed the Komsomol. He supervised the preparation and holding of the Sixth World Festival of Youth and Students. In 1958, Khrushchev appointed Shelepin head of the State Security Committee. Alexander Nikolaevich completely restructured the work of the KGB, firing an unprecedented number of employees, replacing them with party and Komsomol workers. In 1961, Shelepin was elected to the post of Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. He is considered the main organizer of the conspiracy against Nikita Khrushchev. He became a member of the Politburo under Brezhnev in 1964. In July 1967 he was demoted and soon removed from the Politburo through intrigue.

Peter Shelest

Born in the village of Andreevka, Kharkov province, into a family of poor peasants. He studied at the zemstvo school for four years, after which he worked on the railway and acted as a postman. Joined the Komsomol. Party member since 1928. Since 1940 he was sent to party work.

During the war, he was engaged in repurposing industrial enterprises for the production of military products. In the early sixties he was elected first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. He actively participated in organizing the removal of Khrushchev from office. He was rewarded for his efforts - he became a member of the Politburo. He actively defended the economic interests of Ukraine, while simultaneously supporting folk art. He was officially removed from the Politburo due to retirement. He advocated for the independence of Ukraine, and after his resignation he visited Kyiv with public speeches. Died in 1996.

Victor Grishin

Born in the city of Serpukhov, Moscow region in September 1914. After graduating from the railway school in Serpukhov, he studied at the Moscow Geodetic College. After serving in the army, where he served as deputy political commander, he continued to advance along the party line.

In 1956 he took the post of Chairman of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions, and in 1967 he became First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU. For the professionalism demonstrated in the leadership of the Moscow party organization, he was awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor.

Fedor Kulakov

Born into a peasant family in 1918. Place of birth - the village of Fitizh, Lgov district, Kursk region. An agronomist by training, he graduated from the Rylsky Agricultural College in 1939. Since 1941, he was involved in party work, rising through the ranks to the position of Deputy Minister of Agriculture of the RSFSR in 1955, and in 1959 - Minister of Grain Products of the RSFSR. He held the position of head of the agricultural department of the CPSU Central Committee. He was on friendly terms with L.I. Brezhnev. He died suddenly in 1978.

Dinmukhamed Kunaev

Born in 1912 in Kazakhstan, in a family of hereditary livestock breeders. He studied well at school and technical college. He began his path as a party worker as First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan. He supported and successfully implemented the policy of the CPSU Central Committee, headed by Leonid Brezhnev, whose faithful comrade-in-arms he was. In 1952, Dinmukhamed Kunaev was accepted into the CPSU Central Committee in 1971. He was removed from all posts in 1986-1987. Died in 1993.

Vladimir Shcherbitsky

Born in 1918 in the family of a Ukrainian worker. In his youth he was an active Komsomol member. By higher education he is a mechanical engineer. At the beginning of the war, he studied at the Military Academy of Chemical Defense, then served as a tank driver in Transcaucasia. After demobilization, he was engaged in party work, first in the city committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, then as secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. From 1961 to 1963 he was Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR. Since 1955 he has been a member of the BC of the Ukrainian SSR, and since 1958 - of the USSR. Member of the Presidium of the BC Ukrainian CCP and CCCP. An active and active politician, he hindered the development of the nationalist movement in Ukraine and actively developed the economy and culture. Was criticized for covering up the circumstances of the Chernobyl accident. He resigned at the insistence of Mikhail Gorbachev.

Yuri Andropov

Date of birth: 06/15/1914. His father worked on the railway in the Stavropol Territory, his mother taught music at a girls’ gymnasium. Yuri studied well at school. After graduating, he continued his studies at a technical school and then at the correspondence department of the Higher Party School under the CPSU Central Committee. Having started his career as a simple worker, two years later he became the First Secretary of the regional committee of the Komsomol in Yaroslavl. After the Finnish War, he organized Komsomol cells in the Karelo-Finnish Republic. His successful work in this field was noticed by party leaders in Moscow, and in 1950 Yuri Vladimirovich was transferred to the post of inspector of the Central Committee in Moscow, and then sent to Hungary as an ambassador. In the spring of 1967, Andropov was appointed to the post of Chairman of the KGB. Over the 15 years of his work in this position, Andropov achieved enormous influence of the KGB in all spheres. The fight against corruption in the highest spheres of power was actively carried out. After Brezhnev's death, it was Andropov who was appointed Secretary General. He ruled the country with a firm hand, for which he received support among ordinary people. Died in 1984.

Andrey Grechko

Born in 1903 in the village of Golodayevka, Kuibyshevsky district, Rostov region. A career military man, since 1939 - head of the Special Cavalry Division BOBO. During World War II he commanded a cavalry division, and since 1942 he has been an army commander. Served as deputy commander of the Voronezh Front in October 1943. In 1945, Andrei Antonovich Grechko was awarded the rank of Marshal of the USSR. Since 1957 - First Deputy Minister of Defense, since 1967 - Minister of Defense, member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. Died in 1976.

Andrey Gromyko

Born in July 1909 in the village of Starye Gromyki, Mogilev province. From the age of 13 he worked on rafting, together with his father. He studied successfully, for his activity he was first the secretary of the Komsomol, and then the party cell. Graduated from the Minsk Economic Institute. He worked as the director of a rural school. As one of the most active young people, he was sent to study at the Academy of Sciences of the BSSR as a graduate student, then transferred to Moscow. He was constantly engaged in self-education, even thinking about a career as a military pilot, but did not pass the age limit. In 1939, he got a diplomatic job because he knew English. He was of proletarian origin, that is, in many respects he suited the Central Committee of the party. He was an exceptionally competent diplomat, respected for his professionalism and clear position. In 1957, he became Minister of Foreign Affairs for 28 long years. Died in 1989.

Grigory Romanov

Born in 1923 in the village of Zikhnovo, Novgorod region, into a family of peasants. He served through the war as a signalman, and since 1944 he has been a party member. Higher education from the Leningrad Shipbuilding Institute. He developed his career along the party line - in 1970 he became the First Secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee of the CPSU. For twenty years, a member of the CPSU Central Committee, being a member of the Politburo, oversaw the military-industrial complex. He was a tough and uncompromising leader. Retired after being appointed to the post of Secretary General M.S. Gorbachev. Personal pensioner. Died in 2008.

Dmitry Ustinov

Born in Samara in 1908 into a poor peasant family with many children. He worked from the age of 10, while simultaneously studying to become a mechanic. At the age of 14, he threw in his lot with the army, joining the ranks of the defenders of Soviet power from Basmachi bandits in Uzbekistan, where his family moved to escape hunger and poverty. At the age of 19 he joined the Bolshevik Party. He received his higher education diploma in Leningrad. He built his career quickly - shortly before the start of the war he became People's Commissar of Armaments of the Soviet Union. He developed the military industry in the rear, was sincerely devoted to the party, for which he was awarded the rank of major general. After the war, he remained as Minister of Defense until his death in 1984.

Mikhail Gorbachev

A peasant son, Mikhail Gorbachev was born in 1931 in the Stavropol region. From an early age he worked in the fields. Silver medalist, after graduating from school he entered the Law Faculty of Moscow State University. At the university he joined the Komsomol, and after receiving a diploma of higher education he began working as secretary of the Stavropol city committee of the Komsomol. He received an additional qualification as an economist-agronomist. Successfully developing along the party line, Mikhail Sergeevich soon finds himself in Moscow, and his future fate will be inextricably linked with the capital. By 1978, having become a member of the CPSU, in the role of Secretary of the Central Committee he oversees the agriculture of the Union. He is a member of the Politburo under Brezhnev.

Nikolay Tikhonov

Born in 1905 in the Moscow region, the village of Petrovo-Dalneye. Nikolai's father worked as an engineer. His son followed in his footsteps - after studying at the Technical School of Communications, and then at the Metallurgical Institute, he worked as an engineer in Dnepropetrovsk. During the war he was the director of metallurgical plants, after which he was responsible for the pipe rolling industry as Minister of Ferrous Metallurgy. A sharp rise in his career began after Brezhnev, whom Tikhonov had known personally since 1930, came to power. Deputy Prime Minister of the Union Central Committee of the CPSU, First Deputy Prime Minister, and since 1979 - member of the Politburo. In 1980, Tikhonov held the high post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the CCCP. He was distinguished by his determination and rejection of intrigue. He left his post with the arrival of M. S. Gorbachev.

Konstantin Chernenko

Born in September 1911 in the village of Bolshaya Tes, Yenisei province. I worked a lot since childhood. Having become a Komsomol member in 1929, he works in the propaganda department of the local Komsomol organization. In 1930 he enlisted in the NKVD border detachment and soon became its commander. Then he joined the ranks of the Bolshevik Party. During the Great Patriotic War he graduated from the Higher Party School, then worked as secretary of the regional party committee in Penza. After some time, he will be transferred to Moldova, where he will meet Leonid Brezhnev. Konstantin Ustinovich's party career skyrocketed, and in 1978 he joined the Politburo. He was elected General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee after Andropov's death, but remained in this position for a little over a year. Died in 1985.

Heydar Aliyev

Born in 1923 in Nakhichevan, Azerbaijan SSR, died in America in 2003. He was the fourth child in a large family of a railroad worker. In total, Heydar's parents had eight children. He graduated from a pedagogical college and planned to continue his education at the Faculty of Architecture of the Institute of Industry in Baku, but the war interfered. Since 1941, Aliyev has worked in state security agencies: first as head of the NKVD department. After completing advanced training courses and joining the ranks of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, he becomes the head of the Fifth Directorate of the Ministry of State Security of the Azerbaijani CCP. He was very successful in the field of foreign intelligence. In 1969, he was elected First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Azerbaijan SSR, and achieved success in the fight against corruption at the top. During Aliyev's reign, Azerbaijan achieved significant economic growth. He was the curator of mechanical engineering, light industry, and the transport industry. After retirement in 1990, he returned to his homeland.

On December 5, the candidate member of the Politburo and Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee turned 80Vladimir Dolgikh.The chairman of the Moscow City Council of Veterans spoke to a Vlast observer about his long life in big politics.Evgeny Zhirnov.
"Khrushchev is sitting, spinning in his chair, with his eyes closed"
— Vladimir Ivanovich, how did you become secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee?
— The leaders of the party and government knew me well. I worked as the director of the Norilsk plant, and I often came into contact with Alexei Nikolaevich Kosygin. He came to Norilsk, we had a lot of meetings with him in Moscow. The development of the production of non-ferrous and precious metals was a matter of national scale. Investments made it possible to provide the country with nickel, copper and platinum metals, so the plant was taken care of very seriously. In February 1964, I had a meeting with Khrushchev on this issue.
— Did he come to Norilsk?
- No. During a trip to Tselinograd, he announced that he would fly to Norilsk. We prepared for six months, built an airfield, hung posters “to dear Nikita Sergeevich.” And here in Crimea, while on vacation, the leader of the Italian Communist Party, Palmiro Togliatti, died, and Khrushchev flew there. And we got into a helicopter and went fishing.
He was generally a somewhat chaotic person. We met in 1964. Before that, they told him a lot about the development of the Norilsk plant. He promised to accept me several times. Then Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Pyotr Fedorovich Lomako called me and said: “Come, we seem to have agreed. Khrushchev will receive you.” I come to Moscow, I come to Lomako. He calls Khrushchev, and I hear an unpleasant conversation: “Comrade Lomako, I am also a man, I have my own plans. Well, I can’t accept you from Dolgikh!” There’s nothing to do, I’m going to the metallurgy committee on business. And there they are already running towards me: “Urgently return to Lomako!” And he says that Khrushchev has changed his mind and we are going to him.
He greeted us warmly. He sits, spins in his chair, his eyes closed. I started telling him, he didn’t react. Then he started getting involved, asking questions, and we talked for about an hour. And at three o'clock the Presidium of the Central Committee was supposed to meet. He says: “Well, write a note to the Presidium.” And I have a note ready. “From the young,” he says, “and the early.” I read the note. The issue was immediately included on the agenda of the Presidium. This is how he energetically took on any task, but he tried to cover everything at once alone, and sometimes it turned out wrong. One day I was invited to the Central Committee and shown a note dictated by him. It says that he had Lomako and the director of the Norilsk plant and asked such and such a question. But the question is from the field of ferrous metallurgy, and we could not raise it. Why he attributed this to us, I don’t know.
— You said that Kosygin flew to Norilsk. Just as chaotic?
- No, he was a thorough person. But I flew to Norilsk only for a day. “I don’t have any more time,” he says. I explain to him: “What day? To get a quick acquaintance with the plant, you need 15 days. Stay at least three or four days.” He refused. But when we looked at some objects, he agreed to stay. And after looking at it, I decided to lay a gas pipeline to the plant.

“Brezhnev poured a glass of cognac, drank it and went back.”
- But Kosygin did not nominate secretaries of the Central Committee.
— Personnel issues of the party were completely in the hands of the General Secretary of the Central Committee, who became Brezhnev. To be honest, I didn’t want to leave for Moscow. I was elected secretary of the Krasnoyarsk regional committee. There is a lot of work, the work is interesting. We put forward the idea of ​​comprehensive development of the productive forces of the region, which possessed colossal energy resources. Brezhnev supported. This issue was discussed at the Politburo with my report.
So I had no intention of leaving anywhere. I knew that the Secretary of the Central Committee for Heavy Industry, Mikhail Sergeevich Solomentsev, had been appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, but I did not even suspect that the question arose about me as his successor. Brezhnev was very scrupulous about personnel. He included me in his delegation to the congress of the Polish United Workers' Party and took a closer look. Then he flew to Krasnoyarsk and looked around the region. He was in a good mood, joked, told a lot of anecdotes. Do you know what really surprised me then? He had a small notebook with him, where he made some notes. So, after a trip around the region, he wrote down some numbers from it on a piece of paper and with this sheet of paper in his hands, he spoke very efficiently and intelligently for an hour and a half at our site. After this meeting, the issue of my transfer to Moscow was decided.
— How did you feel in the new place?
— It was quite difficult. It was necessary to understand what was possible, what was impossible and impractical. In Moscow, the table of ranks was important. Where and how to stand, where and how to sit - there was a precise order in everything. Which country should the party delegation be headed by a member of the Politburo, which should be headed by a candidate member, and where could the Secretary of the Central Committee go at the head of the delegation.
— Brezhnev didn’t help you get comfortable?
- Helped. Once he invited me to go with him to Zavidovo. I arrive, and he wonders why I don’t have anything hunting. It turns out he invited me to go hunting. They equipped me. And he himself took me to the tower. I see he has some kind of special gun. We sat on the tower, and he began to explain to me how to hunt here. Suddenly there was a grunt somewhere. A small boar came out. Brezhnev kissed him, once - and that was it. “Now,” he says, “we need to take a sip like a huntsman.” I poured a small glass of cognac and drank. And we went back. So I went hunting.
— Did you hunt often?
- Occasionally. There were no mass departures. Two or three people called each other. I spoke with the secretaries of the Central Committee Katushev and Kapitonov: “Well, shall we go hunting on Sunday?” If there was no emergency, we packed up and went. Zavidovo - it was for the general secretary. And we went to Badgers. I'm more of a fisherman than a hunter. But I managed to get out to fish only in the summer, when I was on vacation in Sochi. We went to Shevardnadze’s place in Georgia to go fishing in the ponds. But for the most part there was no time for fishing or hunting. Judge for yourself. In the Central Committee I had to deal with a large number of industries: ferrous and non-ferrous metallurgy, geology, oil, gas industry, coal industry, Gosgortekhnadzor, construction, all energy, railway, water transport, etc. Everywhere the role of the Central Committee was very large.
— How were the decisions of the Central Committee made?
— The issue was discussed and prepared in the relevant department. Then they discussed it with me. Then I spoke with that of the secretaries of the Central Committee who would conduct the meetings of the Secretariat - with Suslov or Kirilenko. Suslov was the chief of staff of the Central Committee. He shaped the agenda of the Secretariat and the Politburo. His opinion was always significant. And I don’t know a question that he doesn’t understand. The most experienced member of the party leadership. A modest person in his own right. He and I were part of the delegation at the party congress in the GDR. So, as soon as we were escorted out and the plane took off for Moscow, he immediately took the remaining currency out of his pocket and handed it over to his assistant.
I did not have a warm relationship with Andrei Pavlovich Kirilenko, but with Suslov it was much better. Kirilenko oversaw the general economy - Gosplan, Gossnab. But his responsibility included transport and energy, so our spheres overlapped. We prepared some questions together. We agreed that we would raise this issue with, say, the Secretariat. But there was no warmth. Maybe because Kirilenko saw his successor in me. He developed sclerosis, it was difficult for him to speak, he forgot many words.
— That is, in order for a decision to be made, it was necessary to come to an agreement with Suslov or Kirilenko. And the other secretaries, for whom the question was not core, did not object?
— If we were talking about purely special issues, then, as a rule, no. If the question concerned the population of some territories, other secretaries of the Central Committee participated in the discussion. But the opinion of the profile secretary was considered dominant.
— Didn’t they take the government into account?
— I prepared questions in close contact with ministries and the government. I had a very good relationship with the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Nikolai Aleksandrovich Tikhonov. We were in contact, he asked me to come and take part in the consideration of issues. I could argue with him, but we always understood and supported each other.

"Ustinov and the company did not let us near these materials"
— But were erroneous decisions made?
— There were shortcomings - the quality of the products was lame, and our tendency towards gigantomania in the construction of enterprises did not bring any benefit.
— There was another overlap - towards the defense industry.
— Brezhnev said that he had two main directions - the rise of agriculture and defense capability. And he kept these two directions. I oversaw industries that supported the defense industry. For example, we had to get a nosebleed, but provide them with special alloys. They dominated.
— Brezhnev didn’t understand that this was being done to the detriment of the country?
“We have always had a tradition of admiration for the leader, and no one dared to condemn what the leader does. And then, until 1976, Brezhnev was very active and efficient. And after the stroke, when he changed a lot, everyone expected that he would get better. And then everyone somehow got used to it. He wasn’t evil, he didn’t make repressive personnel decisions, and that suited everyone.
— And in the end we had stagnation.
— The stagnation was in personnel, not in industry. No industry operates by gaining momentum all the time. It develops in waves. Capital leaves areas where there is overproduction, and in the defense industry we had overproduction. When Andropov became general secretary, he raised the question of the need to pump funds and resources into civilian sectors. Gorbachev, Ryzhkov and I were instructed to take up this matter. We were considered young growth in the Central Committee, and Andropov trusted us. But we were essentially not allowed near these materials.
— Marshal Ustinov?
- And company. The defense industries had enormous scientific developments. But after testing, many interesting developments for the civilian sphere were considered unsuitable for the army, were written off and were not transferred anywhere. We have seen a colossal overproduction of military equipment.
- How come they didn’t let you in?
— Not us, they did not allow the transfer of advanced technologies to the national economy. They said that there were many secrets tied to this. For example, there is the issue of airfields. Why couldn't military airfields be used for civilian purposes? Many countries have this kind of sharing, and this results in significant savings. But the military was against it. Then a strong caste of large military men emerged. These were honored people, but they were accustomed to their special position in the country and believed that it should be so. Perhaps this could have been changed. But Andropov very soon became very ill.
“Tikhonov and I did not let Yeltsin through”
- But the fight against stagnation in personnel began quite soon - with Gorbachev coming to power.
— In general, everyone understood that the need for change was ripe. The party seriously closed in on itself and did not enter into dialogue with the population. Many people joined the party for careerist reasons. The party needed serious cleaning, and its personnel needed updating.
— In those years, Yeltsin appeared in Moscow. He headed the construction department of the Central Committee, which was under your jurisdiction.
- For a while, yes. He was nominated to Moscow twice, and both times I was against it. We knew his harsh character, and I also heard rumors that he was drinking. He was recommended as a minister, but Tikhonov and I fought to the death and did not let him through. And when the post of head of the construction department became vacant, Yeltsin’s candidacy arose again. I slowed him down again. But Tikhonov was already retired, and my opinion was not taken into account. The majority was in favor of his nomination. And I was instructed to talk with him.
— Did you have differences with Gorbachev on other issues?
“The point of our differences was that destruction began without creating anything in this place. It was proposed to liquidate this or that ministry. What instead of him, no one speaks or knows. They say: "Let's introduce the election of directors of enterprises." But we understood that this is not always appropriate or justified. For example, the head of the railway. He has about 300 thousand people at his disposal. Who should elect him and how? Unclear. Or a nuclear power plant. Can she be entrusted to some loudmouths who were eager to become leaders? Moreover, I, Ryzhkov, and Slyunkov were against it. The argument against us was this: “Look who is against it - former directors of enterprises. Dolgikh is the director of the Norilsk plant, Ryzhkov is the director of Uralmash, Slyunkov is a large plant in Belarus. They are defending their own.”
My good working relationship with Tikhonov irritated Gorbachev. Some people close to Gorbachev at that time later wrote that he said: they say, these old people are pulling Dolgikh to themselves, they want to make a leader out of him.
— Many believed that after Tikhonov was sent into retirement, you would be the chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers. And Gorbachev appointed Nikolai Ryzhkov.
- I learned about these sentiments later - that I seemed to be listed as prime minister. This question is very subjective. Whoever is easier, more convenient, easier for the General Secretary, the head of state, to work with is the one he chooses. And Gorbachev and I had quite a lot of arguments.
— The argument ended with him starting to squeeze you out.
- Yes. In general, yes.
- And how did he “leave” you?
— Before the Politburo meeting, he invited me to his place. He says: “Now Demichev and Solomentsev are leaving for a well-deserved rest. It’s probably time for you too.” I answer: “Sixty-three years old is probably not an old age. But if the Politburo thinks so, what can I do?”
— Do you remain a convinced opponent of perestroika?
- There are no personal grudges here. The current government is also starting to think about it. She is walking along approximately the same path as we were walking. What is "United Russia"? The ruling party. The Presidential Administration is the same Central Committee of the CPSU. They disavowed the nomenklatura, but now they are returning to it.

With the assistance of the publisherVAGRIUS "POWER"presents a series of historical materials

Dolgikh Vladimir Ivanovich - Soviet Russian statesman; Director of the Norilsk Mining and Metallurgical Combine named after A.P. Zavenyagin; candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

Born on December 5, 1924 in the village of Ilanskoye (now the city of Ilansky) in the Krasnoyarsk Territory in the family of an employee of the state security agencies of the USSR. Russian. Member of the CPSU(b)/CPSU since 1942. He studied at secondary school No. 61, where he was the head of the council of the school's pioneer organization and secretary of the Komsomol organization.

In the Red Army since 1941. Participant of the Great Patriotic War. Having added a year to himself, he volunteered to join the active army. With a marching company he was sent to the Western Front, where at that time the battle near Moscow was taking place. He was enlisted in the 25th Rifle Regiment of the 6th Guards Rifle Division, and was soon appointed political instructor of an anti-tank rifle company. On February 9, 1943, he was seriously wounded in a battle in the Oryol region. At the beginning of 1944 he was discharged from the army.

After completing the preparatory course, he entered the Irkutsk Mining and Metallurgical Institute, from which he graduated with honors in 1949. Since 1949, in engineering and technical positions: he began working at the Krasnoyarsk Refinery (now a non-ferrous metals plant). Over the course of ten years, he grew professionally from a shift supervisor and technologist to a workshop manager, then became the chief engineer of the enterprise.

In 1958-1962, chief engineer, and in 1962-1969, director of the Norilsk Mining and Metallurgical Combine named after A.P. Zavenyagin (now OJSC MMC Norilsk Nickel). The period of directorship of V.I. Dolgikh saw the rebirth of the city of Norilsk and the plant, since it was V.I. Dolgikh who took upon himself the responsibility, risking his career, without waiting for the result of the examination of the State Commission, to throw builders into a breakthrough on the uninhabited bank of the Norilka River. It was under him that the industrial region was formed and began to rapidly develop (hydropower, gas production, transport hubs, extension of maritime navigation, construction industry, cultural institutions). During this time, Talnakh, Messoyakha, Solyonoe and Tukhard appeared on industrial “maps”. As a result of the development of the richest Talnakh deposit, the Norilsk plant repeatedly increased the smelting of nickel and copper.

By Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of December 4, 1965, for outstanding services in fulfilling tasks to increase the production of non-ferrous metals and achieving high technical and economic indicators at the Norilsk Mining and Metallurgical Combine named after A.P. Zavenyagina Dolgikh to Vladimir Ivanovich awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor with the Order of Lenin and the Hammer and Sickle gold medal.

In 1969, he was elected first secretary of the Krasnoyarsk regional committee of the CPSU. During the three years of party leadership of the region, he did a lot to create its powerful economic, defense, scientific and cultural potential. The name of V.I. Dolgikh is associated with the so-called “Krasnoyarsk ten-year plans”, which allowed the region’s economy to develop comprehensively and focus on its own capabilities. The contribution of V.I. Dolgikh to the development of the fuel and energy base of the USSR, and primarily Western Siberia, is very significant.

Since 1972, he was transferred to Moscow in connection with his election as secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. In 1976-1984, he was simultaneously the head of the Department of the CPSU Central Committee, and since May 24, 1982, a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. The enormous, multifaceted work associated with great effort and dedication in the interests of the Soviet state and its people, strengthening the power of the USSR received high state praise.

By the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of December 4, 1984, for outstanding services as a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee and Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, and in connection with his sixtieth birthday, he was awarded the Order of Lenin and the second gold medal “Hammer and Sickle.”

Since September 30, 1988, V.I. Dolgikh has been retired. He carries out extensive public work as chairman of the Moscow City Council of War and Labor Veterans. He is a member of the Board of Directors of OJSC MMC Norilsk Nickel. Since 1997, permanent chairman of the board of the Moscow regional public organization "Krasnoyarsk Community". In 2004, he was elected a member of the Moscow City Coordination Council of Regional Communities.

Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of the 7th-11th convocations (1966-1989), deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 6th convocation (2011-2013), member of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation (since 2013).

Lives and works in the hero city of Moscow.

Awarded 6 Soviet Orders of Lenin (06/9/1961, 12/4/1965, 08/25/1971, 12/13/1972, 12/4/1974, 12/4/1984), 2 Orders of the Patriotic War, 1st degree (05/6/1965, 04/23/1985), Russian orders “For Services to the Fatherland” 1st (07/21/2014) and 4th (12/28/2009) degrees, Friendship (08/08/2005), medals, as well as orders and medals of foreign countries, including the Order of Victory February ( 03/19/1985, Czechoslovakia), Georgiy Dimitrov (Bulgaria), Sukhbaatar (Mongolia).

Doctor of Technical Sciences, Professor. He was awarded a number of honorary titles, including “Honorary Power Engineer of the USSR” and “Honorary Builder of Russia”. Winner of the Moscow Government Prize “Legend of the Century” (2006). Awarded the “Miner’s Glory” badge, 1st degree, and the A.M. Lavrentiev Gold Medal (2003).

Honorary citizen of Moscow (03/31/2010) and Norilsk (06/30/2009), as well as the Krasnoyarsk Territory (10/22/2004).

Reveals the secret mechanisms of the Kremlin puppeteers

First Secretary of the Regional Committee of the CPSU Vladimir Dolgikh meets General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Leonid Brezhnev at Krasnoyarsk airport (September 1972)

Probably many remember the historical battle between party veteran Vladimir Ivanovich Dolgikh and the Anti-Soviet kebab shop. Let me remind you that the Forces of Evil were then put to shame, the sign was removed, and Vladimir Ivanovich emerged victorious. I wrote about this incident. He also wrote about some details of the biography of the main Defender of Good and Justice.

Let me remind you that Vladimir Ivanovich graduated from Soviet times with the rank of candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, i.e. was among the TOP 25 most influential communist functionaries of the USSR. After the collapse of the USSR, Vladimir Ivanovich did not retire; he was a member of the board of directors of Wimm-Bill-Dann, a member of the board of directors of Norilsk Nickel, a laureate of the Moscow Legend of the Century award, and chairman of the Council of Veterans. And so on.

I had already forgotten about this nice man. Maybe, I thought, he’s no longer alive. And that’s because the person was born in 1924, 87 years ago. Is it a joke? And if he’s still alive, what can he do other than sit in a rocking chair, drool and shit on himself. However, I forgot the good old phrase “I should make nails out of these people.” Candidates for membership in the Politburo are such human material that does not leave the stage so quickly. And so, the latest news again attracted my attention to the personality of the “legend of the century”, who was not afraid to destroy the Anti-Soviet kebab shop. So, what is Vladimir Ivanovich Dolgikh doing now?

And this is what he does.

Vladimir Ivanovich Dolgikh became a deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the sixth convocation. Member of the Industry Committee. Source of information – Official website of the State Duma of the Russian Federation.

From which party, you ask? Yes, from the most wonderful party - from United Russia. From what other party could the “legend of the century” get into the State Duma? Both the party is legendary, and the deputies from this party are a legend upon a legend.

Actually, what else can be said about this? Yes, absolutely nothing to what I said earlier, namely, that “United Russia” is exactly the same heir to the CPSU as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. “United Russia” and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are two sisters who are fighting each other for their mother’s inheritance. United Russia turned out to be more agile. But, in principle, while they are always arguing with each other, they do not forget that they came out of the same womb.

This circumstance is so obvious that I do not consider it necessary to expand on it further. It is not even so important that the more successful sister - “United Russia” - has already given birth to a daughter, “Fair Russia”, who, thanks to her mother’s efforts, also lives well. That is, for those who like figurative comparisons and simplified diagrams, I give this visual family picture of modern Russian politics:

The CPSU is the ancestor.

United Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are her daughters. Moreover, “United Russia” was able to seize the mother’s inheritance, pushing aside the dumber Communist Party of the Russian Federation, from time to time allocating pieces of the mother’s inheritance so as not to be too angry.

“A Just Russia” is a daughter of “United Russia” and a granddaughter of the CPSU. Moreover, “A Just Russia” treats both its mother (United Russia) and its aunt (KPRF) equally warmly. Well, it’s clear that the whole family has a very warm attitude towards their ancestor - the CPSU.

What? LDPR? Well, how can I explain it to you? Well, we need to create some kind of settling tank for all kinds of idle talkers whose tongues are boneless. This is the LDPR. The LDPR was created to implement the good old saying: “Shallow, Emelya, your week.” It is not needed for anything else. And of course the LDPR has nothing to do with the legacy of the Progenitor - the CPSU. I don’t know, the LDPR deputies themselves realize that they are playing and will play only one role – “the sixth creeping up,” but Vladimir Volfovich understands everything perfectly. That’s why his eyes are sometimes so sad. Because, whatever you say, it’s hard to play the role of a hanger-on in the house of rich sisters all your life. It seems that the food is being fed properly (the post of Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation can be thrown off the master’s table, although not the first one), but still sometimes you need to dance Kamarinsky. And in general, you understand perfectly well that all the squabbling over your mother’s inheritance does not concern you. No matter what they decide between themselves, you still won’t get anything but a corner in the closet.

Here, in fact, I hope that the political alignment of party life in modern Russia is clear. If not in detail, then in general terms it should be clear.

But I began my reasoning with the personality of the “legend of the century”, i.e. with V.I. Dolgikh, who, on the threshold of turning 90, suddenly became a deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. And here I will allow myself to indulge in some reasoning that I usually condemn. Namely, I will take upon myself the sin of conspiracy.

To begin with, let me ask myself this question: who even came up with the idea of ​​putting an 87-year-old man in the State Duma as a deputy, who, it is possible, will twist his fins today or tomorrow. No, really? No matter how strong a fighter against anti-Soviet kebab shops may be, 87 years is an age. Imagine such a heartbreaking picture: a plenary session is in progress, Mr. Naryshkin (for those who don’t know, this is the new chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation) gives the floor to another deputy, and suddenly there is noise and commotion in the hall. What's happened? Well, they say Vladimir Ivanovich died. How did you die? Why did he die? I did not give such instructions! - Mr. Naryshkin is surprised. And the answer was: yes, he died of old age, it’s time. Just imagine how they will drag dead Vladimir Ivanovich out of the conference room. Embarrassed. And at his age, such an assumption is not so unrealistic.

Well, in such circumstances, how can such an ancient old man be seated as a deputy in the State Duma? Does United Russia have few candidates for a deputy sinecure? No, I think not a little. However, they found a place for Vladimir Ivanovich. That means they respect. And how respected they are.

Now watch my hands carefully to understand what real conspiracy theories are.

So, a former candidate member of the Politburo at the age of 87, contrary to all logic, becomes a deputy of the State Duma. What kind of title was this in the Soviet hierarchy - candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee?

The USSR, let me remind you, was a country in which the communists usurped power. Despite the fact that formally the USSR, in terms of government structure, was exactly the same country as, say, France or the USA - it had a council of ministers, a parliament, a supposedly independent judicial system, etc. etc., but in fact all power was concentrated in the hands of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. The Politburo consisted of a dozen (approximately) communists who, over many years of intrigue and internal party struggle, were able to rise to the very top of power in the CPSU, and, therefore, in the USSR. The CPSU was blinded by Comrade Stalin, who, if anyone remembers, studied at a theological seminary as a child and should have known the internal structure of the Church quite well, at least. Therefore, it is not surprising that the structure of the CPSU under Comrade Stalin turned out to be exactly similar to the structure of the Church. At the top is the most important bishop, the Patriarch (General Secretary), next to him is a circle of especially trusted and authoritative bishops - the Holy Synod (Politburo). Moreover, the Holy Synod consists of permanent and temporary members. In the same way, the Politburo consisted of members and candidates for members of the Politburo. Well, then, further down, there were all sorts of exarchates, dioceses, parishes, monasteries, etc. (territorial committees, regional committees, district committees, primary cells of the CPSU).

Let's imagine what would happen if power in the USSR was concentrated not in the hands of a political party, but in the hands of the Russian Orthodox Church? Then, as is obvious, the Patriarch would rule all life in the country. And members of the Synod would help him. And the word of a member of the Synod, his authority would not be much lower than the word of the Patriarch. In this case, there would not be a particularly fundamental difference whether it was a permanent or temporary member of the Synod. All the same, for all lower levels this would be an unquestioned authority and his word would be law.

Now let’s assume that for some reason – for example, for the convenience of managing the flock in the context of global civilizational changes – the united Russian Orthodox Church decided to split into several formally independent local Churches. What would happen then? And then, as you might guess, the Holy Synod would have to come up with some kind of scheme, according to which the general religious leadership would still remain in the hands of the Synod. The word of the representative of this secret Synod is the law for all other Churches and all its “children”. More precisely, the “children” should not know that there is a single supreme Synod, but can believe that local Churches are now independent of each other and themselves determine the strategy of their development (sorry for using such terminology). And the Synod, of course, is headed by the most trusted Elder.

And who should this Most Authoritative Elder be? Yes, in principle, it doesn’t matter who. After all, the internal structure of the Holy Synod, which has gone into the shadows, remains the same. The Holy Synod and its power are not spelled out in any way in any legislative acts, in the Constitution of the state, etc., but every initiate understands that the system has remained the same - all power is in the hands of the Holy Synod, and everything else is pure decoration.

Well, now let's return to reality. So, there was a time when the CPSU had full power in the country. Then the CPSU, for some reason, decided to stage a puppet show for the little fools: the “multi-party system.” According to the hypothetical diagram drawn above, in this system, members of the former Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee would still have to control the entire political map. Let's get a look.

Who became the President of the Russian Federation? That's right - a candidate member of the Politburo (Yeltsin). I will note in parentheses that for those below him, the difference between a member and a candidate member of the Politburo was minimal, because everyone understood that a candidate is a candidate only until one of the members dies, and then he is automatically “introduced” into the Politburo. Therefore, from the point of view of the management system, which I schematically showed, a member of the Politburo and a candidate member of the Politburo were almost equal figures.

Since the processes were ambiguous, in fact, this is precisely why the Synod/Politburo went through such transformations. Therefore, not everything worked out right away. For example, Ukraine, Belarus and a number of other republics initially received leaders who were formally independent from the Politburo. But, for example, Kazakhstan received a “whole” member of the Politburo - Nazarbayev (who, as recent events have shown, is still very firmly seated). Georgia floundered a little, played at democracy and received an old, proven member of the Politburo - Shevardnadze. By the way, what is the reason for the fierce hatred of the modern political authorities in Georgia on the part of official Russia? I am far from saying anything kind about Saakashvili. But one thing is obvious - he has nothing to do with the Politburo and, in fact, overthrew the power of a member of the Politburo. Which, of course, could not be regarded by the remaining members of the Politburo as anything other than a terrible sin, the perpetrator of which must be destroyed.

Well, what about Russia? Let me remind you that on December 31, 1999, the current President of the Russian Federation and “former” candidate member of the Politburo B.N. Yeltsin appointed V.V. Putin as the new president. Something similar was done a little earlier - in 1989 - by Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, who resigned from all official posts. But who ruled China? Yes, basically, the same Dan. In the same way, Russia, which was formally headed by V.V. Putin, actually remained under the control of B.N. Yeltsin, a “former” candidate member of the Politburo. And Puti was busy with minor matters. For example, at the beginning of 2000, in a strange way, the aluminum industry turned out to be redistributed according to new rules (Abramovich, Deripaska, etc. surfaced), and the old aluminum kings lost all their property. How so? Putin was asked a question about this. Putin got away with inarticulate muttering. He understood perfectly well his role in 2000 - pure decoration.

By the way, presidential elections were held in 1996. Many were sure that the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov won. But he was allegedly afraid to challenge the election results and recognized Yeltsin’s victory. Those who think that Zyuganov was scared understand nothing about the internal structure of the CPSU. And in the CPSU, the right to this or that action was completely determined by the level of the hierarchy at which this or that functionary was located. So, what was the “struggle” between Yeltsin and Zyuganov in 1996 from the point of view of the CPSU hierarchy?

Yeltsin was a candidate member of the Politburo, i.e., in fact, a celestial being. And Zyuganov? Deputy head of the department in the CPSU Central Committee, i.e. hardware bipod. From the point of view of the party hierarchy, the “struggle” between Yeltsin and Zyuganov was similar to if some abbot of the monastery on Solovki began to fight with the Patriarch. Incomparable quantities. So Zyuganov was not afraid, but simply acted clearly within the framework of the ethics and discipline of the CPSU. Every communist cricket knows its nest. And your own ceiling of ambition.

Well, what about Putin? Who was Putin in the USSR from the point of view of this entire rigid communist hierarchy? Yes, basically, no one. Just dust.

What was the KGB? From the point of view of an ordinary person or journalists in Western countries, the KGB is a terrible security agency, capable of anything. And from the point of view of the functionaries of the CPSU?

Officially, this structure was called the State Security Committee under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. That is, in fact, it was one of the Committees included in the government and subordinate to the Prime Minister (Chairman of the Council of Ministers). But this is formal. But in reality the KGB was “a sharp punishing sword in the hands of the party,” i.e. completely subordinated to the leadership of the CPSU. Yu.V. Andropov, for example, was himself a member of the Politburo, and all employees were either members of the Komsomol or the CPSU. There could not be non-partisans in the ranks of the KGB of the USSR by default.

So what was a minor KGB officer like for a candidate member of the Politburo in the light of party discipline and hierarchy? Yes, no one. Yeltsin, of course, due to some of his internal ideas about Good and Evil, constantly brought people closer to him who had no relation to the nomenklatura of the CPSU. From the point of view of the idiot party officials, who concentrated mainly in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the 90s, this was a great sin. And although the old apparatus of the CPSU Central Committee, almost in full force, continued its work under a new guise - the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation - there were constant mutual quarrels between the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Yeltsin over the fact that Yeltsin was making appointments “out of rank.” But in any case, the very fact that Yeltsin was a candidate member of the Politburo (that is, a member of the Holy Synod) reconciled the party officials with reality.

Did V.V. Putin gain real power in 2000? No I did not receive it. Yeltsin continued to control everything. The highest officials of the state, appointed by Yeltsin, made reports to Putin as president, and in the evening they went to Yeltsin’s dacha and repeated these same reports and, in fact, it was there that everything was decided. Of course, Yeltsin gradually provided more and more freedom to Putin as president. Or maybe Yeltsin was simply tired of this whole carousel - Boris Nikolayevich was generally a rather unusual person for the Politburo. Be that as it may, Putin began to gradually get rid of the people whom Yeltsin installed. But if the people appointed by Yeltsin were legitimate in the eyes of the old CPSU party bureaucracy (and the Komsomol, by the way, too). The people appointed directly by Putin did not have such legitimacy in the eyes of this layer. Putin relied not on the nomenklatura as such, but on his friends and people from the KGB. And the KGB, from the point of view of the party nomenklatura, was a servant all the way, having no right to lay claim to power in the party (and therefore in the country). I hope that I have convincingly shown that the main active force in modern Russian politics remains the party bureaucracy from the CPSU and Komsomol, and not people from the KGB. But I will chew on this idea a little more below.

And here we come to the most interesting part. This is where conspiracy theory, as such, begins.

In the previous post, I asked myself: how, exactly, does the period from 2008 to 2011 differ from the period from 2004 to 2008? There doesn't seem to be much difference. But a sensitive barometer in the form of a “famous blogger” suddenly changed “his point of view.” In 2007, Putin suited him so much that he was ready to give him at least six terms in a row (let’s leave aside the question that nothing at all depends on the will of famous bloggers), but today, in 2011, he is not satisfied with him. What happened?

What happened was that in April 2007, Yeltsin died, that is, the one who legitimized Putin in the eyes of the party nomenklatura. And Putin has already begun to play entirely by his own rules. He tried to make exactly the same somersault that Yeltsin once did with him - that is, he appointed a formal president, continuing to hold in his hands all the threads of government. However, even here he apparently understood that he would not be able to completely repeat this. It was Yeltsin or Deng Xiaoping who could refuse all positions altogether, but not lose power. And Putin decided to play it safe by reserving the post of prime minister. But Putin and Yeltsin, in the eyes of the party elite, are not comparable values. As they say, what is allowed to Jupiter... Yeltsin could have walked onto the podium of the State Duma while drunk and urinated directly into the hall. And then everyone would have wiped themselves off. For Yeltsin was a Candidate for Member of the Politburo, that is, a member of the Holy Synod. Who is Putin? Nobody, and there’s no way to call him. Moreover, he brought a bunch of security officers to the very top. And the party elite always despised the security officers. She was afraid (she very much remembered Stalin’s purges), but she also despised her at the same time. For example, the late Brezhnev no longer trusted the KGB and in all places where guards were supposed to be located, both a representative of the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs stood/sat. For reliability

So what process started in the end? And here it is: the Holy Synod came to the conclusion that they “played around and woke up.” The process of demonizing Putin has begun. And it’s not that Putin doesn’t have sins worth kicking him for. But the fact is that he had all these sins before, but “it didn’t catch my eye.” And then suddenly everyone began to notice everything at once.

In general, it should be noted that the party elite always deals with people from the special services easily and gracefully. At one time, Yagoda and Yezhov were sent to the next world without any effort. Some may say that only the evil genius of Stalin could so easily cope with the all-powerful People's Commissars of Internal Affairs. Nothing happened. After the death of Stalin, the formidable Beria was brought down and shot without any effort. Shelepin also lost the struggle for power to Brezhnev (although at first he was almost predicted to become the new General Secretary). Part of the CPSU Central Committee stood behind Andropov, but as soon as he began to carry out such a shake-up that strings were pulled to Grishina (Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU) and other responsible people, he, the once formidable Chairman of the KGB of the USSR, unexpectedly died from numerous illnesses. Moreover, such things in the party-bureaucratic system are characteristic not only of the USSR. One can, for example, recall how Himmler lost the struggle for power (albeit a very ephemeral one) to Bormann.

Well, here is some Putin. Moreover, Putin himself highlighted all his people, placing them in key positions. That is, he made them objects of criticism and put them under attack. Although an apparatchik like Yeltsin would have acted differently, for example, he would have appointed officials “to be eaten,” i.e. he would stage it for the duration of an unpopular reform, and then, for the amusement of the crowd, he would film it and still shout at him and stamp his feet.

Okay, I'll wrap it up. What's happening now? Nomenklatura revenge. Moreover, it is given all the more easily to the Holy Synod because Putin himself prepared everything for this and dug his own grave. And what’s most remarkable is that the circumstances are so successful for the Holy Synod that the US State Department can easily and without any stretch be blamed for all the unrest. Moreover, the United States, with its constant statements, only makes this task easier. This is a classic hardware game - to remove a piece from the board with someone else's hands. And then these “alien hands” can be cut off easily and effortlessly.

And in this sense, the appearance in the State Duma of an 87-year-old “former” member of the Holy Synod is at least symbolic. Of course, you can give free rein to your imagination and assume that Dolgikh is the main overseer of the Holy Synod (he behaves like a greyhound). But this is where readers can draw their own conclusions. Moreover, the activation of the already forgotten M.S. Gorbachev (the “former” General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee!) also requires comprehension.

Actually, I spoke.

Yes, I almost forgot. Who am I for? In this fight - the Holy Synod vs. Putin, but rather on Putin’s side and wish him victory. No matter how disgusting Putin’s “capitalism of friends” may be, the nomenklatura revenge of the communist bastard is even more disgusting to me. Look at Comrade Dolgikh’s snout very carefully. This collective party snout wants to once again nestle on the neck of the people. In fact, it has almost taken root and is acting more and more brazenly.

Only a loafer who understands nothing about politics could come up with the nickname “Party of Crooks and Thieves” for United Russia. If everything were that simple, then there would be nothing special to worry about. It is very easy to knock off a party of swindlers and thieves. But the horror is that “United Russia” is the flesh and blood of the CPSU. “United Russia” is the party of Dolgikh and his offspring. Figuratively speaking, of course. But anyway.

And the funny thing is, at the anti-Putin rally, which is scheduled to take place on December 24, there will be a lot of shouting about Putin, about the party of swindlers and thieves, about the strangulation of freedom of speech (I am silent about the fact that Ostankino has always been an obedient servant of the Politburo) and about much more other. But no one - I guarantee - no one will say what is truly important.

Namely, that Russia, in order to get a second wind and begin normal development, must completely decommunize. The CPSU must be recognized as a criminal organization. All former party functionaries must undergo special procedures, and their every step must be examined. All those who held managerial positions in district committees and above in the hierarchy of the CPSU and Komsomol should be barred from participation in government. And the highest party bosses, such as Dolgikh, should sit not in the Duma chair, but in the dock. I will not say a priori that Dolgikh is a criminal. Maybe he is personally an honest person. But for the sake of the future of the country, a public court must prove this.

But, I repeat, none of this will be said at the rally. This will be an ordinary empty talk shop - another link in the chain of behind-the-scenes hardware games. And all this will be watched with an arrogant smile by the “legend of the century”, Vladimir Ivanovich Dolgikh “and other officials.” For which I congratulate us all.