Japanese in Manchuria. Japanese invasion of Manchuria

The three Chinese provinces of Heilongjiang, Jilin and Liaoning made up the vast region of Northeast China known as Manchuria. Tens of millions of people lived here, there were rich deposits of coal, iron ore and other minerals so necessary for the Japanese empire to carry out wars of conquest. In the north along the Argun and Amur rivers and in the east along the Ussuri, Manchuria bordered with the Soviet Union, in the west with the Mongolian People's Republic and the Chinese province of Zhehe, in the south along the Yalu River with Korea, at that time a colony of Japan. The southernmost region of Manchuria is the Liaodong (Kwantung) Peninsula with the naval base of Port Arthur and the large port of Dalniy. It was "rented" by Japan in 1905 after the Russo-Japanese War.

If you study a large-scale map of Manchuria, you can see a railway line cutting through its entire territory from northwest to east. Starting at the Manzhouli border station, the highway passed through Qiqihar and Harbin to Vladivostok. Another railway line was built from Harbin through the territory of Southern Manchuria through Changchun and Mukden to Dalny and Port Arthur. Both roads were built by Russia and cost them hundreds of millions of rubles. By the early 1930s, the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) belonged to the Soviet Union and was under joint Soviet-Chinese management. It was a commercial enterprise, the income from which was distributed between the Soviet and Chinese governments. The road was not to be used for military purposes. After the Russian-Japanese War of 1904-1905, the South Manchurian Railway (SMRR) belonged to Japan, and its protection was carried out by special battalions of Japanese security troops. Selected units of the Japanese army, well armed and trained, were stationed on the Liaodong Peninsula. This was the Kwantung Army.

2. Type 87 armored vehicles (Vickers-Crossley M25) in Tianjin. Separate armored car company of the Japanese army, 1937 (RGAKFD).

By the early 1930s, a rather difficult political situation continued to exist in China. After the defeat of the revolution of 1925-1927, supporters of the national party (Kuomintang) seized power in the country. The Kuomintang government led by Chiang Kai-shek, located in Nanjing and representing mainly the interests of the big bourgeoisie, waged a stubborn struggle against various militaristic regimes that controlled Northern China and other parts of the country. On the other hand, it was forced to pay increasing attention to the struggle against the revolutionary movement and, above all, against the Soviet regions created in 1928-1930 under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party in South and Central China.

The ruler and commander of the armed forces of Manchuria was Zhang Xueliang, the son of the dictator of Manchuria Zhang Zuolin, who died on June 4, 1928 in a train explosion organized by a group of Kwantung Army officers. He took an active part in the fight against the Nanjing government, although in December 1928 he announced recognition of its power. Under the overall command of Zhang Xueliang there were about 300 thousand people, however, these units were poorly deployed, and in the event of a sudden attack by units of the Kwantung Army against Manchuria, its ruler could not oppose sufficiently large forces to the Japanese troops.

Since 1928, the training of soldiers in Chiang Kai-shek's army was led by German generals Hans von Seekt, and then Alexander von Falkenhausen. The tank forces of the Chinese army in 1931 consisted of 36 Renault FT-17/18 tanks and 24 Carden-Lloyd tankettes. For the 176 divisions of the Kuomintang army, these forces were monstrously few. In addition, German instructors were only in 31 Chinese divisions. In general, the Kuomintang troops were rather poorly armed, and their combat training was insufficient. In all respects they were significantly inferior to the selected units of the Kwantung Army.

In 1931, the threat of Japanese aggression grew every day. However, Chiang Kai-shek concentrated all his troops against the Red Army of China, hoping after its defeat to completely suppress the communist, worker and peasant movement in the country and, with the help of the Western powers, force Japan to agree to an agreement beneficial to him. He launched 3 major campaigns against communist-controlled areas, using up to 300 thousand men, but was unsuccessful. The command of the Kwantung Army and the General Staff of Japan, taking into account the current situation in China, decided that the opportune moment had come to begin the seizure of Manchuria.

3. Japanese Renault FT-17 tanks on Mukden street. The tanks are painted green and do not have registration marks. Manchuria, September 19, 1932 (RGAKFD).

To implement plans for a great war, not only a powerful navy was needed, but also a strong army equipped with the latest weapons. And this was well understood in the capital of the island empire. However, the Japanese army in 1931 was significantly weaker and less well equipped with modern military equipment compared to the armies of such leading countries in the world as England, the USA, France, Germany, and Italy. The Japanese army did not have mechanized or tank units. The number of technical and engineering units and their equipment did not correspond to the tasks assigned to the armed forces of the empire in future wars of conquest.

Therefore, a few months before the start of the aggression, in July 1931, the Supreme Military Council of the Empire of Japan reviewed and approved an army reorganization project, the main goal of which was to equip the troops with the latest military equipment and expand the production capacity of the military industry. The reorganization of the army according to this project was designed for 7 years (1932-1938), but Tokyo was in a hurry and the reorganization began already in 1931, carrying it out at an accelerated pace. The main attention was paid to strengthening the air force and air defense, cavalry brigades, as well as the mechanization and motorization of the army based on the production of modern equipment.

The armored forces of the Japanese army actually emerged in 1925, when 2 tank companies were organized, equipped respectively with French and English-made Renault FT-17 and "Whippet" (Type 2579) tanks. These units were part of different formations: one company was attached to the 12th Infantry Division, stationed in Kurum, and the other was located at the infantry school in Chiba. In 1931, a platoon of 5 Renault FT-17 Ko-Gata tanks was sent to Manchuria, reinforced by a platoon of English-made Type 87 armored vehicles (Vickers-Crossley M25).

By July 1931, the development of a plan for the occupation of Manchuria was completed at the headquarters of the Kwantung Army. The plan was sent to the general staff and approved by its chief in the same month. After holding a number of meetings with diplomats and representatives of interested monopolies, the army command began to put this plan into practice.

4. Japanese infantry, under the cover of a Type 89 tank, fights in Shanghai. China, February 1932 (RGAKFD).

It should be noted that these events were most directly related to the Soviet Union. With the beginning of the aggression against the provinces of Manchuria, the first stage of the planned Japanese aggression against the Soviet Union, expressed in preparation for the seizure of a bridgehead on the continent, ended. It is interesting to note that in the verdict of the Tokyo Tribunal, this final document of careful three-year work of lawyers from many countries, it was recorded that “the military plans of the Japanese General Staff from the beginning of the period under review (since 1928) provided for the occupation of Manchuria as the first event. In the Japanese military plans, the capture Manchuria was seen not only as a stage in the conquest of China, but also as a means of providing a springboard for offensive military operations against the USSR."‹1›

Before the invasion, the Kwantung Army included the 2nd Infantry Division and six separate battalions of security troops of the South Moscow Railway. The division's infantry, artillery and cavalry regiments were stationed in the largest cities of Southern Manchuria. The total number of the army was about 15 thousand people. According to the plan developed by the headquarters of the Kwantung Army, the occupation was entrusted to these units. The mobilization of divisions located on the islands and their transfer to the continent were not envisaged. And although the Chinese troops stationed in Manchuria had enormous numerical superiority, the headquarters of the Kwantung Army had no doubt about victory. Just in case, units of the 19th and 20th infantry divisions located in Korea were put on combat readiness, and one division and one infantry brigade were prepared for deployment in the metropolis.

5, 8. British infantry and armored vehicles brought into Shanghai to protect British citizens. China, March 1932 (RGAKFD).

6. Heavy fortress weapon of the Japanese army. Liaodong Peninsula, photograph taken in the early 30s (RGAKFD).

According to calculations made in Tokyo, the war had to be ended as soon as possible, taking advantage of the fragmentation of the Chinese armed forces in Manchuria. All operations were to be covered in the press only as punitive expeditions, and the use of the word “war” on the pages of newspapers was prohibited. To both the Japanese people and world public opinion, all military operations were presented only as an incident of a purely internal nature. Such an interpretation of events was supposed to eliminate the reason for interference in the war by other states. Particular importance was attached to winning over individual Chinese generals with their armies and pitting them against each other. The first stage of the plan provided for the capture of Chinese cities located on the South Moscow Railway. After this, if neither the League of Nations nor the United States intervened in the conflict, the seizure of the rest of Manchuria was to follow.

7. 75 mm Model 1905 Type 38 guns at the railway station. China, Shanghai area, March 1932 (RGAKFD).

Japan carefully prepared for the capture of Manchuria, keeping its preparations in deep secrecy. And yet it was impossible to hide everything.

On September 5, 1931, a TASS correspondent reported from Tokyo that Japanese newspapers had recently been making a big fuss about the murder of Japanese General Staff Captain Nakamura in Inner Mongolia. According to their reports, the captain, together with two companions, was exploring the Khingan Range and was killed by Chinese soldiers. In the circles of the War Ministry, as the same Japanese newspapers reported, they openly talk about the need to occupy part of the Manchurian territory in response to the murder of Nakamura.

On September 7, a short message from a TASS correspondent arrived in Moscow from Shanghai, which left no doubt about how events would unfold in the coming days: “As reported from Manchuria, Mukden government circles (the government of Manchuria) are alarmed by the increase in Japanese garrisons in Korea and Manchuria by one division and the organization of a military air base near Dairen. Mukden Chinese newspapers regard these events as a transition of Japanese policy towards the armed seizure of Manchuria."‹2›

By September 17, all units of the Kwantung Army stationed on the Liaodong Peninsula and in the cities of Southern Manchuria were put on full combat readiness. On the same day, Governor General of Korea Ugaki received the order to put the Korean group of forces of the Japanese army on alert from Tokyo.

The reason for inciting the conflict was found with the help of Japanese saboteurs. They planted explosives in the carriage of one of the trains on the South Moscow Railway and blew it up on the night of September 19, when it was en route north of Mukden (Shenyang). The train derailed, which was enough for the Japanese command to give the order to start hostilities. Further events developed according to the developed plan. At 8.20 a.m. on September 19, at the scene of the explosion, two companies of Japanese soldiers who came out onto the railroad track were fired upon by Chinese police guards. They returned fire and “knocked” the guards off the road. At 9.00 in Mukden, heavy shells from Japanese naval guns fell on the barracks of the Chinese troops and on the Chinese military airfield. Floors and walls collapsed on the sleepy Chinese soldiers. Planes and hangars were burning at the airfield. The Chinese troops and security police, and their total number was about 10 thousand people, could not withstand the artillery fire and fled, and the Chinese pilots left the airfield. And although there were only about 500 Japanese soldiers, they occupied the main military installations of Mukden.

9. Japanese railway troops, under the cover of two Type 2593 Sumida armored vehicles, are repairing the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER). The CER was sold by the Soviet leadership to the government of Manchukuo on March 11, 1935 for 140 million yen. Manchuria 1935 (RGAKFD).

Half an hour after the "destruction" of the track near Mukden, the commander of the Japanese garrison in Changchun, the second largest city in Manchuria, "felt" a threat to his troops from the Chinese garrison of the city, sleeping peacefully in their barracks. He ordered the Japanese units to begin their march at 3 a.m. on September 19th. However, this time the Japanese calculations did not come true. Chinese soldiers, on their own initiative, without waiting for orders from their commanders, put up stubborn resistance to the Japanese troops and forced them to retreat to their original positions. Soon, under the cover of artillery fire, Japanese units again went on the offensive, and only by mid-day they captured the city. The losses of Japanese troops in Changchun amounted to about 400 people killed and wounded.

Kuomintang troops on the territory of Manchuria in 1931 numbered 115 thousand people (12 infantry and 3 cavalry brigades, significantly superior to the Japanese group. However, Chiang Kai-shek, under pressure from the United States, forbade resisting the Japanese

By the evening of September 20, all major cities north of Mukden to the Songhua River were captured by Japanese troops. The Chinese units retreated in disarray to the northern bank of the river. The operation was carried out with lightning speed, and this once again indicated that the plan of aggression was developed in advance and in all details. After the war, when many documents became known, it turned out that according to the plan developed by the Japanese General Staff, the completion of the first stage of hostilities was the entry of Japanese troops to the Sungari line. Further operations in Northern Manchuria were planned to be carried out later, when the reaction of the Chinese government, as well as England, France, the USA and Germany regarding the capture of Southern Manchuria by Japan, was clear.

At this time, in the capital of Japan, having learned about the beginning of the aggression, Prime Minister Wakatsuki, who took a more restrained position in the country's foreign policy, respectfully asking for an audience with the emperor, outlined the government's position to him. The Prime Minister proposed to stop the aggression and return troops to the Liaodong Peninsula. There was no intelligible answer from the “son of heaven,” then Wakatsuki had to turn to the Minister of War, General Minami, to whom the General Staff and the commander of the Kwantung Army were subordinate, and who had the right to give the order to stop the offensive and withdraw troops. But the general answered the prime minister that “retreat is not in the traditions of Japanese warriors.” An order to withdraw troops could have a negative morale impact on Japanese soldiers, and therefore we can only talk about continuing offensive operations in Northern Manchuria. To reassure the prime minister, the general stated that “the operation in Manchuria was undertaken not only to protect the lives and interests of Japanese citizens and their property in the area, but also to create a barrier to the spread of communism, in order to prevent a Soviet threat to the interests of Japan and other great powers in China."

10. Japanese field artillery crosses the Liaohe River. Manchuria, 1932.

The first reports of events in Manchuria arrived in Moscow from Shanghai, Tokyo and other cities on the afternoon of September 19. The messages were alarming: military operations by units of the Kwantung Army began in the immediate vicinity of the Chinese Eastern Railway. All this could not help but worry the leadership of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, and on the same day at 21.00 Japanese Ambassador Hirota was invited to see the Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs L.M. Karakhan.

Karakhan informed the ambassador about the occupation of Mukden by Japanese troops and the battles in Manchuria and asked if he had any information on this matter. The Japanese diplomat did not have any serious information. He only said that the only telegram received by the embassy reported that there was no battle in Mukden and “everything was fine” there. The Deputy People's Commissar replied to the ambassador that his information was much more scarce than what was already available in Moscow. Hirota was told that the Soviet side attaches the most serious importance to the events in Mukden, and on behalf of the USSR government he was asked to provide explanations in connection with the alarming events in Manchuria.

11. Japanese medium tanks "Otsu" (Renaul NC 27 Otsy Gat; Sensha) and Type 89 "Chiro" (in the background) during the fighting in Shanghai. China, 1937 (RGAKFD).

12. Japanese Marine artillery (75 mm Type 38 guns of the 1905 model) before opening fire. China, Shanghai area, March 1932 (RGAKFD).

But there were no explanations from the Japanese embassy. On September 22, Hirota was invited to the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs M. M. Litvinov, but at this meeting he claimed that he had allegedly still not received any response from Tokyo. And only on September 25, during a new meeting with Litvinov, which the ambassador himself asked the People’s Commissar, Hirota announced that he had received information from his government about the state of affairs in Manchuria (and this was 7 days after the events began!). According to him, the Japanese government made an initial decision not to expand military operations and Japanese troops are currently being pulled into the South Moscow Railway zone. Their number is 14,400 people. Japanese units were initially moved to the Manchurian province of Jilin, but later most of them were pulled to Changchun, to the South Moscow Railway region. The Japanese ambassador stated that there is no military occupation in Mukden and other places, and the old administration is functioning in them. As for rumors about Japan sending troops to Harbin, such rumors are nonsense. The ambassador assured the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs that the Soviet government should have no cause for concern, since the situation was gradually softening.

This information was clearly untrue, and the Japanese diplomat could have been caught in a lie. But since this was an official statement, the Soviet side took note of it.

13. A detachment of Japanese sailors on the streets of Shanghai. China, March 1932 (RGAKFD).

14. A platoon of Japanese Type 89 medium tanks on the streets of Beijing. China, 1937 (RGAKFD).

On October 13, 1931, the ruler of Manchuria, Zhang Xueliang, was presented with an ultimatum by the command of the Kwantung Army, which was completely unacceptable to the Chinese side. Japan demanded the organization of an “independent” government in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia, the transfer of all Chinese railways in Manchuria under the full control of the South Moscow Railway concern, the transfer of the largest cities of Manchuria to the complete disposal of Japan, and the prohibition of Chinese troops from being in Mukden and Girin. Japanese troops, having received reinforcements from Korea, sought to advance to the north, leading an offensive along the South Moscow Railway. After initial successes, the Kwantung Army headquarters planned the Qiqihar Operation. Qiqihar was a major economic center of Northern Manchuria and was located at the junction of the most important operational directions. Its capture gave Japanese troops the opportunity to cut the CER route and advance along the railway to the Soviet borders in the northwestern and southeastern directions.

15. Japanese armored car "Austin", captured by the imperial army in Russia during the intervention. China, mid-30s (AVL).

By the end of October, almost all of Southern Manchuria was captured by Japanese troops. By this time, it had already become clear that no interference in Japanese-Chinese affairs from other countries was expected. Japanese troops could act with impunity. At the meetings of the League of Nations there were endless discussions, imposed by Japan, about its right to conduct punitive operations to ensure the “safety of Japanese citizens,” and there was no end in sight to these discussions. The United States, seeing that nothing threatened its economic interests in China and that the tip of Japanese aggression was directed north against the Soviet Far Eastern borders, also did not interfere in the Manchurian events. Washington had nothing against the Kwantung Army troops moving north, away from the US spheres of influence in Central China.

The opinion of the American envoy to China Johnson is interesting. In his report to Washington, dated January 13, 1932, he wrote: “I am more and more convinced that Japanese actions in Manchuria should be considered more in the light of Russian-Japanese relations than Sino-Japanese relations. The highest military authorities in Japan have come to the conclusion "that there is an opportunity for them to operate in Manchuria and push the Japanese border further west in preparation for the clash with Soviet Russia that they consider inevitable." Taking into account the international situation, the Japanese government, in order to free its hands for further aggression on the Asian continent, demonstratively withdrew from the League of Nations in March 1933.

The Nanjing government of Chiang Kai-shek also took a neutral position. Zhang Xueliang, hoping to fight him for power, ordered his troops to withdraw to Northern China, and they actually did not offer resistance to the Japanese units. The international situation made it possible for the Japanese military to expand its aggression northward without fear of a major war, for which Japan was not yet ready. By this time, parts of the Kwantung Army were reinforced with two infantry divisions. Transports with tanks, planes, guns and other military equipment were unloaded in the southern Manchurian ports.

16. Tests of the French tank Renault NC 27, which entered service with the Imperial Japanese Army under the name "Otsu" (Otsu Gata Sensha). Japan, early 30s (AVL).

17. Type 88 machine gun wedge (Garden-Lloyd Mark VI) from the amphibious ground forces of the Japanese fleet in Shanghai. China, March 1932 (AVL).

In order to launch an attack on Qiqihar, a pretext was needed that would look solid in the eyes of world public opinion. They did it simply. They bought for yuan or yen, it is now impossible to determine, “general” Zhang Hai-pian, who settled in the city of Tao’an. Having organized an “army” of 6 thousand people with Japanese money, he moved it to Qiqihar, which was defended by Chinese units under the command of General Ma. In a short battle, the army of “General” Zhang Hai-pian was defeated and thrown back from the city, but during the fighting, 3 bridges on the Taoan - Qiqihar railway were blown up. The road belonged to the Japanese, and the occasion for a new offensive was quite appropriate. If, because of one explosion on the railway, the whole of Southern Manchuria was captured, then because of three blown-up bridges, it was possible, in the opinion of the Japanese command, to capture a city like Qiqihar. Moreover, General Ma’s units carried out defensive work around Qiqihar, and this “threatened the security of the Japanese army.” The task of destroying the Chinese units was not set in order to have a further pretext for their pursuit and the movement of Japanese troops to the north.

The group that captured Qiqihar included about 10 thousand soldiers and officers, light and heavy guns, armored vehicles, tanks, armored trains, and airplanes. And although its numerical strength was inferior to the army of General Ma, it was significantly superior to the latter in military equipment. The offensive on Qiqihar began on November 2 and ended on November 19 with the entry of Japanese troops into the city. As a result, the Japanese advanced detachments reached the Chinese Eastern Railway, having the opportunity to advance along this railway to the northwest and southeast to the borders of the Soviet Union.

The next goal of Japanese aggression in Manchuria was the capture of Harbin, to which the command of the Kwantung Army attached exceptional importance. This largest political and economic center of Northern Manchuria had about 400 thousand inhabitants at that time. It was located on the shore of the navigable Songhua and was a major river port and railway center at the junction of the Chinese Eastern Railway and the Southern Moscow Railway and the Khukhai Railway going to Blagoveshchensk.

When developing the plan to capture Harbin, the Japanese militarists made full use of the “Qiqihar experience.” This plan was to be carried out by the troops of the same 2nd Infantry Division with the reinforcement technical units assigned to it, which captured Qiqihar. By February 3, 1932, transported by vehicles from Changchun, they reached their original positions south of Harbin. And on the morning of February 4, 74 Japanese guns, concentrated in a three-kilometer area of ​​breaking through the enemy’s forward positions, opened fire on Chinese troops. They were supported by two armored trains, and were bombed from the air by 36 aircraft. Under the cover of artillery fire, 26 Renault FT-17 tanks and armored vehicles went on the attack along with Japanese infantry. The next day, artillery preparation, bombing and assault on the main defense line of Harbin began. On the afternoon of February 5, Japanese units completely captured the city.

18. Japanese sailors, supported by two Type 87 fleet armored vehicles (Vickers Crossley M25), defend their positions. China, early 30s (RGAKFD).

After the fall of Harbin, the Japanese command began to carry out the Khingan operation, the main goal of which was to capture the western branch of the Chinese Eastern Railway from Qiqihar to the border station of Manchuria, the passes through the Greater Khingan and access to the Trans-Baikal borders of the USSR.

By the fall of 1932, almost the entire territory of the three northeastern provinces of China was captured by Japanese troops. And at the beginning of this year, on February 18, the independence of the new state of Manchukuo was proclaimed, which included the provinces of Manchuria. Under the leadership of Japanese advisers, the government of this “independent” state was created, headed by the heir to the Manchu ruling house - the puppet emperor Pu Yi, taken from China by Japanese intelligence. On the territory of the new state, with the help of Japanese bayonets, terror and violence, “pacification” was achieved. The Japanese monopolies began to “develop” this vast territory, where they felt like complete masters. The main forces of the ruler of Manchuria, Zhang Xueliang, retreated without offering serious resistance to the province of Zhehe, and only in two areas in the northwestern and southeastern sections of the CER, adjacent to Transbaikalia and Primorye, poorly trained and poorly armed Chinese units continued to offer armed resistance selected units of the Kwantung Army advancing towards the Soviet borders.

Simultaneously with the actions in Northern Manchuria, the Japanese landing operation began in Central China in the Shanghai-Hangzhou area.

From January 23 to 28, 1932, the ships of the Japanese squadron landed 2,800 Japanese marines ashore, who were supposed to “support the Japanese, Shanghai security garrison and suppress anti-Japanese protests and anti-Japanese propaganda in Shanghai.”

Due to stubborn resistance from the Chinese 19th Army, the Japanese were unable to capture Shanghai on the move. By mid-February, the 24th mixed brigade, as well as the 9th, 11th and 14th infantry divisions, were brought to this city. (100 thousand soldiers, 100 aircraft, 60 ships). By March 1, the northern part of Shanghai was captured by Japanese troops. However, under pressure from England, France and the USA, on May 5, 1932, the aggressor troops were withdrawn from Shanghai.‹3›

During the period of active hostilities of the Kwantung Army, the number of armored vehicles of the Japanese troops increased significantly. In 1932, the command of the Kwantung Army, which appreciated the results of using tanks in Manchuria, transferred from Japan a tank company under the command of Major Hosomiho, consisting of two platoons of Renault FT-17 and Renault NC 27 tanks, one platoon of Japanese Type 89A tanks and one platoon of armored vehicles . This tank company took part in the occupation of the northeastern provinces. And her work was highly appreciated. Based on the results of the use of armored units, it was decided to form three regiments of medium tanks in 1932. The 1st Tank Regiment was formed in Kuruma (Japan) on the basis of a tank company of the 12th Infantry Division, the 2nd Tank Regiment was formed in Narashino (Japan) with personnel from the tank company of the infantry school in Chiba, and the 3rd The tank regiment was formed in Manchuria in the Kungchuling area from tank units located on the territory of Manchuria.

According to the 1930 staffing schedule, the 3rd Tank Regiment included about 60 tanks: 40 Type 89A "Chi-ro" medium tanks of the original Japanese design and 20 French-made "Otsu" tanks (Renault NC 27). Ko-Gata tanks (Renault FT-17), Type 87 armored vehicles (Vickers-Crossley M25), as well as three-axle BA 2592 Sumida were transferred and reorganized into a separate armored company of the Kwantung Army.

In addition to army armored formations, armored formations of the Japanese fleet participated in the occupation of China. The 1st Armored Battalion of the Japanese Navy included Type 88 tankettes (Vickers-Crossley M25).

Thus, Japanese armored forces in China began to take on real shape.

19. Japanese armored car Type 87 (Vickers-Crossley M25) from the Japanese fleet on the street of Shanghai. 1932 (RGAKFD).

In August 1932, the puppet government of Pu Yi declared that the Chinese province of Rehe was part of the state of Manchukuo and that the presence of Chinese troops there should be considered a “violation of the sovereignty” of this state. Such statements, of course, were supported and encouraged at the headquarters of the Kwantung Army. The new army commander, General Muto, who replaced the “hero” of the occupation of Manchuria, General Honjio, said: “Rehe Province must be subordinated to Manchukuo, either through an agreement with the Chinese government or through armed force.” But the new region had to be conquered, and there were no free forces for this in 1932. All units of the Kwantung Army were busy conducting operations against Chinese troops in Manchuria, and only by 1933, when all the anti-Japanese general “armies” were defeated, and the few remaining partisan detachments were driven into the mountainous regions of Khingan, part of the forces of the Kwantung Army was able to be transferred to the borders of the province Zhehe.

By the end of 1931, the strength of the Kwantung Army reached 64,900 people, and by the end of 1932 - 100 thousand people. This figure was slightly less than half the strength of the entire Japanese ground army.

The Chinese troops concentrated on the borders of the Zhehe province represented, at first glance, a rather impressive force: 78 infantry battalions and 13 cavalry regiments with a total number of 125 thousand people. But their combat effectiveness was very low. Foreign observers who were in parts of the Chinese army noted that “without a headquarters service, with generals stationed hundreds of miles from the troops and the front line, without transport, without communication with each other, without anti-aircraft artillery, without entrenching tools, with soldiers, Having undergone only primitive parade training, the army is a motley motley crowd, and not a modern army." Subsequent events confirmed the correctness of this assessment of the Chinese troops.

The main task that the command of the Kwantung Army set for the infantry and cavalry units operating in Zhehe was to defeat the “armies” of Chinese generals located in the province and destroy the anti-Japanese partisan detachments operating from the territory of this province against the occupied areas of Manchuria. The capture and annexation of Manchukuo Zhehe allowed units of the Kwantung Army to reach the approaches to Northern China and Chahar and continue further aggression against both China and the Mongolia, covering the borders of the republic from the southwest.

In order to amaze the Chinese government with the swiftness of its actions and force it to make greater concessions in further negotiations, the Japanese command decided to carry out this operation as soon as possible. To achieve this, all units that took part in the battles were motorized and equipped with modern military equipment. The Japanese strike force had at its disposal 150 guns, 100 tanks and armored vehicles, 110 aircraft, armored trains, 700 vehicles and thousands of carts. Its total number was about 55 thousand people. Japanese intelligence agents also provided great assistance to the Japanese troops, revealing the strength and location of Chinese units and managing to bribe some Chinese commanders, which greatly facilitated the actions of the Kwantung Army.

Japanese tanks and armored vehicles became part of the mixed mechanized brigade, which was organized on the territory of the Kwantung Army in 1933 in Kungchuling. It consisted of the 4th tank regiment of light tanks, a motorized infantry regiment consisting of 177 vehicles, a separate reconnaissance company of light tanks of 17 Type 94 "TK" tankettes, a mechanized artillery division and an engineering company consisting of a platoon of 5 flamethrower tanks. The 4th Tank Regiment included a regimental headquarters of 5 tanks, 3 tank companies of 15 tanks each, and a reserve of 10 tanks. The artillery battalion consisted of three batteries of 75 mm Type 90 tracked guns.

Since the 4th Tank Regiment was a light tank regiment, it was equipped only with Type 94 wedges and a platoon of 5 Type 89 “Chi-ro” medium tanks (subsequently, from the beginning of 1935, new light tanks Type 95 “Ha-go” began to enter service with the brigade Thus, in 1935, the mechanized brigade was armed with three types of tanks. Note ed.).

The cavalry units were supported by Type 92 light tanks armed with 13 mm and 6.5 mm machine guns.

In addition to tanks and armored vehicles, the Japanese used captured Chinese armored trains, mostly Russian pre-revolutionary, to support their troops.

On February 20, 1933, the Japanese offensive against Jehe Province began. Chinese troops offered almost no resistance. Some units retreated under the pressure of superior Japanese forces, others went over to the side of the Japanese army along with their commanders. After Japanese air raids and the first oncoming battles, partisan detachments either retreated to the west or scattered throughout the villages. By March 6, the provincial capital of Chengde and the main administrative centers were captured by Japanese troops. Scattered and completely demoralized Chinese units retreated behind the Great Wall of China and into the province of Chahar.

After the occupation of Rehe, Japanese units began to advance into Hebei Province, which was defended by units of the 29th Chinese Army. Without receiving support from the government of Chiang Kai-shek, poorly armed, they suffered one defeat after another. By the end of May 1933, advanced Japanese units approached Beijing and Tianjin. However, the forces of the Kwantung Army were also exhausted in continuous battles that lasted for several months. In this situation, the Japanese government agreed to peace negotiations with the government of Chiang Kai-shek. On May 31, 1933, in the town of Tangu, near Tianjin, representatives of the Chinese government signed an armistice agreement with the Japanese command. The Chinese government recognized Japanese control over the northeastern provinces and parts of northern China, and a vast demilitarized zone was established near Beijing and Tianjin, in which only Japanese troops were stationed. The signing of this truce ended the first stage of Japanese aggression on the Asian continent.

20. Armored car "Sumida" Type 2593 of an early modification, belonging to the landing forces of the Japanese Navy. The vehicle is painted gray, on board, in addition to the Japanese naval flag, there are the inscriptions “Hokoku 1 (Hokoku 1 – at the top) and “Nagaoka-shi go” (at the bottom). Meaningful translation: 1st vehicle built on voluntary donations from residents of the city of Nagaoka. China, mid-30s, Jinan region (RGAKFD).

The occupation of Manchuria had long been planned by Japan. On July 25, 1927, Japanese Prime Minister General G. Tanaka presented a secret memorandum to Emperor Hirohito, which stated: “In Japan, the centuries-old concept of Japanese dominance in the Pacific and Asia, known under the slogan “hakko ichiu” (“eight corners”), has finally been established. under the same roof")".

In the 1920s, there was a massive Japanese settlement of the Kwantung region and Manchuria. By September 1931, about 800 thousand Japanese lived in the Kwantung region, and another 200 thousand in Manchuria.

The head of the future puppet administration, the last Chinese emperor Pu Yi, was also prepared in advance. In 1908, Empress Cixi declared two-year-old Prince Pu Yi as heir to the throne. In the same year, Cixi died, and for almost three years the young Pu Yi was listed as the Chinese emperor. In October 1911, a bourgeois-democratic revolution took place in China, and Pu Yi found himself virtually under house arrest. In 1924, at the instigation of Japanese intelligence, he fled from the imperial palace to the Japanese mission in Beijing.

Pu Yi and his younger brother Pu Jie (1908)

The Chinese public immediately saw through the motive behind this Japanese action. The Jing Bao newspaper described a fairly accurate and detailed scenario for the further development of events: “The darkest goal of the conspiracy is to keep him (Pu Yi. - A.Sh.) until some incident occurs in one of the provinces and a certain power sends him there and restores, with armed support, the title of his distant ancestors. The province will be separated from the republic and protected by that power. Then they will treat it the same way as they treat an already annexed country. Pu Yi's escape is the result of deliberate intimidation and his gradual involvement in the network of far-reaching plans. Interested parties agree to go to any expense to ensure it. The country bought the friendship of all his followers; without knowing it, they came under her control and in the future will serve as her tools.”

On the night of November 2, 1931, Pu Yi, who had moved to Tanjing with the help of the Japanese, was awakened by Japanese Colonel Doihara, who invited the ex-emperor to go to Shenyang and take over the newly formed Manchurian state. Pu Yi dreamed of the imperial crown, but, however, he had no choice.

On November 10, Pu Yi fled the Japanese mission in Tianjin by hiding in the trunk of a car. Everything was in the best traditions of detective films. The car took the applicant to the port, where he was dressed in the uniform of a Japanese officer. Pu Yi, together with a group of Japanese, boarded the small steamer Hijiyama Maru, which, with its lights extinguished, moved towards the mouth of the Dagu River. The ship was equipped with barrels of gasoline. In the event of an attack by the Chinese, the Japanese guards were supposed to kill the applicant and burn the ship.

At the mouth of Dagu, Pu Yi transferred from the Hijiyama Maru to the sea steamer Awaji Maru, which on the morning of November 13 entered the port of the city of Yingkou, occupied by the Japanese.

However, the Japanese did not dare to immediately make Pu Yi the Manchu Emperor. On February 9, 1932, the Northeast Administrative Committee, created by the Japanese, decided to establish a republic in Manchuria. And on February 18, one of the members of this committee, at the direction of the Japanese resident Itagaki, announced a decision to create a republic. Then the “Declaration of Independence of Manchuria and Mongolia” was published, which stated: “Several months have passed like a flash since the incident in the northeast. The people have always strived to have power over themselves, as if they were thirsty to quench their thirst. At present, in a period of major transformations, the people's desire for revival is becoming especially sincere... A new government body has been created, consisting of the highest leaders of each province of the Special Region of the Eastern Provinces and Mongolia, with the name “North-Eastern Administrative Committee”. The creation of this Committee was announced everywhere. This cut off all contact with Zhang Xueliang’s government, and the Northeastern Provinces acquired complete independence.”

The Japanese needed manipulations with the “republic” in order to mislead foreign states, primarily the USA and the USSR, and also to “put” the applicant in his place. And indeed, Pu Yi was terribly scared and began to unquestioningly follow all the instructions of the Japanese.

At the direction of the 4th Department of the Kwantung Army Headquarters, the “All-Manchurian Assembly” was assembled in the city of Shenyang, which on February 29, 1932 adopted the “Declaration of Independence of the New Mongol-Manchurian State.” It said:

“Manchuria and Mongolia are starting a new life. In ancient times, Manchuria and Mongolia were annexed and separated more than once, but now the natural connection has been restored.

These lands have colossal natural resources, and the peoples living here are distinguished by their straightforwardness and simplicity of morals.

Over the years, the population of Manchuria and Mongolia has increased, and in parallel with this, the national economy is growing and strengthening, and markets for raw materials and furs are increasing.

In 1911, a revolution occurred in China. From the very first moment after the formation of the republic, the despotic military captured the three eastern provinces.

Military tyrants for about 20 years criminally violated international and state law, demonstrating to the whole world exceptional greed, outright robbery of the population and disgusting depravity.

All this had a painful impact on the masses.

As a result of the wild management of the state, the region became the scene of an economic crisis. Trade and industry stagnated.

Tyrants often went beyond the Great Wall and thereby caused internecine bloodshed. In the end, the would-be rulers lost all authority and aroused the hatred of all neighboring states...

To the great happiness of thirty million, the hand of a neighboring power eliminated the barbaric military and freed the tormented region from tyranny. The dawn of a new life calls on all the peoples of Manchuria and Mongolia to awaken from sleep and begin building a new life in the name of a radiant future.

When we remember what happened inside China and on its outskirts before, from the moment of the revolution until the very last days, we are faced with pictures of internecine wars started by unprincipled military parties that had nothing in common with the masses of the people on whose behalf they acted.

These parties cared only about their partial welfare, and can they really be called “national”? Of course not, since state power in the hands of the Kuomintang was a sinecure for dictators - money-lovers and slackers...

Based on the fact that Manchuria and Mongolia were previously independent states, we have now decided to create a powerful independent state of Manchukuo from these two constituent parts...

The new government will rely on the broad masses of the people, and not on the selfish interests of the rulers.

All citizens of the new state will have equal rights; all privileges - personal, class and national - are abolished.

In addition to the indigenous inhabitants of the Han, Manchu and Mongolian tribes, all other nationalities, such as the Nipponians (as the Japanese were called), Koreans, Russians and others, will enjoy all rights in our country.”

Emperor Pu Yi. 1917

Pu Yi became the head of the government of Manchukuo. His residence and capital of the state was the city of Changchun, renamed Xinjing, which means “new capital”. The administrative division of the country has changed: now, instead of three large provinces - Heilongjiang, Jilin and Fengtian - twelve mini-provinces have been formed.

Formally, power in Manchukuo belonged to the Supreme Ruler Pu Yi, later called the emperor. He was also considered the commander-in-chief of the “national armed forces.” The State Council consisted of ministers who were only formally appointed by Pu Yi, since each candidate had to be previously agreed upon with the Japanese. Zhang Jinghui, who had previously collaborated with Zhang Zuo Lin in the interests of Japan, was appointed President of the State Council. The heads of departments and departments were also appointed by Pu Yi, but with the approval of the Japanese.

In fact, power in Manchukuo belonged to the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Japan to Manchukuo. He was also the commander-in-chief of the Kwantung Army. All Japanese advisory officers in the Manchukuo army and all Japanese who held any positions in the government apparatus and local provincial authorities were subordinate to him.

The so-called Department of General Affairs was created at the Japanese embassy, ​​which controlled the activities of all ministers and heads of government departments. The head of this department (a Japanese, of course) convened coordination meetings of vice ministers, at which draft laws and regulations were reviewed, and only then were they formally approved by the State Council.

By the end of 1932, the state apparatus of Manchukuo had 3,000 Japanese deputies and advisers specially trained and sent from Tokyo, who ruled the state of Manchukuo.

On March 13, 1932, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Manchukuo sent the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs M.M. Litvinov sent a telegram in which he announced the creation of the state of Manchukuo, declared that this state recognized the international obligations of the Republic of China and proposed to establish “formal diplomatic relations.”

Moscow remained silent in response. But, on the other hand, the Soviet Consulate General in Harbin continued to function normally. Moreover, the USSR government allowed the Manchu authorities to open five consulates, including in Moscow. There were also five Soviet consulates in Manchukuo. The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs explained this “by the practical need to maintain actual relations with the power that currently exists in Manchuria, where our road is located, where we have tens of thousands of our citizens, where we have our five consulates and where, in addition to the power of Manchukuo , there is no one else with whom one could talk and do business.”

It is curious that the Japanese were not against the creation of a puppet state, let’s call it Primorye-Go. To this end, Japanese diplomats in 1929 came into contact with the self-proclaimed Emperor of All Russia, Kirill I, whose office maintained secret connections with Russian emigrants in China and Manchuria. The personal secretary of the “emperor” G.K. wrote about this in 1954. Count.

Kirill thought about it and refused. And, I must say, he did the right thing, otherwise in 1946 he would have ended up on the same gallows with Ataman Semenov.

In January 1932, the United States announced plans to conduct large naval maneuvers in the Pacific Ocean. At the end of July, a representative of the Japanese Naval General Staff, Minozuma, in a conversation with the Soviet naval attaché in Tokyo, Bolotov, asked: how will the Soviet Union behave in the event of a Japanese-American war? Will he stab Japan in the back to take over Manchuria, or will he remain neutral and sell oil and gasoline to Japan? Bolotov replied that, most likely, his government would remain neutral, and oil and gasoline would be supplied on normal commercial terms. Then Minozuma stated that Japan would like to receive written guarantees of this in the form of secret articles in the Soviet-Japanese non-aggression pact on the USSR's obligation not to attack Manchukuo and sell oil to Japan in the event of a Japanese-American war. Bolotov said that the Soviet government assumes these obligations, but only openly, and not in secret articles. The Soviet government expressed its readiness to conclude a long-term agreement for the supply of oil to Japan, and in the event of signing a non-aggression pact with Tokyo, to publicly record in it guarantees of non-aggression against Manchuria.

The Japanese refused to conclude a non-aggression pact, citing the fact that Japanese society was not ready to sign the pact. Nevertheless, on September 24, 1932, the USSR and Japan signed an agreement on the supply of Soviet aviation gasoline to the Land of the Rising Sun for five years, from 1933 to 1937.

This agreement, concluded under pressure from the command of the Japanese fleet, provoked sharp criticism from Minister of War S. Aroki, who stated that “the USSR is the main enemy” and “America and England are nonsense.”

On December 12, 1932, Moscow and Beijing (the Kuomintang government) exchanged notes on the restoration of diplomatic relations, severed in 1929. The Japanese government considered this as its major defeat, as an unfriendly act on the part of Moscow, which meant its departure from its previous neutral position in Japan. Chinese conflict and expressing clear sympathy for Tokyo's adversary. And the next day, a year after Moscow’s proposal to conclude a Soviet-Japanese non-aggression pact, the Japanese Foreign Ministry rejected this proposal with an official note.

As we see, the USSR government pursued a very flexible and cautious policy in the Far East, trying to avoid an armed conflict with Japan. At the same time, starting in 1931, there was a sharp buildup of Soviet armed forces in the Far East.

By the beginning of 1931, the Soviet Union had no naval forces in the Far East, apart from a few lightly armed patrol ships and border guard boats that were part of the NKVD. In October 1922, the Japanese imposed on us an agreement on the demilitarization of the Vladivostok region. In 1923, according to this agreement, the Vladivostok fortress was abolished, and the weapons remaining after the First World War and the Civil War were dismantled.

In the summer of 1931, construction of coastal batteries began in the Vladivostok area. In January 1932, the first three railway batteries transferred from the Baltic took up firing positions in the commercial port at Cape Egersheld.

In the spring of 1932, the reconstruction of our Pacific Fleet began. The official birthday of the Far East Naval Forces is considered to be April 21, 1932. Only on January 11, 1935, the Far East Naval Forces were renamed the Pacific Fleet.

Since the spring of 1932, military trains were continuously traveling to the Far East, in which freight and passenger cars alternated with conventional (two-axle and four-axle) and special multi-axle platforms, on which stood tanks, torpedo boats, field and coastal guns, carefully covered with tarpaulin, and even submarines. boats "Malyutki" VI series.

Now the Soviet side had the opportunity to periodically “show its teeth.” So, on August 29, 1933 in Tokyo, during a gala dinner organized by the Soviet embassy for foreign journalists, Plenipotentiary K.K. Yurenev warned that the Soviet Union was approaching the limit of its patience and restraint and was not only capable of meeting any open act of aggression from the Japanese army, but was also well prepared for offensive actions on the ground and in the skies of Manchuria.

The firmness of Moscow's position was confirmed by the Soviet trade representative, who said that a year ago the Soviet Union would have had to leave Primorye, but now it is ready for any development of events.

Soviet officials also stated Moscow's intention in the event of war to completely destroy cities such as Tokyo and Osaka by air bombing. And this statement forced the Japanese to conduct blackout exercises in Tokyo.

The occupation of Manchuria by Japan became the main factor in changing the position of the United States, which stubbornly did not recognize the USSR. On November 16, 1933, normal diplomatic relations were established between the United States and the Soviet Union, which served as a serious warning to Japan.

The relationship between the USSR and Japan was greatly complicated by the problem of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER), which was built by the Russians with Russian funds in 1898–1903. Since then, the railway was operated by Russians, and then by Soviet employees, and belonged to our state. On June 10–11, 1929, the troops of the Manchurian militarists captured the Chinese Eastern Railway by force. However, with a short blow from the Separate Far Eastern Army, the Chinese were defeated and control over the Chinese Eastern Railway was restored.

But in 1931, the situation in Manchuria changed radically, and the Soviet leadership realized that it would not be possible to hold the road. Already on August 29, 1932, the Japanese ambassador in Moscow Hirota proposed to Deputy People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs Karakhan to sell the Chinese Eastern Railway and recognize Manchukuo. Karakhan responded by calling not to limit himself to resolving individual issues, but to regulate all relations between the USSR and Japan by concluding a general agreement for several years and including in this agreement obligations of mutual non-aggression. But, as already mentioned, the Japanese did not want to conclude a non-aggression pact with the USSR.

The Soviet side managed to hold out for a few more months, but in June 1933 they had to begin negotiations with the Japanese on the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway. To begin with, our side requested 250 million gold rubles (at the then exchange rate this is 625 million yen). I note that taking into account the funds Russia invested in this road and its strategic importance, this price was more than dumping.

But the Japanese did not want to pay even that. When logical, political and economic arguments are lacking, brute force is used. In September 1933, the Manchu authorities, at the behest of their yellow-faced masters, arrested six senior employees of the CER, who were Soviet citizens, and replaced them with white emigrants. On September 28, the Soviet government, through Plenipotentiary Representative Yurenev, protested to the Japanese government about this. But the Japanese-Manchu side did not respond to this note. Then the Soviet delegation at the Tokyo conference on the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway, held on October 1, declared the inexpediency and impossibility of continuing negotiations in the situation created after the arrest of Soviet employees. As a result, the issue of selling the CER was postponed for another 5 months, during which the Japanese repeatedly proposed to continue the work of the conference on the CER, and the Soviet side rejected these proposals. On October 9, documents were published in the Soviet press, from which the leading role of Japanese officials in the arrest of Soviet workers became clear.

Nevertheless, the road had to be sold. On March 23, 1935, the “Agreement between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and Manchukuo on the cession to Manchukuo of the rights of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in relation to the Chinese Eastern Railway (North Manchurian Railway)” was signed in Tokyo. The USSR ceded “all rights” to the road for 140 million yen, that is, for a symbolic cost.

From Soviet-Japanese relations we will move on to the structure of the state of Manchukuo. Japan quickly began to colonize Manchuria. If before the occupation 250 thousand Japanese lived in Manchuria, of which 115 thousand were in the Kwantung Region, then by the end of 1932 their number reached 390 thousand, of which 170 thousand lived in the Kwantung Region.

Japan constantly increased its armed forces in Manchuria. So, in March 1932, units of the 10th Infantry Division arrived from Japan, and in early May - units of the 14th Infantry Division and reinforcement units. By the beginning of 1933, the size of the army in Manchuria was increased to 100 thousand people.

In March 1932, under the control of Japanese officers, the formation of the “national armed forces” of Manchukuo began, which by the end of the year numbered more than 75 thousand people. Their commander-in-chief was Pu Yi. In reality, the troops were commanded by the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Japan in Manchukuo.

Japanese military advisers and instructors were appointed to all military formations in Manchukuo, from platoon to division, who determined military training and ideological education programs and were responsible for the morale of the soldiers.

Gendarmerie units were created at the headquarters of military units, whose responsibilities included counterintelligence. These units numbered up to 18 thousand people. In addition, another 4 thousand agents were engaged in counterintelligence.

By the end of 1932, the state apparatus of Manchukuo consisted of about three thousand Japanese advisers and consultants to the government administration, by 1935 there were already about five thousand, and by 1945 - about one hundred thousand people! Even the average Manchu employee worked under the supervision of one or two advisers. They controlled absolutely everything and demanded mandatory execution of all their instructions.

Since the late 1930s, the Japanese began to introduce the cult of the Deity of Heavenly Radiance, the divine ancestor of the Japanese imperial family, into Manchukuo.

By 1936, 15 teacher training schools had been established in Manchuria, training 2,200 teachers for primary schools. Teaching in these schools was conducted in Japanese and using Japanese textbooks. The educational reform was carried out with the participation and guidance of more than five hundred Japanese specialists who arrived on special mobilization. The study of the history of “great Japan” was introduced into school curricula, where the territories of the Soviet Far East and Siberia, right up to the Urals, were included in the lands of the empire. Schoolchildren were educated in the spirit of anti-communism and hostility towards the Soviet people.

Japaneseization also affected special education. Since 1935, according to programs developed by Japanese advisers, teaching has been carried out at the Changchun Pedagogical Institute for Women, the Changchun Medical Institute, the Girin Pedagogical Institute for Men, the Mukden Agricultural Institute, the Harbin Polytechnic Institute, and the Harbin Medical and Dental Institutes. The total number of Japanese teachers in these educational institutions by the end of 1937 was 822, and Chinese - 137.

By 1936, the entire press of Manchuria was under the control of the Office of Supervision and Censorship, subordinate to the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Japan. Most newspapers and magazines were published in Japanese. The circulation of Japanese publications by that time was already 9 times greater than the circulation of Chinese publications. The leading newspaper was Manshu Inti-Inti, its circulation reached 520 thousand. This newspaper was forcibly distributed even among those who did not know Japanese.

Japanese action films were shown on the screens of a few cinemas and in clubs, glorifying Japan’s colonial policy towards China and the “invincibility” of the Japanese army.

The headquarters of the Kwantung Army in Manchuria initiated the creation of the Society of Young Patriots, which then received the official name “Sehehoi” (in Japanese “Kyawakai”). The goal of the society was to “raise the cultural and moral level of the population and instill in them respect and loyalty to Japan.”

By 1937, the Sehehui society had 2,917 headquarters in the provinces and cities of Manchukuo, which, under the leadership of the central headquarters in Changchun, launched fascist propaganda, popularization of the ideas of Japaneseism and Japanese superiority in Asia. The central headquarters of Sehehoi employed 73 officers specially allocated by the headquarters of the Kwantung Army.

From the very beginning of the occupation, the Japanese authorities began intensive exploitation of the local population and the export of natural resources. By 1931, Manchuria occupied an important place in the Chinese economic system. Agriculture in Manchuria produced significant harvests of barley, soybeans, corn, rice, sorghum and wheat. Crop areas occupied 32 million acres (out of 54.9 million acres of arable land). The annual harvest of pulses was 790 million bushels, valued at about 200 million Chinese dollars. The handicraft and factory industries produced high-quality silk, which was the most important Chinese export.

Manchurian cattle breeding numbered up to 15 million heads of cattle and produced a large volume of its products for export. Manchuria also exported timber (the forest area in Manchuria reached 89 million acres).

The fisheries resources of Manchuria, especially on the coast of the Yellow Sea and in the Bohai Gulf, made it possible to annually catch and export tens of thousands of tons of fish and other seafood. In 1930 alone, the value of the catch reached 3 million Chinese dollars.

On the basis of developed agriculture, forestry and fishing in Manchuria, enterprises for processing the products of these industries developed. They produced bean oil and cakes, matches, construction timber, paper, dishes, etc.

A military industry began to be created in Manchuria. One of China's largest military arsenals was located in Mukden (Shenyang). More than 9 thousand workers worked there. The Arsenal carried out repairs of various artillery and small arms systems, produced ammunition, engineering tools, etc.

Japanese armored car "Sumida" (Manchuria, 1936)

The Japanese introduced a planned economic system to Manchukuo. At the beginning of 1937, the first five-year plan was adopted, and in 1941, the second five-year plan. The country's economy began to develop rapidly. Thus, in 1936, 850 thousand tons of cast iron, 400 thousand tons of steel were smelted in Manchuria, 11,700 thousand tons of coal were mined, 145 thousand tons of synthetic oil (distillation of Fushun shale), 4 thousand tons of aluminum were produced, food crops were produced : rice - 337.2 thousand tons, wheat - 966 thousand tons, legumes - 4201.3 thousand tons, cotton - 15 thousand tons.

From 1936 to 1945, Japanese investment in this area increased fourfold: from 2.4 billion yen to 11.3 billion yen, that is, at the then exchange rate, from 1404.1 million US dollars to 5595.9 million dollars, and taking into account investments from the government of Manchukuo, capital investments increased to 24.2 billion yen.

An interesting point - for the first time in the history of Japan, the government allowed generals and senior army officers in Manchukuo to “part-time” participate in the profits of enterprises producing military products.

Notes:

For more details, see: Shirokorad A.B. Russian-Turkish wars. Minsk: Harvest; Moscow: ACT, 2000.

Witte S.Yu. Selected memories. M.: Mysl, 1991. pp. 334–335.

The first half of my life. Memoirs of the last emperor of China, Pu I. St. Petersburg, 1999. P. 216.

Doihara is a famous Japanese intelligence officer and an expert on China. Born in 1894. Since 1913, he served in China as part of the Kwantung Army. Doihara spoke several Chinese dialects, Mongolian, and another eleven, and according to other sources, thirteen languages. In 1939 he will take part in the battles at Khalkhin Gol. Doihara will rise to the rank of full general. Doihara and Pu Yi will meet for the last time at the Tokyo Trial, where the former will be a war criminal and the latter a witness for the prosecution. On December 22, 1948, Doihara will be hanged in the courtyard of a Tokyo prison.

Quote by: Usov V.N. The last emperor of China. Pu Yi (1906–1967). M.: OLMA-PRESS, 2003. pp. 152–153.

Right there. pp. 159–162.

Documents of the foreign policy of the USSR. T. 16. M.: Politizdat, 1970. P. 192–194.

Count G.K. in the service of the Imperial House of Russia. 1917–1941. Memories. St. Petersburg: Russian-Baltic Information Center BLITs, 2004. P. 191.

Documents of the foreign policy of the USSR. T. 15. 1969. P. 796.

Militarist Japan, having captured the northeastern provinces of China, expropriated all Chinese railways located on the territory of Manchuria, and canceled Chinese banknotes. Occupied Manchuria became the most important source of raw materials for Japan. The industrial potential of this richest part of China attracted Japanese monopolies. The advantageous geographical position of Manchuria made it possible to turn it into a springboard for aggression to the north, west and south of the Asian continent. Therefore, the Japanese general staff considered Manchuria the main stronghold for further expansion.

In the very first months of the occupation, Japan began pumping out all types of raw materials from Manchuria, primarily for heavy industry. A flow of coal, iron ore, bauxite, zinc, tin, and timber began flowing into the metropolis. In plundering the natural resources of the occupied territory, the Mitsui, Mitsubishi, Sumitomo, Yasuda concerns and the state machine joined forces, providing the giant monopolies not only with extremely profitable concessions for the exploitation of raw materials, but also with huge subsidies. From 1932 to 1936, Japan's net investment in Manchuria amounted to 1.2 billion yen (approximately 90 percent of all foreign investment) (331).

In order to maximize the exploitation of the natural and human resources of Manchuria, which essentially became a colony of Japan, the occupiers accelerated the development of its economy. The headquarters of the Kwantung Army was directly involved in the strategic “development” of this rich region. Under his leadership, the first and second versions of the “economic program” were drawn up, designed mainly to provide the Kwantung Army with everything necessary from local resources, which was preparing to capture vast territories of China and the Soviet Far East. For this purpose, the enterprises of Manchuria increased the smelting of iron and steel, coal mining, and the production of synthetic oil. Military factories began serial production of new types of small arms and artillery weapons. A little later, an additional program was drawn up, which provided for the mass production of tanks and armored vehicles.

The occupiers launched intensive construction of airfields, railways and highways near the Chinese, Mongolian and Soviet borders. By 1934, about 40 airfields and 50 landing sites had been built in Northeast China and Korea - the rear base of the Manchurian strategic bridgehead. The most important strategic railway between Korea and Manchuria began to operate, and Japan acquired the ability to transfer troops to the borders of the USSR twice as fast as before. About 1,000 kilometers of strategic railways were built in Manchuria. Supply bases, vehicle parks, arsenals, and military support points moved ever closer to the Soviet borders.

The Japanese imperialists showed special concern for the Kwantung Army, which was intended to carry out broad aggressive plans. This army was one of the most powerful and well-equipped groups of Japanese troops. Its personnel underwent long-term special training taking into account the geographical location and climatic conditions of the Far Eastern theater of military operations and were brought up in the spirit of irreconcilable hatred of the Soviet Union. The Kwantung Army was continuously replenished with new units and formations. In 1934, it consisted of five infantry divisions, two infantry and three security brigades, five air regiments, a tank regiment, a heavy artillery regiment, a railway regiment and a communications regiment. On the borders with the Soviet Union - in Manchuria, Korea, South Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands - in 1935, more than 200 thousand Japanese and 75 thousand Manchu soldiers and officers, over 200 combat aircraft (332) were concentrated.

The Kwantung Army, feeling like a sovereign master, introduced strict control over the economic and political life of Manchuria. The population of the occupied areas was brought up in the spirit of submission to Japanese dictatorship, anti-communism and anti-Sovietism. School curricula included the study of the geography of “great Japan,” which included the territories of the Soviet Far East and Siberia up to the Urals. Under the leadership of the army headquarters, the “Society of Young Patriots” was created. His task was to “raise the cultural and moral level of the population and instill in them respect for Japan and loyalty to it” (333). Soon the society already had 2917 headquarters in the provinces and cities of Manchuria. 73 officers of the Kwantung Army worked at the central headquarters.

Numerous Japanese settlements were created, usually located near the Soviet border. Japanese settlers had weapons, were trained in military affairs and could be used at any time for a war of aggression against the USSR and the Mongolian People's Republic.

Thus, through the colonial exploitation of the local population, the intensive development of the military industry, the construction of airfields, strategic railways and highways, the Japanese leadership sought to prepare Manchuria as their springboard.

On July 14, 1932, the Japanese military attache in Moscow, Kawabe, sent a special report to the Japanese General Staff, proposing to strengthen preparations for war with the Soviet Union, which, in his opinion, was inevitable (334). The next day, the head of the Russian branch of the 2nd (intelligence) department of the Japanese General Staff, Kasahara, telegraphed Kawabe that “the (army and navy) preparations are completed. In order to strengthen Manchuria, a war against Russia is necessary for Japan" (335). In 1933, War Minister Araki stated at a meeting of governors: “... in pursuing its state policy, Japan must inevitably collide with the Soviet Union, therefore Japan needs to seize the territories of Primorye, Transbaikalia and Siberia by military means” (336).

As was confirmed at the trial in Tokyo, at the General Staff “there was an agreement between the heads of departments and divisions that preparations for war with Russia should be completed by 1934.” (337)

The provocations of the Japanese military and its Manchu proxies on the Chinese Eastern Railway, which belonged to the Soviet Union, intensified. The statement of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs of the USSR dated April 16, 1933, transmitted to the Japanese ambassador in Moscow, listed numerous facts of violation by the Japanese of the contractual assurances they gave in relation to the Chinese Eastern Railway. In an effort to stop the provocative speeches of the Japanese militarists, the Soviet government offered Japan to buy the Chinese Eastern Railway. After lengthy refusals and delays, the Japanese government agreed in 1935 to the acquisition of the road by the Manchukuo state for 140 million yen plus 30 million in compensation to Soviet railway employees. The price was clearly too low, but the USSR, trying to cut off the knot of Japanese provocations, agreed to such conditions.

On January 4, 1933, the government of the Soviet Union again proposed to Japan to conclude a non-aggression pact. The head of the Bureau of European-American Affairs of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Togo in a secret memorandum was forced to admit that “the desire of the Soviet Union to conclude a non-aggression pact with Japan is caused by its desire to ensure the security of its Far Eastern territories from the ever-increasing threat that it has been experiencing since the Japanese advance in Manchuria.” (338) . But Tokyo remained faithful to the anti-Soviet course - the USSR proposal was not accepted. The position of the Soviet Union on this issue was expressed at the XVII Congress of the CPSU(b). “Japan’s refusal to sign a non-aggression pact...,” said the Central Committee’s report to the congress, “once again emphasizes that in the area of ​​our relations not everything is going well... one part of the military people in Japan openly preaches in the press the need for war with the USSR and the seizure of Primorye with the obvious approval of another part of the military, and the Japanese government, instead of calling the warmongers to order, pretends that this does not concern it” (339).

The borders of the Soviet Union and the Mongolian People's Republic became the scene of continuous Japanese provocations. The USSR and the MPR suppressed them by force of arms. In 1935 alone, about 80 cases of provocations by the Japanese military and agents on the borders of the USSR were registered. The provocative actions of the ships of the Sungari flotilla of Japan intensified. In 1936, Soviet border guards detained 137 Japanese agents (340).

The Soviet military command faced a complex and difficult task. Protecting the border, which stretches for thousands of kilometers and is remote from the main industrial centers of the country, required a lot of effort. Fulfilling its international duty, the Soviet Army assisted in strengthening the defense of the Mongolian People's Republic, which had a large and vulnerable border with Manchukuo. On November 24, 1934, the USSR government, at the request of the Mongolian government, concluded an agreement with the Mongolian People's Republic, according to which both states pledged to provide each other with assistance, even military assistance, in the event of an attack on one of the parties. And it was timely, since already in 1935 the Japanese army began to concentrate its forces along the entire front of the Mongol-Manchurian border. The situation on the Far Eastern borders of the USSR and the allied Mongolian People's Republic became increasingly tense.

In Tokyo, meanwhile, the issue of the area where military efforts would be concentrated was being decided. The builders of the “Japanese empire” were attracted to China, weakened by civil war and devastation. China never received any support from the United States and England to repel Japanese aggression. In March 1933, Japanese troops captured the Chinese province of Rehe, passed the Great Wall of China and found themselves on the routes leading to Central China.

Finding itself in a difficult situation, the Chinese government entered into secret armistice negotiations with the Japanese. Their secrecy was due to the requirement of Japanese diplomacy not to notify or involve a third party in negotiations. On the morning of May 31, 1933, the Chinese delegation, in accordance with the humiliating ritual developed by the Japanese, left their luxurious carriages and walked along a dusty road to the residence of the Japanese command, where they signed an armistice agreement under which the Japanese kept everything they had captured. The truce in Tangu (at the place of signing) meant the capitulation of the Chiang Kai-shek government to the aggressor. Chiang Kai-shek again turned to his patrons and allies in Western Europe and the United States with requests for help and loans (341).

Tokyo closely monitored the diplomatic moves of its victim and waited for the moment when an isolated and weakened nationalist China would make a new deal with Japan.

The USA and England showed cynical indifference to the fate of China. Moreover, they provided Japan with economic assistance and direct military support. The United States was the main supplier of scarce materials and strategic raw materials for Japanese industry. Immediately after the invasion of Japanese troops into the northeastern provinces of China, the flow of military-strategic materials increased many times. Gasoline imports were completely controlled by American companies. Representatives of the US Navy believed that it was not only permissible, but also desirable to sell military equipment to Japan. England also supplied her with weapons and scarce materials.

Encouraged by its successes, Japan officially announced its withdrawal from the League of Nations on March 27, 1933. Even this international organization was regarded in Tokyo as an obstacle to the implementation of an expansionist course.

But Japan's attitude towards the League of Nations did not change the policies of the United States and England. The American ambassador to Japan, Grew, reported to his government that “the majority of society and the army, under the influence of propaganda, came to the conclusion that war between Japan and the United States, or Japan and Russia, or both at once was inevitable” (342). The ambassador spoke about the rapid strengthening and high combat effectiveness of the Japanese army and navy, about their extreme aggressiveness. But all these messages did not affect Washington's course. However, Grew himself was inconsistent. In some cases, he admitted that Japanese aggression was dangerous for the United States, but in others he excluded the danger. He wrote that from a practical point of view, the occupation of Manchuria by Japan brought many advantages: Manchukuo, created and ruled by the Japanese, would serve as a bulwark against Bolshevism. Proving the capabilities of the “bastion,” Grew reported to Washington that the Japanese armed forces were the most powerful in the world (343).

In October 1933, US Secretary of State Hull wrote to Grew “of his joy” at the improvement in relations between the United States and Japan (344).

American government circles were pleased with the direction in which, as it seemed to them, the aggression of their imperialist competitor in the Pacific was developing: Japanese divisions were then on the Soviet border. All calculations of the ruling circles of the USA and England were based on the assumption of a Japanese-Soviet war. The American Embassy reported to Washington every two weeks about the state of relations between Japan and the USSR (345). It predicted that an attack on the Soviet Union would take place as soon as the Japanese army completed its modernization. According to the embassy, ​​the Japanese would not postpone the start of hostilities to a later period, since any delay would benefit the Soviet Union, which was vigorously implementing a defensive program in the Far East.

Taking into account the position of the USA and England, Japan began to act more decisively. On April 17, 1934, the head of the information department of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Amo, made an unofficial statement to foreign correspondents that Japan plays a special role in the affairs of East Asia and will oppose any actions of China or third powers in the event of organizing resistance to its policies, even if this is expressed in the form technical or financial, not to mention military assistance to China (346).

The governments of the USA and England understood the meaning of the statement. Ambassador Grew noted that the implementation of the principles set forth therein would place China in a dependent position on Japan (347). The British Foreign Minister Simon, in a conversation with the US Ambassador to England Bingham, said that he was very wary of such statements from Tokyo (348). However, the policy of “appeasement” prevailed this time too.

Taking advantage of China's plight, Japan increasingly openly demanded the establishment of its guardianship over it. Tokyo's extraordinary emissaries talked with Chiang Kai-shek almost daily in the strictest confidence, and foreign embassies could only record the duration of the conversations.

In new secret negotiations with Japan, Kuomintang China demonstrated its flexibility. With the consent of Chiang Kai-shek, an agreement was reached between representatives of the Chinese and Japanese sides, as a result of which the 51st Army and divisions subordinate to the central government were withdrawn from Hebei Province, all Kuomintang bodies were dissolved, and a ban on anti-Japanese agitation was announced. Soon the same fate befell the province of Chahar (349).

Believing in impunity, the Japanese military no longer even tried to hide their plans. On October 17, 1935, the commander of Japanese forces in Northern China, General Tada, issued a memorandum in which he stated that Japan had a divine mission to “liberate the peoples of the East groaning under the yoke of the white race.” China, the general said, must admit that the only real solution to all its problems would be cooperation with Japan. Tada promised to create “a paradise of coexistence and shared prosperity.” The first steps towards this “paradise,” he said, should be taken in Northern China (350). On October 29, Tada accused the central Chinese government of failing to fulfill promises to disband all anti-Japanese organizations in North China. This was followed by a wave of arrests of people known for their free-thinking, all suspected of being “disloyal” to the Japanese.

In October 1935, Japan announced its policy towards China. It consisted of the “three principles” set out by Japanese Foreign Minister Hirota: an alliance between China and Japan to suppress communism in Asia; China’s departure from the policy of cooperation with the “war-lars” (meaning all foreign powers except Japan. - Ed.); establishing economic cooperation between Japan, Manchukuo and China (351). It is quite obvious that China's adherence to these principles meant: consent to the occupation of Chinese land by Japanese occupation forces; establishing Japan's trusteeship over China, especially in foreign policy and the economic field; absorption of the Chinese economy by the Japanese.

Preparing treason on a national scale, Chiang Kai-shek began negotiations with the Japanese ambassador on the implementation of Hi-rota's “three principles.” Justifying the policy of “appeasement” of the aggressor, Chiang Kai-shek openly stated in the fall of 1935: “For the sake of the high ideals of mutual prosperity and joint existence of the two peoples, as well as for the sake of maintaining peace in East Asia, we are ready to make reasonable concessions to satisfy Japanese interests” ( 352) . The Japanese, to reinforce the “arguments” of their ambassador, sent military units to Peiping and Tianjin. On November 27, the occupying army captured important strategic roads in the north. As a result of military pressure and political blackmail, Japan achieved success: at the end of December 1935, in a semi-secret situation, fearing popular anger, the Kuomintang elite of China agreed to the formation of a separate Hebei-Chahar political council, dependent on Japan. Thus, in fear of the progressive movement, consolidating their power by any means, the Kuomintang rulers handed over two more large provinces of China to the aggressor. Thus, Japan, expanding its expansion, achieved dominance over a significant territory of Northern China. As a result, the danger of Japanese aggression for the Soviet Union increased even more.

While preparing for war against the USSR and China, Japanese militarists closely monitored the developing situation in the world. They understood that the United States and Great Britain did not intend to openly oppose Japan in its expansion. Considering that China, ruled by the Kuomintang government, also did not strive with all its might to stand in the way of Japanese advance into the depths of Asia, Tokyo came to the conclusion that the only force capable of disrupting their plans was the Soviet Union, which, under extremely difficult conditions, managed to reliably strengthen the defense of its Far Eastern borders. The Japanese ruling elite, realizing this, looked for forces in the world that could divert the combat power of the army of the socialist state.

That is why the Nazis' seizure of power in Germany was considered by the ruling circles of Japan as a kind of gift of fate. The Asian aggressor looked at the Nazi predator with a secret hope that he, in his desire to take a dominant position in Europe, would be able to attract the armed forces of the USSR, USA, England and France to himself, and this would facilitate the implementation of the aggressive plans of the Japanese monopolists.

Nazi strategists, for their part, saw in militaristic Japan a potential ally capable of creating a second front against the USSR - in the east, weakening the country of socialism, and increasing Germany's share in Europe. The mutual “sympathy” of the two world aggressors began to be revealed already in 1933. The Japanese-German rapprochement progressed with each subsequent year, despite the fact that even in the First World War both powers fought against each other and the samurai spirit of Japan “standing at the center of the world” did not tolerated competitors, and Hitler’s ideology considered the yellow race one of the lowest races of humanity.

The aggressive interests of Japanese and German imperialism are what brought these powers, so far apart, closer together. They were united by hatred of the world's first socialist country and by counting on mutual assistance in implementing plans to conquer the world. The ruling circles of both countries greedily looked at potential prey - British and French colonial possessions. The aggressive ideology of the samurai was closely related to the theories of the “chosen people” of the Nazis. Violence, the suppression of internal opposition, the entire internal structure of Germany and Japan predetermined their rapprochement.

When the head of the Japanese delegation to the League of Nations, Matsuoka, left the meeting room on February 24, 1933, symbolizing Japan's withdrawal from this international organization, he was in no hurry to return to his homeland. Matsuoka - now unofficially - visited a number of European capitals. At the beginning of March, the new masters of Germany showed him the gigantic industrial complexes of IG Farbenindustry, Krupp and Siemens. On March 4, in the German press, Matsuoka called Germany “the one and only country in history that has so many parallels with the historical path of Japan and which is also struggling to recognize its place in the eyes of the whole world” (353). Matsuoka was received by the leaders of the Reich.

At the end of March 1933, the German consuls in Manchuria received orders from Berlin to cooperate closely with the Japanese. The official newspaper of the Nazi Party “Völkischer Beobachter” on August 14, 1933, supporting Japanese aggression, wrote: “Japan is a hundred times right when it strives to play a special role in East Asia.” At the Nuremberg trials, Ribbentrop testified that in 1933 Hitler asked for his opinion on the possibility of an alliance with Japan on an anti-Soviet basis (354).

In September 1933, when the Kwantung Army was tormenting its victim, Hitler’s ideologist Rosenberg spoke at the Nazi Party Congress in Nuremberg: “We recognize the pattern of development of the yellow race and wish it, within its living space, to create a culture that would correspond to its spirit” ( 355)

In January 1934, a collection of speeches by the Nazi Fuhrer was published in Japan with a special “address from the author to the Japanese people,” calling for strengthening German-Japanese ties.

The diplomatic rapprochement between the two countries accelerated with the appointment of Dirksen as German Ambassador to Tokyo. Before leaving for the Japanese capital, he was briefed by Hindenburg, Hitler and War Minister Blomberg. The latter made it clear that Hitler's goal was to establish close relations with Japan, which he wanted to see as his military ally (356). The US Embassy in Berlin on February 9, 1934 informed its Secretary of State that the German Ministry of Propaganda had ordered all German newspapers and magazines not to publish articles unpleasant to the Japanese (357). Both countries established regular radio communications, and a German-Japanese association was created. The President of the House of Peers of Japan, Tokugawa, during a visit to Germany, arranged with great pomp, declared that “the friendship between our powerful countries will be even stronger” (358).

Rapprochement also began along the military line. The German fleet turned primarily to Japan for the latest advances in shipbuilding, and not to England, as was expected in London. Germany was particularly interested in the technology of aircraft carrier construction. Ambassador Dirksen reported with satisfaction that the Japanese, having changed their previous secrecy, gave extremely important information to German specialists. The American ambassador to Japan noted “the intimate nature of the exchange of views and information that exists between Japan and Germany” (359). In May 1935, 70 Japanese officers went to Germany “for liaison duty.” In June and July, the American ambassador in Berlin reported that, in his opinion, Hitler, in an effort to encircle Russia, decided to enter into an alliance with Japan (360). In order to somehow “reduce” the geographical distance, telephone communication is established between Tokyo and Berlin through the countries of the South Seas.

In June 1935, the question of a Japanese-German military alliance immediately arose. Ribbentrop, and then Hitler, through the Japanese military attache, General Oshima, proposed concluding an alliance directed against the USSR (361). Responding to Oshima's request, Tokyo sent a representative of the General Staff, Wakamatsu, to Berlin. In December, a conference was held in the German capital in an atmosphere of extreme secrecy, the participants of which were Oshima, Wakamatsu, Ribbentrop and Blomberg (362). The Japanese emissary conveyed to those present the opinion of his general staff about the desire to conclude an agreement with Germany. Its main points had to be worked out and agreed upon first of all by the general staffs of both countries.

Thus the basis was laid for the conclusion of a military pact between the aggressors the following year.

Meanwhile, profound changes were taking place in China's domestic political life. A heavy feeling of national humiliation gripped large sections of the population. Among representatives of various classes and social groups - workers, peasants, intellectuals, the bourgeoisie and even part of the landowners - there was a growing desire to repel the invaders, and the consciousness of the need to unite all the forces of the Chinese nation for decisive armed resistance to aggression grew stronger. As a result, objective prerequisites arose for the creation of a united national anti-Japanese front.

The question arose of an immediate end to the civil war waged by Chiang Kai-shek against the revolutionary forces of China. In June 1935, an appeal from the central government and the Revolutionary Military Council of Revolutionary Bases spoke of the creation of “a united popular front of all those fighting against Japanese imperialism and Chiang Kai-shek” (363). With the most active participation of the ECCI, an appeal was prepared by the Central Committee of the CPC and the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government (declaration of August 1, 1935), which proposed an end to the internecine struggle, expressed the readiness of the Chinese Red Army to cease military operations against Chiang Kai-shek troops and organize a joint struggle against Japanese imperialism. “In recent years,” the address said, “our country and our people are on the verge of destruction. If Japan is rebuffed, China will live; if not, China will die. Rebuffing Japan and saving the motherland became the sacred duty of every Chinese" (364). This address was an important turning point in the policy of rallying anti-imperialist forces in China.

A realistic assessment of the difficult situation in the Far East led the Soviet government to an indisputable conclusion: the Japanese militarists had taken the path of aggression against the countries of the Asian continent and, in their movement to the northwest, created a great threat to the Soviet state. This urgently required speeding up the preparation of the Far Eastern regions of the USSR for unexpected turns in the adventuristic course of militaristic Japan. Making enormous efforts in the field of socialist industrialization, the Country of Soviets was forced to strengthen its Far Eastern borders. Only the power of the Soviet Army could sober up the Japanese generals, intoxicated by the impunity of aggression in China.

The Communist Party and the Soviet government developed and quickly implemented a number of important measures to further strengthen the Far Eastern borders.

The Far East turned into a huge construction site, new plants and factories came into operation. The pace of construction increased from year to year. In 1932, allocations for capital construction in the Soviet Far East exceeded the 1928 level by 5 times, and in 1937 by 22.5 times.

During the years of the Second Five-Year Plan in Primorye, the gross output of large-scale industry increased almost threefold, coal production almost doubled, gold mining tripled, and mechanical engineering and metalworking output more than quadrupled (365).

Crops of bread, vegetables and potatoes expanded. A special collective farm corps (OCC) was created. The Resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks dated March 16, 1932 stated that the purpose of creating the OKC was “to strengthen the security of the Soviet Far Eastern borders, to develop the richest virgin and fallow lands, to provide the population of the Far East and the army with food, to significantly reduce the import bread and meat from Siberia to the Far East, to develop the economy of the Far East" (366).

To strengthen the Far Eastern borders, the development of the vast expanses of the fertile region by new settlers, including military personnel leaving for the reserve, was of great importance. In just two years (1931 - 1932), more than 14 thousand former military personnel and their families settled in the Far East. The resolution “On benefits for the population of the Far Eastern Territory” adopted in December 1933 by the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR played a major role in the rise of industry, agriculture and the settlement of the region.

Considering the growing threat of a military attack on the USSR from Japan, the Central Committee of the Party and the Soviet government took urgent measures to strengthen the troops of the Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army (OKDVA). On January 13, 1932, the Defense Commission under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, in a resolution on strengthening the OKDVA with troops and military-technical means, indicated the need to transfer four territorial rifle divisions to personnel levels and transfer them during January - March of this year to Primorye and Transbaikalia (367). Created back in 1931, the Primorsky Group of Forces by 1934 had six rifle divisions and a cavalry division (368). The transfer of new units and formations to the Far East continued continuously. In 1931 - 1937 the 12th, 22nd, 40th, 59th rifle, 8th and 31st cavalry divisions, dozens of separate tank battalions, artillery battalions, anti-aircraft batteries, bomber and fighter air brigades arrived here from the central and western districts (369).

The party and government adopted a number of important resolutions aimed at increasing the combat readiness of troops. The decree of May 27, 1933 “On first-stage measures to strengthen OKDVA” indicated the need to build gas storage facilities, fortified areas, roads, and warehouses (370).

To carry out defensive work, at the end of January 1934, a separate corps of military construction units of the People's Commissariat of Heavy Industry of the USSR joined the OKDVA. It was formed from military construction units of the Moscow and Leningrad military districts and included 15 construction battalions.

Not only land but also sea borders were strengthened. By the mid-30s, the combat power of the Red Banner Amur Military Flotilla was significantly strengthened. By decree of the Council of Labor and Defense of February 17, 1934, the flotilla included eight gunboats and armored boats. And by the end of 1934, its combat power increased even more. In 1932, the Pacific Fleet was created to protect the Soviet Far East. Units of the Soviet Armed Forces were advanced to the borders of Manchuria. Border fortified areas were created in the shortest possible time. Coastal artillery was installed in important operational areas of the Pacific coast, and naval aviation was replenished with new aircraft.

The rapid development of the economy of the Soviet Union during the first and second five-year plans, and especially the defense industry, made it possible to equip the army and navy with the latest equipment and weapons. In the Far Eastern divisions and units, new guns and anti-aircraft installations, light and heavy machine guns appeared. Tractors from the Stalingrad and Chelyabinsk factories began to enter service with artillery units, which made it possible to begin converting corps artillery from horse-drawn to mechanical.

All these measures were defensive in nature and were determined by the new situation in the Far East and the Pacific Ocean.

The entire domestic and foreign policy of the ruling classes of Japan, starting from the mid-20s, focused on preparing for a big war and plundering neighboring countries. The open aggression of Japanese militarists against China, as a result of which Japan captured Manchuria and reached the borders of the USSR, created a difficult international situation. Pushed by the imperialists of England, the United States and France to march north, the Japanese military formed a hotbed of war in the Far East and intensively prepared for an attack on the Soviet Union.

The Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Soviet government, invariably pursuing a policy of peace, took all measures to strengthen the Far Eastern borders. The Soviet people were firmly convinced that if the Japanese militarists tried to attack the USSR, they would receive a crushing rebuff.

The plans of the ruling circles of the USA, England and France concealed a dangerous miscalculation for themselves, which consisted in the belief that Japanese aggression would be directed only against the USSR and would not affect the Western powers. However, the Japanese monopolists were not going to follow only the path to which world reaction persistently pushed them. Advertising anti-Soviet plans, they were also preparing a war against the USA, England, France, Holland, thinking about seizing their possessions in the Pacific Ocean. A dangerous hotbed of world war has arisen in the Far East.

In the 1930s, China was the main battle arena for Japan, and relatively slow-moving tanks were most suitable for this theater of operations. After the provocation on September 18, 1931 on the South Manchuria Railway, the Kwantung Army attacked Chinese troops and began the capture and occupation of Manchuria. During the so-called “Manchurian Incident,” an armored car platoon and armored trains of the Kwantung Army played, perhaps, a greater role than tanks - armored trains, for example, were already used in December 1931 in the campaign against Fukumen and Nyuzhang.

Only during the offensive in January 1932 did the Japanese send the 1st separate tank company of Captain Hyakutaki against the Chinese troops, consisting of a platoon of Renault FT-17 tanks and a platoon of Renault NC-27 (Otsu). However, these tanks did not have to actually fight - the Chinese troops hastened to retreat. However, this episode can be considered the beginning of the participation of Japanese tank forces in hostilities. After the occupation of Manchuria, the Japanese received the Renault FTs of the Manchurian Army, which they attached to their Renaults.

On January 28, 1932, landing troops of the Japanese fleet landed in Shanghai with field guns and howitzers, as well as - according to open sources - 14 armored vehicles and 11 tanks. By that time, Shanghai already had several Japanese Renault tanks - they were sent there in the late 1920s to guard, together with the French and Americans, the railway lines during the unrest in China. Chinese troops did not prevent the landing of Japanese units, but in Shanghai itself the Japanese met resistance. And in February, the 2nd separate tank company of Captain Shigemi, consisting of 5 Type 89 medium tanks and 10 Renault NC-27 light tanks, operated in Shanghai. Here, the actions of the amphibious assault force were supported by a unit of Carden-Loyd MkVIb tankettes (Japanese designation - Type 88). After these battles, the Renault tanks were officially withdrawn from service - their suspension turned out to be weaker and less suitable for operations in those conditions than that of the Japanese-made Type 89 tanks. In particular, in the 1st Separate Tank Company, Renault tanks were replaced by Type 89. Consisting of 11 Type 89 tanks and two Type 92 armored vehicles, this company took part in Operation Nekka in March 1933 in China (the first large-scale battle Chinese and Japanese armies during that war).

Having launched an offensive from Chaoyang on March 1, the company reached Chengje on March 4, having fought 320 km in three days. Not bad for tanks of those years. A platoon of Type 92 light tanks was used for reconnaissance. And the Japanese willingly handed over the outdated Renaults - their own and the French ones captured in China - to the “armies” of the puppet state of Manchukuo they created. In 1935, tanks of a mixed mechanized brigade of the Kwantung Army operated in the Shanghai area.

July 7, 1937 was marked by the “Marco Polo Bridge Incident” - a skirmish between Japanese army soldiers in China and a company of Chinese soldiers, which served as the pretext for the start of large-scale aggression against China. On July 28, Japanese troops captured Peiping and Tianjin, and during the assault on Peiping they used four SS armored engineering vehicles as self-propelled flamethrowers. Two tank regiments (commanded by Colonels Baba and Yamala), equipped mainly with medium Type 89 and small Type 94, were transported to Northern China.

They were assigned to the 1st Army, which on September 14, 1937 launched an offensive south of Beijing in a southwestern direction. Tanks were used to support infantry and were assigned directly to infantry divisions.

The tanks of the 1st Mixed Mechanized Brigade of the Kwantung Army were used in a similar way.

In total, in 1937, the Japanese had 400 tanks in Manchuria. The Chinese, with their significant superiority in manpower, had almost no modern anti-tank weapons, which. combined with poor army training, contributed to the success of Japanese tanks. Suffice it to mention that at the beginning of the Sino-Japanese War, the Japanese army outnumbered the Chinese in firepower by 4-5 times, in aviation by 13 times, and in tanks by 36 times.

The invasion of China quickly escalated from a “colonial expedition” into a full-scale protracted war. China remained an important destination for Japan further. Thus, for action in the “Southern Moraine region” in 1941, Japan allocated 11 divisions. 3 infantry brigades and 9 tank regiments, united in 4 armies, with a total number of personnel of about 400 thousand people. The expeditionary army in China at the same time included 21 infantry divisions. 20 infantry brigades, united in 5 armies with a total strength of about 600 thousand people.

The following examples indicate the scale of the use of tanks in the Sino-Japanese War. In the Beijing-Tannjing operation in August 1937, Japanese forces amounted to 65-70 thousand people. 750 guns and only 120 tanks, and they were opposed by 120 thousand Chinese soldiers with only 70 guns. The Chinese put up stubborn resistance, despite the use of chemical weapons against them, and the Japanese had to bring in a reserve in the Nankou-Zhangjiakou direction, which included about 45 thousand people and 180 - 200 tanks. At the end of November 1937, Japanese forces of more than 20 thousand people, including mechanized units and aviation, began an attack on the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei border region. However, the operation failed - the Japanese were faced with coordinated actions of partisan detachments, lost more than 2 thousand people, and among the trophies that the partisans got were one tank and several vehicles.

The need to resist Japanese aggression forced the Kuomintang and Communist troops of China to join forces, and accordingly the Japanese had to involve large forces in operations. To carry out the Xuzhou operation in May 1938, the Japanese concentrated more than 20 thousand people and about 400 tanks.

The operation to capture Xuzhou included the 1st tank regiment of Colonel Iwanaka (24 medium tanks Type 89, 8 small Type 94 TK tanks), the 2nd regiment of Colonel Imada (36 tanks Type 89), the 5th regiment of Colonel Hosomi (32 tanks Type 89 and 15 Type 94). This made it possible to achieve success and take Xuzhou. However, it was not possible to encircle and destroy the Chinese troops.

By the beginning of the Wuhan-Canton operation (in South China) in August 1938, the Japanese concentrated 12 infantry divisions, reinforced with heavy artillery and two tank regiments - a total of 240 thousand people, 376 guns and 180 tanks. Here they were supported not only by aviation, but also by ships of the river fleet. After long battles, the Japanese occupied Wuhan on October 24, ending the first stage of the Sino-Japanese War in their favor.

In March 1939, during the attack on Nanchang, the Japanese brought together medium tanks Type 89 and small Type 94 TK from the 5th and 7th tank regiments and the 7th separate tank company under the single command of Colonel Ishii (commander of the 5th regiment) and sent this tank group on a kind of raid. This rare move for the Japanese brought success, and Nanchang was occupied by Japanese infantry with fewer losses than expected in preparation for the operation.

In a private operation against Changsha in the fall of 1939, the Japanese involved about 150 thousand people and more than 100 tanks and armored vehicles. The Chinese were able to stop the Japanese offensive in this direction and restore the situation after stubborn battles (September 13 - October 10) only due to significant numerical superiority and the widespread involvement of partisan detachments.

In the January offensive of 1941, Japanese forces of 150 thousand people with 240 guns and 120 tanks acted on the provinces of Hunan and Guangxi in Central China. In this operation, tank units were constantly “thrown” forward to clear the way for the infantry. But due to poor terrain and frequent Chinese counterattacks, the bons of January 24 - February 2 brought only limited success.

The opponents of Japanese tanks in China were the Vickers-E light tanks available to the Kuomintang troops, the British-made Carden-Lloyd M 1931 tankettes, and the Pz light tanks. Kpfw. I Ausf. A made in Germany and CV33 Fiat Ansaldo wedges made in Italy. From 1937, Soviet T-26 tanks were supplied, as well as 45 mm anti-tank guns. In 1937-1940 In operations in China, the Japanese used mainly old guns - medium Type 89 and small Type 94 TK. The Kwantung Army preferred to keep newer models in readiness for war with the USSR.

Japan's foreign policy was closely dependent on the domestic situation, but on the whole it was very cautious, although it could not help but take into account the need for cooperation and competition with China and its increasingly growing pressure to increase investment in Manchuria.

Japan's "special interests" in the region were recognized by the Russo-Japanese Peace Treaty of 1905.

And the Sino-Japanese agreements concluded after it. This particularly applied to control of the Liaodong Peninsula and the Trans-Manchurian Railway, rights to exploit mineral deposits, and recognition of the privileges of Japanese citizens in agricultural, industrial and commercial activities. The agreement with China of May 1915 further tightened the conditions for the implementation of these concessions. An unacceptable situation was developing for China, especially since the consequences of the bloody transition to the post-revolutionary system were becoming increasingly severe. This explains why the Chinese government sought to either abolish these privileges or render them ineffective.

The Chinese tried to block the right of Japanese citizens to acquire land in Southern Manchuria, to carry out iron ore mining, and to operate railways in this region. We were talking about very important issues regarding which there were complex legal regulations. Based on the treaties, the Japanese received control of the railway in Southern Manchuria, and at the same time also acquired “all privileges, rights and ownership of the entire railway network of this region.” This was an article that the Japanese tended to interpret too broadly, to the detriment of Chinese jurisdiction. Added to this was the fact that the Japanese were completely unwilling to give up the right to invest in further construction of railways. In 1931 they built

There are about 1,000 kilometers of railways in all of Manchuria, arguing that they wanted to thereby contribute to the economic growth of the region.

Here, different interests are intertwined in a complex tangle. Added to this was the issue of nearly a million Korean emigrants in Manchuria, whom the Chinese regarded as the vanguard of the Japanese invasion, since Korea was then part of the Empire of the Rising Sun, which undermined the power of the Chinese government and called into question Tokyo's ability to influence the situation.

During these years, Japan was in power under the leadership of Osachi Hamaguchi, formed by the Minseito Party. In 1930, he came into sharp conflict with military circles and with the Private Crown Council because he accepted terms at the London Shipping Conference that were regarded as humiliating by the reactionary leaders of the Japanese Navy. In November 1930, Hamaguchi was assassinated by a nationalist fanatic. He died a few months later, in April 1931; He was replaced as head of government by another representative of the same party, Baron Reihiro Wakatsuki, who then represented Japan at the London Conference. Baron Hihuro Shidehara became Minister of Foreign Affairs. But if Hamaguchi was a strong personality capable of resolving internal political contradictions, then the new head of government did not have sufficient authority and was not able to withstand the pressure of the militaristic circles operating in Manchuria.

When, on September 18, 1931, several military units under Japanese command in Manchuria occupied Mukden, the main city of the region, and continued their advance through Manchurian territory under the pretext of protecting the railways, which were Japanese property and were allegedly subject to constant attacks by Chinese irregulars formations, the Tokyo government was faced with a fait accompli. Three days later, the Chinese government appealed to the League of Nations and, as a party to the Kellogg-Briand Pact, to the American government. The situation was complex and required a cautious approach. No one outside Japan wanted to create difficulties for its weak government and Foreign Minister Shidehara by pitting them against the nationalist and militaristic reaction that would occur if there was condemnation abroad of an action that was taken without the government's approval in order to embarrass it.

China's appeal to the League of Nations was considered on the basis of Art. 11 of its Charter, which defines the methods of political intervention of the League in the event of a conflict. The League Council on September 22 unanimously (that is, even with the participation of the Japanese representative in the vote) approved a resolution inviting the parties to refrain from steps that could complicate the situation and withdraw their troops to their original positions. China welcomed the intervention of the Geneva Organization; Japan, on the contrary, being stronger militarily, insisted on the need for direct negotiations, claiming that it had already begun the withdrawal of troops, which were used only for precautionary purposes.

The situation remained unstable; the League of Nations, continuing its attempts at pacification, turned to the United States with an offer to join its actions. The Americans supported its peacekeeping activities and took a number of unilateral steps that forced the Japanese to comply with the treaties. The Japanese continued their tricks. The Tokyo government found itself caught in the grip of a contradictory situation: on the one hand, it was under international pressure, and on the other, it had to confront the power and strength of militaristic circles within the country.

The crisis developed sluggishly in this vein for several weeks, until October 24, when the League of Nations, contrary to the opinion of the Japanese government, clearly demanded that Tokyo withdraw its troops by November 16. The Japanese refusal to accept this demand forced Washington to send a very strong protest to Japan on November 24, in response to which Minister Shidehara undertook to stop the advance of troops. Shidehara fulfilled his obligation and obtained the consent of the generals to suspend hostilities. In addition, the Japanese government agreed to the creation of an international commission and even demanded that a commission of inquiry headed by Lord Lytton be expedited to Manchuria, which in fact was formed only six months later, in June 1932. It is the delay in the appointment of the Lytton commission that indicates that under the cover of good will concealed intentions and goals that were far from being as decisive and principled as previously declared.

Shidehara spent all his political resources pursuing a policy of appeasement.

He was sharply criticized for his acquiescence, and the day after the decision to appoint the commission was made, December 11, 1931, he was forced to resign. So, while diplomats were negotiating, the military managed to remove the main obstacle to freedom of action

Chapter 3. Crisis and collapse of the Versailles system

stiy. Military operations in Manchuria were resumed, and the occupation of the entire region was completed by early January 1932. When Lytton arrived in Manchuria, he had to deal with a completely different state of affairs from that which existed when the decision to create the commission was made.

The sharp turn of Japanese politics towards militarism meant a rejection of the political course pursued in the post-war period, which led to the end of the previous era of the predominance of political parties and the beginning of a new stage of a rapid, albeit gradual return to military dominance. Internationally, this caused a sharp reaction from the Americans. Secretary of State Henry Stimson sent a tough diplomatic note to Tokyo and Beijing, which later became known as the “Stimson Doctrine.”

It stated that the United States Government could not allow "the validity of any de facto provision, nor does it intend to recognize any treaty or agreement between Governments or their agents which might be prejudicial to the rights of the United States or the rights of its citizens in China, based on existing treaties, including those relating to issues of sovereignty, independence or territorial and administrative integrity of the Republic of China, concerning international policy towards China, known as the "Open Door Policy". The United States Government also does not intend to recognize any provision, treaty or agreement that will be made by methods contrary to the articles of the Paris Pact (Kellogg Pact) of August 27, 1928, to which China, Japan, and the United States are parties."

To this diplomatic pressure must be added the timid steps taken by the League of Nations in response to the open challenge. Cautious (or powerless) figures in European diplomacy, on the contrary, preferred to hide behind cunning formulas, according to which, before taking any position, they should wait for the report of the commission of inquiry (however, they were in no hurry to appoint one).

Thus, the Japanese gained freedom to continue military action outside of Manchuria, on Chinese territory. Some incidents between the Chinese and Japanese that took place in the port of Shanghai served as a pretext for the shelling of the city from Japanese naval vessels, followed by the landing of troops (late January 1932). For the first time, the armed forces of the two states came into direct conflict. Chinese

Part 1. Twenty years between two wars

resistance, even more than the intervention of the League of Nations, forced the Japanese to end hostilities. On May 5, the fighting in Shanghai stopped, and some time later the Japanese withdrew their troops.

So, thanks to a diversionary military clash in Shanghai, the Japanese took full control of Manchuria. On February 18, 1932, they transformed the region into an independent state called Manchukuo and some time later installed the former Emperor of China, Pu Yi, who had lost his throne at a young age and was now renamed Kang Te, as its ruler. In September, an alliance treaty was signed between Japan and Manchukuo, which confirmed Manchukuo's dependence on Japan. These events had an impact on the already unstable situation in China, they became a harbinger of Japanese expansionist actions, which was confirmed several years later.

Although the Americans did not very clearly express their attitude to the accomplished fact, they confirmed the position of “non-recognition” of it, which was shared by the League of Nations - the Japanese government remained indifferent to this. From the report of the Lytton Commission, published on October 1, the already obvious facts became known: existing Japanese interests in Manchuria deserved protection, but the creation of the artificial state of Manchukuo was unjustifiably arbitrary, because it would be enough if China granted broad autonomy to Manchuria, maintaining its sovereignty for this territory.

Subsequent historians have praised the objectivity of the commission's report, but in reality it would have been more fair to point out the obvious and unhelpful platitudes it contained. It is usually quite easy to give a formal assessment of accomplished facts, especially if there is no desire to present, albeit weak, but concrete explanations of what happened.

None of the European powers was in a position to act against Japan at that moment. Great Britain, overly preoccupied with the restoration of its imperial power, did not intend to undermine the traditional friendship that bound it with Japan. The Soviets had completely different concerns that required their attention, although the Japanese action posed a real threat to them, since it came from their closest neighbor. Americans, who were experiencing the worst period of the economic downturn, were busy with an election campaign that required careful handling of foreign policy issues. The French could have anticipated the global significance of the “rupture”, which would pose a threat to the entire Versailles system, but they, of course, did not