As already mentioned, in 1534 the Reformation began in England, as a result of which the king became the head of the Anglican Church. The reason for the Reformation in England was the reluctance of Pope Clement VII to divorce the English king Henry VIII from his wife Catherine of Aragon, since divorce was not encouraged in Catholicism. Taking advantage of the status of an absolute monarch, Henry VIII declared himself head of the Church of England, and in place of the Archbishop of Canterbury (the spiritual leader of the church), he appointed Protestant Thomas Cranmer, who in church order divorced the king. After the adoption of the "Supremacy Act", which approved the principles of the new church, the closure of Catholic monasteries began, as well as arrests and executions of those who disagreed with the king's policies. Among those executed was the English philosopher Thomas More. However, despite such radical changes, many traditions and rituals of the Catholic Church remained in the Anglican Church. For their complete elimination and further Reformation were the Puritans - Protestants, Calvinist persuasion. S. V. Kondratyev notes that "consistent Puritans were much less tolerant of different beliefs than the Anglican bishops. They devoted their lives to strengthening discipline and fighting the Antichrist." And the British historian Christopher Hill believed that the discipline of the Puritans "looks like a theocratic tyranny." The Puritans were divided into two branches: Presbyterian and Independent.

Presbyterians proposed, following the example of John Calvin, the election of elders - leaders of Protestant communities and secular elders. Secular elders were supposed to spread moral laws and maintain discipline in society. The elders were engaged in preaching. It is worth noting that the Presbyterians did not try to radically change the existing church order. They tried, by searching for compromises with the official church, to build their own organization.

Unlike the Presbyterians, the Independents were more radical. They rejected the established order in the church and advocated the complete independence of the spiritual authorities from the secular. The Independents believed that people should unite in self-governing communities - congregations in which everyone was given freedom in religious affairs. Also, the peculiarity of the Independents was that they advocated religious tolerance.

The Independents, Presbyterians and all Puritans in general did not find support from the royal authorities, for the republican elements in their teachings. The Puritans were persecuted by law, and many of them had to flee to the American colonies. As political parties, the Independents and Presbyterians began to manifest themselves during the reign of Charles I. The religious policy of William Laud caused discontent among the population of England. Seizing the opportunity, the Presbyterians and Independents received tremendous popular support, and after the convocation of the Long Parliament in 1640, they took the majority of the seats. But during the first civil war, a split occurred in the Puritan parliament: after the capture of King Charles I Stuart, the question arose about the future policy of the parliament. The Independent Party, under the leadership of Cromwell, offered the king a return to power on moderate terms. However, Charles I rejected Cromwell's proposal, since the Independents, who at that time were the majority of parliament, out of fear of popular unrest, offered the king a better deal. Upon learning of the deal with parliament, Cromwell, along with his like-minded people, showed disobedience, which turned into the "Pride Purge" in 1648, when the Presbyterians were expelled from parliament by the army. The remaining "rump" of the parliament consisted almost entirely of independents.

The confrontation between the Independents and the Presbyterians gave rise to a new political movement - the Levellers. The name comes from the English word "Level" - level. Levellers were formed as a result of the agreement of several Independent congregations. The levellers were led by William Walvin, Richard Overton and John Lilburn. Based on natural law, the Levellers, in contrast to the Presbyterians and Independents, made more radical demands:

• · The elimination of the monarchy and the establishment of a republic in England;
• · Equality of everyone before the law;
• · The right to free trade;
• · The right to private property;
• · Free press.

The Levellers criticized the Presbyterians because they believed they wanted to restore the king's power, and with it inequality before the law. The Leveler leaders initially supported Cromwell, but after the capture of King Charles I in 1647, they found Cromwell's policies compliant and organized a series of uprisings in the army. In an attempt to find a compromise, Cromwell invited the Leveler leaders to meet in the town of Putney and hold a meeting to resolve the conflict. But the Putney meeting failed to reconcile the Independents and the Levellers: the Independents wanted to return the king's power, but with limited rights and regular parliamentary sessions. The Levellers, in turn, demanded the establishment of a republic with a freely elected parliament, while they "considered the monarchy a" Norman yoke "thrown around the neck of the British since the time of the conquests in the 11th century." Finding no compromise, the Levellers began to prepare new performances against Cromwell. But in November 1647, Lilberne was arrested and imprisoned.

It is worth noting that the Levellers condemned the Pride Purge and the subsequent execution of the king. Lilburn accused Cromwell of high treason and called on the people to fight against the Independents. But all leveler performances were suppressed, and on September 28, 1649, they were outlawed. The further arrest of the Leveler leaders only diminished their popularity. And even the acquittal and release of Lilberne in November 1649 did not help the levellers regain their popularity.

In 1648, as a result of internal disagreements, a group of people broke away from the levellers party who called themselves "true levellers". Later they were called diggers, because on April 8, 1649, they began to plow the land that had not been plowed until that moment. Their leader was Gerard Winstanley. The Diggers believed that a person has the right to keep as much land as he can cultivate. Each person was obliged to give everything produced on his land to public warehouses, from which each person would take what he needed. This is equality. The Diggers also opposed trade, money, and private property, as they created inequality. "It was an attempt by the landless rural proletarians, through direct action, to approach some form of agrarian communism," writes Christopher Hill.

Gerard Winstanley first expounded the ideas of the movement in the pamphlet A New Law of Justice, published in 1649. After that, as already mentioned, on April 8, 1649, Winstanley and a small group of his supporters began to plow the wasteland near Cobham, Surrey. It should be noted that this event was of a peaceful nature. The diggers' action caused concern and discontent among local landowners. When news of the construction of the Digger commune reached the Council of State, it was decided to send a punitive squad led by General Thomas Fairfax. When the detachment arrived at the commune, the diggers left it at the first request of Fairfax.

After the events in Cobham, the digger movement began to gain popularity. In addition to Surrey, small digger communes began to appear in eight other counties. However, they could not resist the forces of local landowners, who believed that the diggers were taking away their own land. Also, the landowners were supported by the church, which considered the diggers to be heretics, since they rejected the absolute truth of the Bible. It is worth noting that the diggers, true to their principles of peacefulness, did not put up any resistance in the destruction of their communes.

The levellers, from whom the diggers broke away, opposed their activities. They criticized their ideas, in particular ideas about the abolition of private property and the abolition of trade. Often, representatives of the Levellers took part in the defeat of the Digger communes.

From 1649 to 1650, the diggers were prosecuted. Their settlements were destroyed, and the diggers themselves were sent to prison. By 1651, their movement was defeated.

But despite this, in 1652 Gerard Winstanley published a small work "The Law of Liberty". In it, Winstanley portrayed an ideal world arrangement, where each person receives to the best of his ability. Also, this work is notable for the fact that it is, in fact, a set of rules and laws, which, for all their brevity, cover many areas of human life: from the laws of cultivation of the land to laws on marriage. Outlining his vision of the world, Winstanley appealed to the leader of the Independents, Oliver Cromwell, with a call to free England from injustice and give the English people freedom. However, the leader of the Independents did not respond to the call.

Having considered the history of the formation of political concepts of Independents, Levellers and Diggers, one can come to the conclusion that each of the parties waged an intense struggle for political power and people's trust. They fought in different ways, and each of them was confident that England, by accepting their path, could become a strong and powerful power.

LEVELERS

LEVELERS

(English levellers - equalizers). A political party of a radical nature, during the first English revolution, which stood for complete individual freedom.

Dictionary of foreign words included in the Russian language.- Chudinov A.N., 1910 .

LEVELERS

in the 17th century in England, a political party that demanded the concentration of all power in the hands of the people.

A complete dictionary of foreign words that have come into use in the Russian language. - Popov M., 1907 .

LEVELERS

politician a party in the era of the first English revolution, which demanded the granting of all power exclusively to the people themselves, government through annually elected representatives, freedom in industry, taxation on profitability and the establishment of the perpetual use of land by farmers.

Dictionary of foreign words included in the Russian language - Pavlenkov F., 1907 .

Levelers

(English levellers letters. equalizers, named. given by their opponents) a radical democratic petty-bourgeois group in England during the 17th century bourgeois revolution; sought the establishment of a republic, the introduction of universal suffrage; l. they acted, in contrast to the diggers (the so-called true levellers), in defense of private property, alienating the poorest strata from themselves, which made it easier for the Independents to defeat the levellers.

New Dictionary of Foreign Words - by EdwART,, 2009 .

Levellers

[English levellers] - “equalizers”, a radical party of the epoch of the English bourgeois revolution of the 17th century, which sought popular representation and the return of lands seized by landowners to the communities.

A large dictionary of foreign words. - Publishing house "IDDK", 2007 .

Levellers

s, units leveler, a, m., soul. (English leveller letters. equalizer).
ist. A radical democratic petty bourgeois group in England during the 17th century bourgeois revolution.
| L. sought the establishment of a republic, the introduction of universal suffrage, advocated private property, which alienated the poorest strata from themselves (this made it easier independents the defeat of the levelers).
|| Wed diggers.

Explanatory dictionary of foreign words L.P. Krysin.- M: Russian language, 1998 .

See what "LEVELERS" are in other dictionaries:

- (equalizers) (Levellers) A group of radicals during the Civil War in England. In the course of the parliamentary debates in Pužney, they spoke in favor of a more decisive program regarding the parliamentary army than the one that Cromwell's generals were ready to accept ... ... Political science. Dictionary.

Modern encyclopedia

- (English levelers lit. equalizers), a radical political party during the English Revolution of the 17th century. (until 1647 the left wing of the Independents). Levellers, led by J. Lilburn, advocated for the republic, against the liquidation of private property and ... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary

- (equalizers) a radical political party during the 17th century English Revolution. (until 1647 the left wing of the Independents); united mainly urban layers. Levellers led by D. Lilburn spoke for the republic, against liquidation ... ... Historical Dictionary

Levellers- (English Levellers, literally equalizers), a radical political party during the 17th century English Revolution. The levellers, led by J. Lilburn, were in favor of the republic, against the liquidation of private property and dissociated themselves from the diggers (so ... ... Illustrated Encyclopedic Dictionary

- (levellers, i.e. equalizers) one of the parties in the era of the first English revolution. The system that was established at the beginning of 1649 did not satisfy some of the leaders of the republican army, who had expected too much of it before. They separated from the Independents ... Encyclopedia of Brockhaus and Efron

Levellers- (Levellers), members of a radical polit, party led by John Lilburn, William Walvin and John Wildman; combined in the main. the London poor during the English Revolution (mid-17th century). In 1647, L. was actively supported by army soldiers ... ... The World History

- (English Levellers equalizers) a radical political trend (traditionally called a party) in the English bourgeois revolution, which separated from the Independents in 1647. Levellers were determined opponents of the monarchy and ... ... Wikipedia

- (English levellers, literally equalizers), a radical political party during the English Revolution of the 17th century. (until 1647 the left wing of the Independents). The Levellers, led by J. Lilburn, advocated for the republic, against the liquidation of private ... ... encyclopedic Dictionary

- (English Levellers, lit. equalizers, from level to equalize) radical petty-bourgeois. democratic grouping during the English bourgeois revolution of the 17th century. The Latvian movement arose in 1645-1647 amid a deterioration in the economy. the position of the poor and ... ... Soviet Historical Encyclopedia

And the religious persecution they carry out, expressing in general ideas similar to Lilburn. They also advocated individual rights, primarily property rights.

Start of activity

At first, Lilburn, Overton, Walvin, Prince and their like-minded people acted separately, but by -1647 the Levellers separated from the Independents and began to represent an independent political grouping.

In July 1646, the "Reconstruction of Many Thousand Citizens" (Eng. A Remonstrance of Many Thousand Citizens ), probably composed by Overton and Walvin. Already in it demands are put forward for the abolition of the power of the king and the House of Lords, the supremacy of the House of Commons responsible to the people, the introduction of broad suffrage and the protection of natural human rights.

The first document written on behalf of the Levellers was a petition dated March 15, 1647, addressed to the "Supreme Power of the Nation" (eng. The large petition), which was sent to the House of Commons. In this document, the levellers say that "no government can be more legal than parliamentary" and that although the parliament has made many useful changes in the fight against feudal foundations, the country is still in a downtrodden position. This, in particular, is evidenced by the fact of the preservation of the House of Lords.

In this petition, moreover, economic claims were expressed. Levellers demanded the abolition of patents and monopolies that constrain the development of the economy. The petitioners also demanded the abolition of tithing, which was still charged at the time.

The actions of the agitators were actively supported by the levelers. Overton declares in the pamphlet "A New Invented Trick ..." (Eng. A New Found Stratagem Framed in the Old Forge of Machivilisme ... ) that the plan to dissolve the army is the business of "a handful of deceivers, traitors and liars" (Eng. a company of false, traiterous and deceitful men ). The Levellers considered the army's refusal to disband a very important step in liberating the people from oppression and expected decisive action from the army.

Temporary alliance with Cromwell

In the same month, the General Army Council drew up the "Declaration of the Army" (eng. The Declaration of the Army), which was an attempt to put forward a political program that combined the ideas of levellers and independents. It said that the purpose of the army is to fight for the rights and freedoms of the people. Further, it was said that after a number of useful transformations were made, the Long Parliament should be dissolved, and after it a new one should be elected for three years. This requires proportionality between the amount of taxes received from the constituency and the number of representatives. In addition, the Declaration required freedom of the press and the filing of petitions. Many points of this document are concessions to the levellers, which subsequently were not implemented anyway.

Presbyterians began to prepare for the war for the king, forming military units and reorganizing the London militia, expelling the Independents from it. Then the leadership of the army announced the "New remontstration". In it, the Presbyterians were accused of using power for their own purposes and, in general, of leading the country to ruin. The army issued an ultimatum to parliament, talking about "emergency measures" that would be applied if what the army insisted on was not carried out. Charges were filed against the Presbyterian leaders in the House of Commons, but only a decision was made to allow them to remain in parliament or leave it for six months.

The conflict between the army and the "giants"

Despite the fact that parliament banned leveler agitation in the army, many soldiers still supported levelers. At the call of Lilburn, re-election of agitators was held, since part of the old composition of agitators supported Cromwell, whom the Levellers openly accused of treason, which many soldiers did not like.

This document was met with discontent by the grandees. Oliver Cromwell gave a three-hour speech in parliament in which he condemned the "rebel regiments" and said that he was seeking to restore the monarchy. The agitators were accused of slandering the army. It was decided to consider the "Case of the Army" on October 28, 1647 at a special expanded meeting of the Army Council.

For this meeting, the Levellers presented the first edition of their constitutional program, known as the "People's Agreement" (eng. The Agreement of the People). According to the creators, the adoption of this document should have been carried out through a popular poll.

The fight against the "new chains of England". May uprising

At the same time, active measures were taken to neutralize levellers in the army. The officers passed a resolution asking the House of Commons to create a law according to which everyone who brings confusion to the army should be hanged. The officers decided to ban soldiers' rallies and submit petitions only through officers or a general.

In these conditions, the levellers continued to fight, demanding the restoration of the institution of agitators and the Council of the Army. This demand was rejected. In response to measures to suppress freedom in the army, the Levellers continued to write pamphlets. One of the most significant is John Lilburn's pamphlet "Exposing England's New Chains" (eng. England "s New Chains Discovered ). In it, Lilburn criticizes the warped version of the "People's Agreement" submitted to parliament. He criticizes MPs and officers, but does so carefully, hoping for justice. Lilburn sharply criticizes the existence of such a new governing body as the Council of State, which restricts the democratic rights of the population, taking over the functions of parliament. Lilburn expresses fear of the usurpation of power by senior officers.

In March 1649, Lilburn publishes The Second Exposure of England's New Chains. The Second Part of England "s New Chains Discovered ). It no longer criticizes the State Council, but the parliament. Lilburn speaks of the violation of the people's freedoms by parliament, and calls on the parliament itself to protect the people from the activities of the grandees. The pamphlet boldly exposed the use of the Independent elite and the grandees of their position for enrichment. Subjecting parliament to sharp criticism, the levellers still hoped that parliament would turn in the direction of the opinions of the people.

But parliament not only did not follow the advice of the levellers, but began repressions against them. The most famous and active levellers (Lilburn, Walvin, Overton, Prince) were arrested and placed in the Tower. At a meeting of the Council of State, the accused categorically denied the charges of high treason, but under pressure from Cromwell and others, they were not released and were again placed in the Tower pending trial. The leaders of the movement enjoyed great support of the people, and petitions signed by several tens of thousands of people were submitted in their defense. In prison, the Levellers continued to write pamphlets, including the famous manifesto, in which the party leaders once again clarified their demands and resolutely dissociated themselves from the Diggers, who advocated not only political, but also universal social and economic equality:

... we declare that we have never thought to equalize the conditions of the people and our highest aspiration is such a situation in the republic, when everyone uses his property with the greatest possible security.

We consider distinctions in rank and dignity necessary because they stimulate virtue and are also necessary to maintain power and government. We think that they never seek to support the ambition or oppression of the people, but only maintain due respect and obedience among the people, which is a prerequisite for better enforcement of laws.

Lilburn and his associates continued to publish pamphlets exposing the policies of the ruling circles of England, which was officially declared a republic in May 1649. The most significant work of this time was Lilburn's pamphlet "The Legal Fundamental Liberties of the English People, Tested, Approved and Protected." In this pamphlet, Lilburn criticizes the policy of the Independents, calls the "rump" of parliament left after the "Pride Purge" a parody of power and once again draws attention to the "People's Agreement". The author proves the illegality of the actions of the Long Parliament, confirming his innocence with references to the Holy Scriptures and the works of reputable lawyers. Lilburn also does not recognize the legality of such coercive measures as the "Pride Purge" and the extraordinary trial of the king.

Suppress levelers

After the release of John Lilburn from prison on bail, his pamphlet "Charge of treason against Oliver Cromwell and his son-in-law Henry Ayrton" (eng. An Impeachment of High Treason against Oliver Cromwel and his Son in Law Henry Ireton ). In it, the policy of the Independents was criticized in an even more harsh form. In this and other pamphlets, the Levellers call for an open struggle against the established order.

In September 1649, a soldier uprising began in Oxford. The mood of the soldiers was fueled by the levellers. The rebels demanded the dissolution of parliament and new elections on the basis of the "People's Agreement", the restoration of the All-Army Council, the destruction of church tithes, the abolition of the excise tax (taxes had grown very much by that time) and the payment of wage arrears. But this uprising, along with the ensuing performance in Worcestershire, was suppressed.

This was followed by a new series of repressions against the levellers. So on September 28, 1649, a declaration was adopted by parliament, in which the policy of the Levellers was criticized and even revealed their connection with the royalists. And in October, the trial of John Lilburn began, who was accused of high treason (under the "Treason Act"). Levellers began to look for ways to resolve the situation. Lilburn proposed a plan for the resettlement of levellers in the West Indies (this did not seem fantastic, since some religious movements and sects used such a practice). Levellers filed petitions, but they were not accepted. Lilburn very successfully defended himself in court, showing outstanding legal knowledge, as a result of which he was acquitted on October 26, 1649. This event was greeted with a stormy popular demonstration. In honor of Lilburn's acquittal, a medal was even knocked out with his portrait and the names of the jury. On November 8, thanks to persistent protests from the Levelers, Lilburn, Overton, Walvin and Prince were released.

In December, Lilburn was elected to municipal councilor, but refused to swear allegiance to the republic. Then the election was canceled and several Aldermen and Levellers were persecuted.

After these events, the levellers' activity declined sharply, although they continued to publish puffs and even tried to spread their ideas in France. A prominent figure in the movement during this period was Sexby, who in (along with Waldman and Overton) and 1656 organized conspiracies against Cromwell. However, with the growth of Cromwell's power, the significance of the levellers as a progressive force in the revolution is lost.

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Notes (edit)

1. In Russian-language literature, levellers are traditionally called a party. On the one hand, the levellers had a clear program, and they were actively involved in political struggle. On the other hand, the levellers did not have the structure, organization, or charter, which are the hallmarks of a political party.
2. Levin G.R. On the development of political and social ideas of levellers // Uchenye zapiski (Leningrad Pedagogical Institute named after A. N. Herzen). - L.: LGPI, 1958 .-- T. 165. - S. 351-401.
3. (English)
4. (English)
5. (English)
6. (English)
7. (English)
8. (English)
9. (English)
10. Lilburn J. Pamphlets. P. 47.
11. (English)
12. Lilburn J. Pamphlets. P. 67.
13. (English)
14. Lilburn J. Pamphlets. P. 94.
15. (English)
16. Lilburn J. Pamphlets. P. 107.
17. (English)
18. English bourgeois revolution of the 17th century. T. II. S. 85-88.

see also

Literature

• The English bourgeois revolution of the 17th century / Edited by Academician E.A.Kosminsky and Candidate of Historical Sciences Ya.A. Levitsky. - M .: Publishing house of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1954. - 10,000 copies.
• Barg M.A. The lower classes in the English bourgeois revolution of the 17th century. The movement and ideology of true levellers. - M .: Nauka, 1967 .-- 354 p.
• Barg M.A. The Great English Revolution in the portraits of its leaders. - M .: Thought, 1991. - ISBN 5-244-00418-2.
• Bernstein E. Socialism and Democracy in the Great English Revolution. - M.-Pg .: State Publishing House, 1924.
• Efimov I. Overthrow every yoke. The Story of John Lilburn. - M .: Politizdat, 1977. - (Ardent revolutionaries).
• Levin G.R. Democratic movement in the English bourgeois revolution. - L.: LGPI, 1973.
• Poulsen C. English rebels. - M .: Progress, 1987.
• Savin A. Lectures on the history of the English Revolution. - M .: State socio-economic publishing house, 1937; 2001. - ISBN 5-93675-006-X.
• Hill K.... - M .: State Publishing House of Foreign Literature, 1947.
• Holorenshaw G.... - M .: State Publishing House of Foreign Literature, 1947.

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The main Others in parliament Other Have ceased Existence

An excerpt characterizing the Levellers

While Prince Andrey met with Nesvitsky and Zherkov, from the other side of the corridor, Strauch, an Austrian general who was at Kutuzov's headquarters to monitor the food of the Russian army, and a member of the gofkrigsrat, who had arrived the day before, were walking towards them. There was enough room along the wide corridor for the generals to disperse freely with the three officers; but Zherkov, pushing Nesvitsky away with his hand, said in a breathless voice:
- They're coming! ... they're coming! ... step aside, the road! please go!
The generals passed with an air of desire to get rid of the burdensome honors. The joker Zherkov's face suddenly expressed a stupid smile of joy, which he seemed unable to keep.
“Your Excellency,” he said in German, moving forward and addressing the Austrian general. - I have the honor to congratulate you.
He bowed his head and, as awkwardly, like children learning to dance, began to bow with one or the other leg.
The general, a member of the gofkrigsrat, looked sternly at him; not noticing the seriousness of a stupid smile, he could not refuse a moment's attention. He narrowed his eyes to show that he was listening.
“I have the honor to congratulate you, General Mack has arrived, completely healthy, only a little hurt here,” he added, beaming with a smile and pointing to his head.
The general frowned, turned away and walked on.
- Gott, wie naiv! [My God, how simple he is!] - he said angrily, taking a few steps away.
Nesvitsky hugged Prince Andrei with a laugh, but Bolkonsky, turning even paler, with an angry expression on his face, pushed him away and turned to Zherkov. The nervous irritation into which he was led by the sight of Mack, the news of his defeat and the thought of what awaited the Russian army, found an outcome in anger at Zherkov's inappropriate joke.
“If you, my dear sir,” he began shrilly with a slight tremor of the lower jaw, “want to be a jester, then I cannot prevent you from doing so; but I declare to you that if you dare to play a trick another time in my presence, then I will teach you how to behave.
Nesvitsky and Zherkov were so surprised by this trick that they silently, opening their eyes, looked at Bolkonsky.
- Well, I only congratulated, - said Zherkov.
- I'm not joking with you, if you please be silent! - shouted Bolkonsky and, taking Nesvitsky by the hand, walked away from Zherkov, who could not find what to answer.
- Well, what are you, brother, - Nesvitsky said soothingly.
- Like what? - Prince Andrey spoke, stopping from excitement. - You must understand that we, or the officers who serve their king and fatherland and rejoice at the common success and grieve over the common failure, or we are lackeys who do not care about the master's business. Quarante milles hommes massacres et l "ario mee de nos allies detruite, et vous trouvez la le mot pour rire," he said, as if using this French phrase to consolidate his opinion. "C" est bien pour un garcon de rien, comme cet individu , dont vous avez fait un ami, mais pas pour vous, pas pour vous. [Forty thousand people died and our allied army was destroyed, but you can joke at the same time. This is forgivable for an insignificant boy, like this gentleman, whom you made a friend to yourself, but not to you, not to you.] Boys can only be so amused, - said Prince Andrey in Russian, pronouncing this word with a French accent, noting that Zherkov could still hear it.
He waited to see if the cornet would answer. But the cornet turned and left the corridor.

The Hussar Pavlograd regiment was stationed two miles from Braunau. The squadron, in which Nikolai Rostov served as a cadet, was located in the German village of Salzenek. The squadron commander, captain Denisov, known to the entire cavalry division under the name Vaska Denisov, was given the best apartment in the village. Junker Rostov, ever since he overtook the regiment in Poland, lived with the squadron commander.
On October 11, the very day when everything in the main apartment was raised to its feet by the news of Mack's defeat, at the headquarters of the squadron, marching life was quietly going on as before. Denisov, who had lost all night at cards, had not yet come home when Rostov, early in the morning, on horseback, returned from foraging. Rostov, in a cadet's uniform, rode up to the porch, pushing the horse, with a flexible, youthful gesture threw off his leg, stood on the stirrup, as if not wanting to part with the horse, finally jumped down and shouted the messenger.
“Ah, Bondarenko, dear friend,” he said to the hussar, who had rushed headlong towards his horse. “Take it out, my friend,” he said with that fraternal, cheerful tenderness with which good young people treat everyone when they are happy.
- Yes, your Excellency, - answered the Little Russian, shaking his head cheerfully.
- Look, take it out well!
Another hussar also rushed to the horse, but Bondarenko had already thrown over the reins of the bit. It was evident that the cadet gave well for vodka, and that it was profitable to serve him. Rostov stroked the horse's neck, then the rump, and stopped on the porch.
“Nice! Such a horse will be! " he said to himself, and, smiling and holding his saber, ran up the porch, rattling his spurs. The owner, a German, in a sweatshirt and a cap, with a pitchfork, with which he cleared the manure, looked out of the barn. The German's face suddenly brightened as soon as he saw Rostov. He smiled cheerfully and winked: “Schon, gut Morgen! Schon, gut Morgen! " [Great, good morning!] He repeated, apparently taking pleasure in greeting the young man.
- Schon fleissig! [Already at work!] - Rostov said all with the same joyful, fraternal smile that never left his lively face. - Hoch Oestreicher! Hoch Russen! Kaiser Alexander hoch! [Hurray Austrians! Hurray Russians! Emperor Alexander hurray!] - he turned to the German, repeating the words often spoken by the German owner.
The German laughed, left the barn door completely, pulled
cap and, waving it over his head, shouted:
- Und die ganze Welt hoch! [And the whole world hurray!]
Rostov himself, just like a German, waved his cap over his head and, laughing, shouted: "Und Vivat die ganze Welt"! Although there was no reason for particular joy neither for the German, who was cleaning his cowshed, nor for Rostov, who drove with a platoon for hay, these two people looked at each other with happy delight and brotherly love, shook their heads as a sign of mutual love and parted with a smile - the German in the cowshed, and Rostov in the hut, which he occupied with Denisov.
- What is the master? - he asked Lavrushka, the rogue lackey Denisov known to the whole regiment.
- We haven't been in the evening. True, we lost, - answered Lavrushka. “I know, if they win, they’ll come early to brag, and if they’re not there until morning, then they’re blown away, the angry ones will come.” Would you like some coffee?
- Come on, come on.
After 10 minutes Lavrushka brought coffee. Come on! - he said, - now the trouble. - Rostov looked out the window and saw Denisov returning home. Denisov was a small man with a red face, shining black eyes, a black tousled mustache and hair. He was wearing an unbuttoned mantik, wide chikchirs lowered in folds, and a crumpled hussar cap was worn on the back of his head. He grimly, head bowed, approached the porch.
- Loveg "abalone," he shouted loudly and angrily. - Well, take it off, you fool!
“Yes, I’m taking pictures anyway,” answered Lavrushka’s voice.
- A! you've already got up, - said Denisov, entering the room.
“A long time ago,” said Rostov, “I’ve already gone for hay and saw Fraulein Matilda.
- Here's how! And I am "odulsya, bg" at, vcheg "ah, like a son of a bitch!” Denisov shouted without uttering R. “Such a misfortune! Such a misfortune!
Denisov, wrinkling his face, as if smiling and showing his short strong teeth, began to shag up his thick black hair with both hands with short fingers, like a dog.
- Chog "t me money" zero go to this kg "yse (nickname of the officer)," he said, rubbing his forehead and face with both hands. "you did not give.
Denisov took the smoked pipe served to him, clenched it into a fist, and, scattering fire, hit the floor with it, continuing to shout.
- The sempel will give, the pag "ol beats; the sample will give, the pag" the ol beats.
He scattered fire, smashed the pipe and dropped it. Denisov paused and suddenly with his shining black eyes glanced merrily at Rostov.
- If only there were women. And then here, kg "Oh, how to drink, there is nothing to do. If only she could" get off ".
- Hey, who's there? - he turned to the door, hearing the stopped footsteps of thick boots with the clatter of spurs and a respectful cough.
- Wahmister! - said Lavrushka.
Denisov grimaced even more.
- Squeg "but," he said, throwing his purse with several gold pieces. - G'ostov, count, my dear, how many are left there, but put the purse under your pillow, - he said and went out to the sergeant.
Rostov took the money and, mechanically, putting aside and leveling heaps of old and new gold, began to count it.
- A! Telyanin! Zdog "ovo! They blew me up yesterday" ah! - heard the voice of Denisov from another room.
- Who? At Bykov's, at the rat's? ... I knew, ”said another thin voice, and then Lieutenant Telyanin, a small officer of the same squadron, entered the room.
Rostov threw his purse under the pillow and shook the small, damp hand extended to him. Telyanin was transferred from the guard for some reason before the campaign. He behaved very well in the regiment; but they did not like him, and especially Rostov could neither overcome nor hide his unreasonable disgust for this officer.
- Well, young cavalryman, how does my Grachik serve you? - he asked. (Hrachik was a riding horse, a porch, sold by Telyanin to Rostov.)
The lieutenant never looked into the eyes of the person with whom he spoke; his eyes were constantly running from one object to another.
- I saw you drove today ...
“Nothing, good horse,” answered Rostov, despite the fact that this horse, which he bought for 700 rubles, was not worth half that price. - She began to fall on the left front ... - he added. - Cracked hoof! It's nothing. I will teach you, I will show you which rivet to put.
- Yes, show me please, - said Rostov.
- I will show, I will show, it is not a secret. And you will thank for the horse.
“So I will tell you to bring the horse,” said Rostov, wanting to get rid of Telyanin, and went out to tell them to bring the horse.
In the vestibule Denisov, with his pipe, huddled on the threshold, sat in front of the sergeant, who was reporting something. Seeing Rostov, Denisov winced and, pointing over his shoulder with his thumb to the room in which Telyanin was sitting, winced and shook with disgust.
“Oh, I don’t like the fellow,” he said, not embarrassed by the presence of the sergeant.
Rostov shrugged his shoulders, as if saying: "Me too, but what to do!" and having given orders, he returned to Telyanin.
Telyanin was still sitting in the same lazy position in which Rostov had left him, rubbing his small white hands.
“There are such disgusting faces,” thought Rostov, entering the room.
- Well, they ordered to bring the horse? - said Telyanin, getting up and casually looking around.
- He told me to.
- Yes, let's go ourselves. I only came in to ask Denisov about yesterday's order. Got it, Denisov?
- Not yet. Where are you going?
“I want to teach a young man how to forge a horse,” said Telyanin.
They went out onto the porch and into the stable. The lieutenant showed how to make a rivet and went to his room.
When Rostov returned, there was a bottle of vodka and sausage on the table. Denisov was sitting in front of the table and cracking his pen on paper. He looked gloomily into Rostov's face.
“I’m writing to her,” he said.
He leaned on the table with a feather in his hand, and, obviously delighted with the opportunity to quickly say everything he wanted to write in a word, he expressed his letter to Rostov.
- You see, dg "yog," he said. "We sleep until we love. We are children of pg`axa ... but fell in love - and you are God, you are pure as on the day of creation ... Who is this?" Drive him to the chog "that. No time!"
“Who’s to be?” They ordered it themselves. The sergeant came for the money.
Denisov frowned, wanted to shout something, and fell silent.
“Squeg, but business,” he said to himself. “How much money is left in the wallet?” He asked Rostov.
- Seven new and three old.
- Ah, squag "but! Well, what are you standing there, stuffed animals, let's go to the Wahmist," Denisov shouted at Lavrushka.
“Please, Denisov, take the money from me, because I have it,” said Rostov, blushing.
“I don’t like to borrow from my own people, I don’t like it,” Denisov grumbled.
“And if you don’t take money from me in a comradely manner, you will offend me. Indeed, I have, ”Rostov repeated.
- No.
And Denisov went to the bed to get a wallet from under the pillow.
- Where did you put it, Rostov?
- Under the bottom pillow.
- No, no.
Denisov threw both pillows on the floor. There was no wallet.
- What a miracle!
- Wait, did you drop it? - said Rostov, lifting the pillows one by one and shaking them out.
He kicked off and brushed off the covers. There was no wallet.
- Haven't I forgotten? No, I also thought that you were definitely putting a treasure under your head, ”said Rostov. - I put my wallet here. Where is he? - he turned to Lavrushka.
- I didn’t come in. Where they put it, there it should be.
- Well no…
- You’re all right, throw it where, and you’ll forget. Look in your pockets.
“No, if I hadn’t thought about the treasure,” said Rostov, “otherwise I remember what I put.
Lavrushka ransacked the entire bed, looked under it, under the table, ransacked the whole room and stopped in the middle of the room. Denisov silently watched Lavrushka's movements, and when Lavrushka threw up his hands in surprise, saying that he was nowhere, he looked back at Rostov.
- G "skeleton, you are not a schoolboy ...
Rostov felt Denisov's gaze on him, raised his eyes, and at the same instant lowered them. All his blood, which had been trapped somewhere below his throat, gushed into his face and eyes. He couldn't catch his breath.
- And there was no one in the room, except for the lieutenant and yourself. It's somewhere here, ”said Lavrushka.
- Well, you, chog "tova doll, walk around, look," Denisov suddenly shouted, turning purple and rushing at the footman with a threatening gesture. All zapog "yu!
Rostov, looking around Denisov, began to button up his jacket, whipped up his saber and put on his cap.
“I told you to have a wallet,” shouted Denisov, shaking the orderly's shoulders and pushing him against the wall.
- Denisov, leave him; I know who took it, ”said Rostov, going up to the door and not looking up.
Denisov stopped, thought, and, apparently understanding what Rostov was hinting at, grabbed his hand.
“Leap!” He shouted so that the veins, like ropes, swelled around his neck and forehead. “I tell you, you're crazy, I won't allow it. The wallet is here; I will skim this mega-owner, and he will be here.
“I know who took it,” Rostov repeated in a trembling voice and went to the door.
“And I told you, don’t you dare to do this,” Denisov shouted, rushing to the cadet to restrain him.
But Rostov pulled out his hand and, with such malice, as if Denisov were his greatest enemy, fixed his eyes directly and firmly on him.
- Do you understand what you are saying? - he said in a trembling voice, - except me there was no one in the room. Therefore, if not that, so ...
He could not finish and ran out of the room.
- Oh, chog "t with you and with everyone," were the last words that Rostov heard.
Rostov came to Telyanin's apartment.
“The master is not at home, we have left for the headquarters,” Telyanin's orderly told him. - Or what happened? Added the orderly, surprised at the cadet's upset face.
- There is nothing.
“We missed it a bit,” said the orderly.
The headquarters was located three miles from Salzeneck. Rostov, without going home, took the horse and rode to the headquarters. In the village occupied by the headquarters, there was an inn visited by officers. Rostov arrived at the tavern; at the porch he saw Telyanin's horse.
In the second room of the inn the lieutenant was sitting at a platter of sausages and a bottle of wine.
“Oh, and you stopped by, young man,” he said, smiling and raising his eyebrows high.
“Yes,” said Rostov, as if it took a lot of effort to pronounce the word, and sat down at the next table.
Both were silent; in the room were two Germans and one Russian officer. Everyone was silent, and the sounds of knives on plates and the sound of the lieutenant's champing were heard. When Telyanin finished breakfast, he took out of his pocket a double purse, parted the rings with small white fingers curved upward, took out a gold one and, raising his eyebrows, gave the money to the servant.
“Please hurry,” he said.
The gold one was new. Rostov got up and went up to Telyanin.
“Let me see the wallet,” he said in a low, barely audible voice.
With shifting eyes, but still raised eyebrows, Telyanin handed over the purse.
- Yes, a pretty wallet ... Yes ... yes ... - he said and suddenly turned pale. “Look, young man,” he added.
Rostov took the purse in his hands and looked at it, and at the money that was in it, and at Telyanin. The lieutenant looked around, according to his habit, and, it seemed, suddenly became very cheerful.
“If we’re in Vienna, I’ll leave everything there, and now there’s nowhere to go in these crappy little towns,” he said. - Well, come on, young man, I'll go.
Rostov was silent.
- What about you? have breakfast too? They are decently fed, - continued Telyanin. - Let's go.
He reached out and took hold of the wallet. Rostov released him. Telyanin took the wallet and began to put it in the pocket of his leggings, and his eyebrows were carelessly raised, and his mouth opened slightly, as if he were saying: "Yes, yes, I put my wallet in my pocket, and it's very simple, and nobody cares about this." ...
- Well, what, young man? He said, sighing and looking into Rostov's eyes from under raised eyebrows. Some kind of eye light with the speed of an electric spark passed from Telyanin's eyes to Rostov's eyes and back, back and forth, all in an instant.
“Come here,” said Rostov, grabbing Telyanin by the hand. He almost dragged him to the window. - This is Denisov's money, you took it ... - he whispered over his ear.
- What? ... What? ... How dare you? What? ... - said Telyanin.
But these words sounded like a plaintive, desperate cry and a plea for forgiveness. As soon as Rostov heard this sound of a voice, a huge stone of doubt fell from his soul. He felt joy and at the same instant he felt sorry for the unfortunate man who stood in front of him; but it was necessary to complete the work begun.
“Here, God knows what they might think,” Telyanin muttered, grabbing his cap and heading into a small empty room, “we need to explain ...
“I know that, and I will prove it,” said Rostov.
- I AM…
The frightened, pale face of Telyanin began to tremble with all its muscles; the eyes still darted, but somewhere below, without rising to Rostov's face, sobs were heard.
- Count! ... do not ruin the young man ... this unfortunate money, take it ... - He threw it on the table. - My father is an old man, my mother! ...
Rostov took the money, avoiding Telyanin's gaze, and, without a word, walked out of the room. But at the door he stopped and came back. “My God,” he said with tears in his eyes, “how could you do that?
“Count,” said Telyanin, approaching the cadet.
“Don't touch me,” said Rostov, pulling back. - If you need it, take this money. He threw his wallet at him and ran out of the inn.

In the evening of the same day, a lively conversation of the officers of the squadron was going on at Denisov's apartment.
“And I tell you, Rostov, that you need to apologize to the regimental commander,” said the high headquarters captain with graying hair, a huge mustache and large wrinkled features, addressing the crimson, agitated Rostov.
The headquarters captain Kirsten was twice demoted to the soldier for the cause of honor and twice he was served.
- I will not allow myself to tell anyone that I am lying! - Rostov cried out. - He told me that I was lying, and I told him that he was lying. It will remain so. He can appoint me on duty even every day and put me under arrest, but no one will force me to apologize, because if he, as a regimental commander, considers himself unworthy to give me satisfaction, so ...
- Wait a minute, father; you listen to me, - the captain interrupted the headquarters in his bass voice, calmly smoothing his long mustache. - You tell the regimental commander in front of other officers that the officer stole ...
“It’s not my fault that the conversation turned up in front of other officers. Maybe I shouldn't have spoken in front of them, but I'm not a diplomat. I then became a hussar and went, thinking that there was no need for subtleties, but he tells me that I am lying ... so let him give me satisfaction ...
- It's all good, no one thinks that you are a coward, but that's not the point. Ask Denisov, does it look like something for the cadet to demand satisfaction from the regimental commander?
Denisov, biting his mustache, listened gloomily to the conversation, apparently not wanting to intervene in it. When asked by the captain's headquarters, he shook his head.
“In front of the officers, you tell the regimental commander about this dirty trick,” the captain went on to headquarters. - Bogdanych (they called the regimental commander Bogdanych) laid siege to you.
- I did not siege, but said that I was not telling the truth.
- Well, yes, and you said nonsense to him, and I must apologize.
- Never! - shouted Rostov.
“I didn’t think that from you,” the captain of the headquarters said seriously and sternly. “You don’t want to apologize, but you, father, not only to him, but to the whole regiment, to all of us, you are all to blame. And here's how: if you thought and consulted on how to deal with this matter, and then you just, and in front of the officers, and boomed. What should the regimental commander do now? Should the officer be brought to justice and the whole regiment should be smeared? Shame the whole regiment for one scoundrel? So, what do you think? But in our opinion, not so. And Bogdanych is great, he told you that you are not telling the truth. It’s unpleasant, but what to do, father, they ran into it themselves. And now, as they want to hush up the matter, you don't want to apologize because of some fanaticism, but want to tell everything. You are offended that you are on duty, but why should you apologize to an old and honest officer! Whatever Bogdanych may be, but all honest and brave, old colonel, you are so offended; Is there nothing to dirty the regiment with? - The voice of the captain's headquarters began to tremble. “You, father, have been in the regiment for a week without a year; here today, tomorrow passed where to the adjutant; you don't give a damn what they say: "there are thieves among the Pavlograd officers!" And we care. So, what, Denisov? Not all the same?
Denisov was still silent and did not move, occasionally glancing with his shining, black eyes at Rostov.
“You are dear to your own fanaticism, you don’t want to apologize,” the captain continued, “but for us, the old people, as we grew up, and God willing, they will be brought to the regiment to die, so the honor of the regiment is dear to us, and Bogdanych knows it. Oh, how dear, father! And this is not good, not good! Take offense there or not, but I will always tell the truth to the uterus. Not good!
And the headquarters captain got up and turned away from Rostov.
- Pg "avda, chog" t take! - shouted, jumping up, Denisov. - Well, G "skeleton! Well!"
Rostov, blushing and turning pale, looked first at one, then at the other officer.
- No, gentlemen, no ... you do not think ... I understand very much, you should not think so of me ... I ... for me ... I am for the honor of the regiment. So what? I will show it in practice, and for me the honor of the banner ... well, it's all the same, really, it's my fault! .. - Tears stood in his eyes. - I'm guilty, I'm guilty all around! ... Well, what else do you want? ...
“That's it, count,” the captain shouted, turning around, striking him on the shoulder with his big hand.
- I told you "yu," shouted Denisov, "he's a nice guy."
“That’s better, Count,” the captain repeated the headquarters, as if for his confession he was beginning to call him a title. - Go and apologize, your Excellency, yes s.
“Gentlemen, I’ll do everything, no one will hear a word from me,” Rostov said in an imploring voice, “but I can’t apologize, by God, I can’t, as you want! How will I apologize, like a little one, ask for forgiveness?
Denisov laughed.
“You’re worse off. Bogdanych is vindictive, pay for your stubbornness, - said Kirsten.
- By God, not stubbornness! I cannot describe to you what a feeling, I cannot ...
- Well, your will, - said the headquarters captain. - Well, where's this bastard? - he asked Denisov.
“He said he was sick, the breakfast was ordered to be excluded by order,” said Denisov.
- This is a disease, otherwise it is impossible to explain, - said the headquarters captain.
- There is no illness there, but if he doesn’t catch my eye, I’ll kill him! - Denisov shouted bloodthirsty.
Zherkov entered the room.
- How are you? The officers suddenly turned to the newcomer.
- Hike, gentlemen. Poppy surrendered with the army, completely.
- You're lying!
- I saw it myself.
- How? Did you see the poppy alive? with arms, with legs?
- Hike! Hike! Give him a bottle for such news. How did you get here?
- They sent him to the regiment again, for the devil, for Mac. The Austrian general complained. I congratulated him on the arrival of Mack ... What are you, Rostov, exactly from the bath?
- Here, brother, we have such porridge for the second day.
The regimental adjutant entered and confirmed the news brought by Zherkov. They were ordered to speak for tomorrow.
- Hike, gentlemen!
- Well, thank God, we sat too long.

Kutuzov retreated to Vienna, destroying the bridges on the rivers Inna (in Braunau) and Traun (in Linz). On October 23rd, Russian troops crossed the Ens River. Russian carts, artillery and columns of troops in the middle of the day stretched through the city of Enns, on this and on the other side of the bridge.
The day was warm, autumnal and rainy. The spacious perspective, opening from the dais, where the Russian batteries were standing, protecting the bridge, then suddenly covered with a muslin curtain of slanting rain, then suddenly expanded, and in the light of the sun, far and clearly objects became visible as if covered with varnish. The town was visible underfoot, with its white houses and red roofs, a cathedral and a bridge, on both sides of which, crowding, poured masses of Russian troops. At the turn of the Danube one could see ships, and an island, and a castle with a park, surrounded by the waters of the confluence of the Ens into the Danube, the left rocky and pine-covered bank of the Danube with a mysterious distance of green peaks and bluing gorges could be seen. The towers of the monastery were visible, protruding from behind a pine, seemingly untouched, wild forest; far ahead on the mountain, on the other side of Ens, the enemy patrols were visible.
Between the guns, at a height, stood in front the commander of the aierguard, a general with a retinue officer, examining the terrain through a chimney. Somewhat behind sat Nesvitsky on the trunk of a gun, sent from the commander-in-chief to the arierguard.
The Cossack accompanying Nesvitsky handed him a handbag and a flask, and Nesvitsky treated the officers to pies and real doppelkümel. The officers happily surrounded him, some on their knees, some sitting in Turkish on the wet grass.
- Yes, this Austrian prince was not a fool who built a castle here. Nice place. What are you not eating, gentlemen? - said Nesvitsky.
- I humbly thank you, prince, - answered one of the officers, talking with pleasure with such an important staff official. - Beautiful place. We passed the park itself, saw two deer, and what a wonderful house!
“Look, prince,” said another, who really wanted to take another pie, but was ashamed, and who therefore pretended to look around the area, “look, our infantrymen have already got there. Over there, on a meadow, behind the village, three are dragging something. "They're going to ransack this palace," he said with visible approval.
“Both that and that,” said Nesvitsky. “No, but what I would like,” he added, chewing a pie in his beautiful wet mouth, “is to get over there.
He pointed to a monastery with towers visible on the mountain. He smiled, his eyes narrowed and lit up.
- But it would be good, gentlemen!
The officers laughed.
- If only to scare these nuns. There are Italian women, they say, there are young ones. Indeed, I would give five years of my life!
“They’re bored, after all,” said the bolder officer, laughing.
Meanwhile, the officer of the suite, standing in front, was pointing something out to the general; the general looked through the telescope.
- Well, it is, it is, - the general said angrily, lowering the pipe from his eyes and shrugging his shoulders, - it is, they will start hitting the crossing. And why are they lingering there?
On the other side, the enemy and his battery were visible with the naked eye, from which a milky white smoke appeared. A long-range shot rang out in the wake of the smoke, and it was clear how our troops hurried along the crossing.
Nesvitsky, panting, got up and, smiling, went up to the general.
- Would you like to have a snack for your Excellency? - he said.
- It's not a good thing, - said the general, without answering him, - ours hesitated.
- Shouldn't I go, Your Excellency? - said Nesvitsky.
“Yes, go, please,” the general said, repeating what was already ordered in detail, “and tell the hussars to cross the last and light the bridge, as I ordered, so that the combustible materials on the bridge are still examined.
“Very well,” answered Nesvitsky.
He called a Cossack with a horse, ordered to remove his purse and flask, and easily threw his heavy body onto the saddle.
“Really, I'll go to the nuns,” he said to the officers, who were looking at him with a smile, and drove along the winding path downhill.
- Noot ka, where he will report, captain, stop ka! - said the general, referring to the gunner. - Have fun with boredom.
- Servant to the guns! - commanded the officer.
And a minute later the gunners merrily ran out of the fires and loaded them.
- First! - the command was heard.
The 1st number bounced briskly. Metallic, deafening, the gun rang, and over the heads of all our people under the mountain, whistling, a grenade flew and, not reaching the enemy far, showed the place of its fall with a smoke and burst.
The faces of the soldiers and officers cheered up at the sound; everyone got up and started observing the movements that were visible, as in the palm of your hand, the movements below our troops and in front - the movements of the approaching enemy. The sun at that very moment completely came out of the clouds, and this beautiful sound of a lonely shot and the glitter of the bright sun merged into one cheerful and cheerful impression.

Two enemy cannonballs had already flown over the bridge, and there was a crush on the bridge. In the middle of the bridge, getting off his horse, pressed by his fat body to the railing, stood Prince Nesvitsky.
He, laughing, looked back at his Cossack, who, with two horses in the bit, stood a few steps behind him.
As soon as Prince Nesvitsky wanted to move forward, again the soldiers and carts pressed on him and again pressed him to the railing, and he had no choice but to smile.
- What you, brother, my! - said the Cossack to the Furshtat soldier with a cart, who was pressing on the infantry crowded with wheels and horses. No, to wait: you see, the general has to go through.
But the furshtat, not paying attention to the name of the general, shouted at the soldiers who blocked his way: - Hey! fellow countrywomen! keep left, wait! - But fellow countrywomen, huddling shoulder to shoulder, clinging with bayonets and without interruption, moved across the bridge in one continuous mass. Looking down over the railing, Prince Nesvitsky saw the fast, noisy, low waves of Ens, which, merging, rippling and bending around the piles of the bridge, overtook one another. Looking at the bridge, he saw the equally monotonous living waves of soldiers, kutases, shako with covers, knapsacks, bayonets, long guns and from under shako faces with wide cheekbones, sunken cheeks and carefree tired expressions and moving legs along the sticky mud drawn on the bridge boards ... Sometimes between the monotonous waves of soldiers, like a splash of white foam in the waves of Ens, an officer in a cloak squeezed between the soldiers, with his physiognomy different from the soldiers; sometimes, like a splinter winding along a river, a foot hussar, a batman or a resident was carried away across the bridge by waves of infantry; sometimes, like a log floating on a river, surrounded on all sides, a company or officer's carriage, laid to the top and covered with leather, sailed across the bridge.
“See, they burst like a dam,” the Cossack said, hopelessly stopping. "Are there many of you still there?"
- Melion without one! - a cheerful soldier walking close by in a torn greatcoat said with a wink and was hiding; another old soldier walked behind him.
“How he (he is the enemy) will start frying taperich across the bridge,” said the gloomy old soldier, turning to his comrade, “you will forget to scratch.
And the soldier passed by. Another soldier followed him in a cart.
- Where, the devil, did you stuff the rolls? - said the orderly, running at a run after the cart and groping in the rear.
And this one passed by with a cart. This was followed by cheerful and, apparently, drunk soldiers.
“How can he, my dear man, blaze with a butt in the very teeth…” one soldier in a high-tucked greatcoat said happily, waving his hand widely.
- That is it, that sweet ham. - answered the other with a laugh.
And they passed, so that Nesvitsky did not recognize who had been hit in the teeth and what the ham belonged to.
- Ek are in a hurry that he let the cold one, you think so, everyone will be killed. The non-commissioned officer said angrily and reproachfully.
- As it flies past me, uncle, the core is, - said, barely holding back from laughing, with a huge mouth, a young soldier, - I just died out. Really, by God, I was so frightened, trouble! - said this soldier, as if bragging that he was frightened. And this one passed. He was followed by a wagon unlike any that had passed until now. It was a German foreskin on steam, loaded with what seemed to be a whole house; behind the forespan, which the German was carrying, was tied to a beautiful, motley cow with a huge udder. On the feather beds sat a woman with a baby, an old woman and a young, crimson-faced, healthy German girl. Apparently, these evicted residents were allowed through by special permission. The eyes of all the soldiers turned to the women, and as the wagon passed, moving step by step, and all the soldiers' remarks referred to only two women. Almost the same smile of obscene thoughts about this woman was on all faces.
- Look, the sausage is also removed!
“Sell your mother,” another soldier said, striking on the last syllable, addressing the German, who, with downcast eyes, walked angrily and frightenedly with a wide step.
- Ek cleaned up like that! That is the devils!
“I wish you could stand by them, Fedotov.
- We did, brother!
- Where are you going? Asked the infantry officer, who was eating an apple, also half-smiling and looking at the beautiful girl.

Abstract on the topic:

Levellers

Plan:

Introduction

1 The origin of levellers 2 Beginning of activity 3 Levellers in the army 4 Temporary alliance with Cromwell 5 The conflict between the army and the "giants" 6 Levellers against the royalists. Execution of Charles I 7 Fight against the "new chains of England". May Uprising 8 Suppression of Levellers

Notes (edit)
Literature

Introduction

Le? Vellers(eng. Levellers- equalizers) - a radical political trend (traditionally called a party) in the English bourgeois revolution, which separated from the Independents in 1647. Levellers were determined opponents of the monarchy and aristocracy (). They advocated the creation of a republic, defended the idea of ​​popular sovereignty, advocated the provision of broad political rights and freedoms to the population, including holding annual elections to the House of Commons and granting suffrage to all free men, and defended the inviolability of private property.

Levellers expressed the interests of the petty bourgeoisie, artisans, part of wealthy peasants (mainly freeholders), and relied mainly on the army.

1. The origin of levellers

s Birthright Justified) Lilburn sharply criticized the House of Lords, formulating the clause on popular sovereignty. Lilburn wrote: "The supreme power is in the people." Parliament received its power from the people, but the people did not yield to the supreme power, that is, the power of parliament should be limited. Parliament "should not do what it wants, but what is useful for the good of the people and does not harm the people." At the same time, Lilburn did not allow the thought of the simultaneous existence of the House of Commons and the House of Lords. The lords were not elected, which means they are not invested with the trust of the people, their power is tyrannical, which means that their power must be destroyed along with the power of the king.

Lilburn also spoke out against privileges and feudal titles, for freedom of religious belief, inviolability of person and property, freedom of the press, etc. All these demands were aimed at destroying the feudal foundations that still reigned in England. In 1646, for his decisive actions, Lilburn was sentenced by the House of Lords to imprisonment and a hefty fine. Lilburn was released only in 1648.

2. Start of activity

At first, Lilburn, Overton, Walvin, Prince and their like-minded people acted separately, but by 1646-1647 the Levellers separated from the Independents and began to represent an independent political grouping.

In July 1646, the "Reconstruction of Many Thousand Citizens" (Eng. A Remonstrance of Many Thousand Citizens), probably composed by Overton and Walvin. Already in it demands are put forward for the abolition of the power of the king and the House of Lords, the supremacy of the House of Commons responsible to the people, the introduction of broad suffrage and the protection of natural human rights.

The first document written on behalf of the levellers was a petition dated 01.01.01, addressed to the "Supreme Power of the Nation" (eng. The large petition), which was sent to the House of Commons. In this document, the levellers say that "no government can be more legal than parliamentary" and that although the parliament has made many useful changes in the fight against feudal foundations, the country is still in a downtrodden position. This, in particular, is evidenced by the fact of the preservation of the House of Lords.

In this petition, moreover, economic claims were expressed. Levellers demanded the abolition of patents and monopolies that constrain the development of the economy. The petitioners also demanded the abolition of tithing, which was still charged at the time. The petition contains a proposal to create laws to help the poor, which in those days became more and more as a result of fencing.

In the pamphlet "Jonah's Cry" (eng. Jonah 's Cry), dated the same year, Lilburn was already opposed to the policy of the House of Commons. He wrote that the people must resist any tyrannical power - be it the power of the king or parliament. And the army should play the main role in the destruction of traitors.

3. Levellers in the army

In the army, the Independents and Levellers were treated with respect. And if the Independents relied mainly on the officers, then the Levellers had a large number of supporters among the soldiers, as well as among some of the officers. The leveller leaders in the army were Colonel Thomas Rainsborough (for officers) and Edward Sexby (for soldiers).

In 1647, the "Councils of Soldiers' Agitators" appeared in the army. There were many levellers among the agitators. Agitators very actively contributed to the spread of the ideas of levellers in the army. At this time, Parliament, fearing oppositional sentiments in the army, makes a decision according to which most of it should go to Ireland. However, the agitators Sexby, Allen and Shepherd present a petition to the army command, in which they declare that the army refuses to go to Ireland, and does not intend to obey the "degenerated into tyrants" Presbyterians. The parliament also banned the soldiers' petitions. Moreover, the Presbyterians, alarmed by the activity of the Levellers, decided to disband the army. However, the soldiers, under the influence of radical agitators, announced their refusal to comply with parliamentary orders. The Independent leadership of the army (Fairfax, Cromwell, Ayrton and others), who opposed the Presbyterians and were not too happy with the views of the Levellers, had to inform parliament about this, supporting the army. [ source not specified 784 days]

The actions of the agitators were actively supported by the levelers. Overton declares in the pamphlet "A New Invented Trick ..." (Eng. A New Found Stratagem Framed in the Old Forge of Machivilisme ...) that the plan to dissolve the army is the business of "a handful of deceivers, traitors and liars." source not specified 784 days] The Levellers considered the army's refusal to disband a very important step in liberating the people from oppression and expected decisive action from the army.

4. Temporary alliance with Cromwell

At this time, Cromwell decides to take the king prisoner in order to prevent parliament from collusion with him. Having captured Charles, Cromwell was going to start negotiations with him himself, but first he wanted to isolate the supporters of the Levellers, who in any case would be against the deal. Then, at the beginning of June 1647, the All-Army Council (otherwise called the Council of the Army) was created, which included the top leadership of the army, soldiers-agitators and officers. At first, the Levellers welcomed its creation, believing that the administration in the army was acquiring a democratic character. However, they did not understand then that the General Army Council was created to control the agitators, that unity with the Independents could only be temporary [ source not specified 784 days].

In the same month, the General Army Council drew up the "Declaration of the Army" (eng. The Declaration of the Army), which was an attempt to put forward a political program that combined the ideas of levellers and independents. It said that the purpose of the army is to fight for the rights and freedoms of the people. Further, it was said that after a number of useful transformations were made, the Long Parliament should be dissolved, and after it a new one should be elected for three years. This requires proportionality between the amount of taxes received from the constituency and the number of representatives. In addition, the Declaration required freedom of the press and petition. [ source not specified 784 days] Many points of this document are concessions to the levellers, which subsequently were not implemented anyway.

Presbyterians began to prepare for the war for the king, forming military units and reorganizing the London militia, expelling the Independents from it. Then the leadership of the army announced the "New remontstration". In it, the Presbyterians were accused of using power for their own purposes and, in general, of leading the country to ruin. The army issued an ultimatum to parliament, talking about "emergency measures" that would be applied if what the army insisted on was not carried out. Charges were filed against the Presbyterian leaders in the House of Commons, but only a decision was made to allow them to remain in parliament or leave it for six months.

The Levellers considered this policy of the Independents to be extremely indecisive. The agitators demanded that the leadership of the army make a decision to attack London in order to prevent the Presbyterians "from gathering forces to stir up confusion and involve the unfortunate kingdom in a new and even more bloody war." They argued that this campaign is necessary for the well-being of the whole people, in this way it will be possible to prevent negotiations between the Presbyterians and the Royalists. [ source not specified 784 days]

However, Cromwell was going to first reach an agreement with the king, and only then begin an active struggle with the Presbyterians. And although the campaign would have been in his hands, Cromwell did not want to strengthen the levellers, fearing that they would take power into their own hands. However, under pressure from agitators, the All-Army Council was forced to make a decision to march on London. After the fighting London surrendered. [ source not specified 784 days]

5. The conflict between the army and the "giants"

Cromwell begins negotiations with Charles I, which leads to an exacerbation of disagreements between the Levellers and Independents. In his pamphlets, John Lilburn condemns the actions of the army leadership, ignoring agitators and appropriating their powers. In the pamphlet "Exposing the Deceivers" (eng. The jugglers discovered) Lilburn writes that the grandees, as senior officers ironically began to be called, "are corrupt and have turned into enemies of the real and legal freedoms of England, becoming nobles and thinking only of themselves." In an anonymous pamphlet, Calling the Free People of England to Soldiers, the author strongly condemns the officers for their suspicious relationship with the king. The pamphlet calls on the agitators to fight against the parliament and the grandees. Levellers also demand the release of Lilburn and Overton from prison. [ source not specified 784 days]

Despite the fact that parliament banned leveler agitation in the army, many soldiers still supported levelers. At the call of Lilburn, re-election of agitators was held, since part of the old composition of agitators supported Cromwell, whom the Levellers openly accused of treason, which many soldiers did not like.

With the election of a new composition of agitators, the influence of levellers in the army increased. Sometimes the agitators even met separately from the General Army Council, consulted with civilian levellers. Under their leadership, the agitators drew up a document entitled "The Army Case, Correctly Grounded" (Eng. The Case of the Army Truly Stated), which was a program of socio-political transformations. "The Army Case" was a kind of response to the "Proposal Items" - the Independents' program. One of its main compilers was the renowned leveler John Wildeman. [ source not specified 784 days]

The compilers of the "Cause of the Army" pointed out that the rule of the Presbyterians is dangerous for the country, and the army is obliged to fight against oppression and injustice, but the leadership of the army has changed its obligations and prevents the people from gaining their rights and freedoms. The agitators emphasized that the army did not consist of mercenaries and should not have served with any ruler, but was an army that represented the interests of the people. [ source not specified 784 days]

The authors criticized the "Sentence clauses" (eng. The Heads of the Proposals Offered by the Army), according to which popular rights were to depend on the king. A number of proposals were put forward, including the purge of parliament, and then its dissolution, the creation of a permanent and fundamental law of the country - a constitution that was supposed to guarantee the right to elect parliament every two years "by all free-born 21 and older." At the same time, the authors of "Cause of the Army" denied the authority of the House of Lords. The authors also demanded judicial reform, revision of legislation, freedom of religion. [ source not specified 784 days]

The "Army Cause" also contained such demands as a reduction in the tax on the poor, the abolition of taxes on basic necessities, keeping taxes on foreign-made goods, and an increase in taxes levied on London bankers. The agitators demanded that funds be found to pay salaries to the soldiers through the sale of Episcopal lands. There was also a demand to return the fenced communal lands to the peasants. source not specified 784 days]

This document was met with discontent by the grandees. Oliver Cromwell gave a three-hour speech in parliament, in which he condemned the "rebel regiments" and said that he seeks to restore the monarchy. The agitators were accused of slandering the army. It was decided to consider the "Case of the Army" at a special expanded meeting of the Army Council on October 28, 1647.

November 15 "href =" / text / category / 15_noyabrya / "rel =" bookmark "> On November 15, not seven, but nine regiments arrived on November 15. Soldiers of the regiments of Harrison and Robert Lilburn (brother of the Leveler chief who continued to sit in the Tower) attached the text to their hats "People's Accord." The most prominent leveller in the army, Colonel Rainsborough, went to Fairfax to hand him one copy of the leveling draft, but was pushed aside. Fairfax and Cromwell began to bypass the regiments demanding to sign the text of the oath and remove the texts of the "People's Accord." However, the regiments Harrison and Lilburn refused to obey. Then Cromwell, realizing the danger of the situation, himself, with a sword in his hand, crashed into a crowd of soldiers, tearing sheets from their hats, and then staged a demonstrative execution of three of the most active army levelers. source not specified 784 days]

At the beginning of 1648, the Levellers, led by the liberated Lilburn, again launched agitation. As a result, Lilburn and Wildeman were imprisoned. By this time, the royalists became active and to fight them the levellers united with the Independents. In August, hostilities had not yet stopped, but the advantage was clearly on the side of the revolutionary army.

6. Levellers against the Royalists. Execution of Charles I

The Presbyterians were negotiating with the king, which alarmed the Independents and Levellers. Then John Lilburn was released from prison. The Presbyterians hoped that Lilburn would again begin to fight Cromwell, as a result of which the alliance between the Independents and the Levellers would be destroyed. However, Lilburn stated that at the moment he strongly supports Cromwell, despite the differences between them. Walvin also published the pamphlet "The Bloody Project" (eng. The bloody project), which told that nothing was adopted to improve the situation of the people, the Presbyterians were sharply criticized and called for unification and struggle against the Royalists and Presbyterians. Following this, on September 11, 1648, the Levellers presented "A humble petition of several thousand well-meaning citizens of the city of London, Westminster, Southwark and the surrounding area" (eng. The humble Petition of Thousands well-affected persons inhabiting the City of London, Westminster, the Borough of Sonthwark Hamblets, and places adjacent). Presenting the petition to parliament, they said it had 40,000 signatures. In this petition, the levellers reiterate their economic demands, but a special place is given to political issues. Levellers condemn negotiations with the king and oppose the authority of the king and the house of Lords. The drafters of the petition demanded that the king and all those responsible for the civil war be condemned by law. That is, the levellers openly insisted on overthrowing the monarchy and establishing a republican system in England. [ source not specified 784 days]

Following the civil levelers, the army also began to file petitions demanding the trial of Charles I. The Independent top of the army reacted negatively to these requirements, but Ayrton took into account the mood of the army and was able to persuade the command to support some of the levellers' demands, including the trial of the king. Therefore, the command did not interfere with the transfer of petitions, on the contrary: Cromwell and Ayrton actively participated in the preparation of petitions. By such steps, the Independents took power in the army into their own hands and did not intend to take care of all the other requirements of the levellers, except for the demand for a trial of the king. As a result, after the “Pride Purge” of parliament, which was a coup that transferred power into the hands of the Independents, the king was tried and executed. The Levellers criticized this court, which they, with good reason, denounced as violating the democratic principle of equality before the law.) [ source not specified 784 days]

7. Fight against the "new chains of England". May uprising

In 1649, a republic was actually created. The Independents refused to accept the agreed version of the "People's Agreement" as a new constitution, and, above all, to dissolve the existing parliament and hold new elections under the new system. At the end of 1648, the Levellers published the original text of the People's Agreement, since many of the requirements had not yet been implemented. In the pamphlet "Defense of Common Law and Freedom" (eng. A Plea of ​​Common Right and Freedom) Lilburn and his associates announce a break with the Independents, condemning their betrayal of the cause of democracy. In response to the House of Commons ruling against the pamphlets, the Levellers petition for press freedom. The next day, a softened text of the "People's Agreement" was submitted to the chamber, but its consideration was postponed indefinitely. Obviously, at that moment the ruling circles did not want to agree with the requirements of the levellers, but they were not ready to actively oppose them. [ source not specified 784 days]

At the same time, active measures were taken to neutralize levellers in the army. The officers passed a resolution asking the House of Commons to create a law according to which everyone who brings confusion to the army should be hanged. The officers decided to ban soldiers' rallies and submit petitions only through officers or a general.

s New Chains Discovered). In it, Lilburn criticizes the warped version of the "People's Agreement" submitted to parliament. He criticizes MPs and officers, but does so carefully, hoping for justice. Lilburn sharply criticizes the existence of such a new governing body as the Council of State, which restricts the democratic rights of the population, taking over the functions of parliament. Lilburn expresses fear of the usurpation of power by senior officers.

s New Chains Discovered). It no longer criticizes the State Council, but the parliament. Lilburn speaks of the violation of the people's freedoms by parliament, and calls on the parliament itself to protect the people from the activities of the grandees. The pamphlet boldly exposed the use of the Independent elite and the grandees of their position for enrichment. Subjecting parliament to sharp criticism, the levellers still hoped that parliament would turn in the direction of the opinions of the people.

But parliament not only did not follow the advice of the levellers, but began repressions against them. The most famous and active levellers (Lilburn, Walvin, Overton, Prince) were arrested and placed in the Tower. At a meeting of the Council of State, the accused categorically denied the charges of high treason, but under pressure from Cromwell and others, they were not released and were again placed in the Tower pending trial. The leaders of the movement enjoyed great support of the people, and petitions signed by several tens of thousands of people were submitted in their defense. In prison, the Levellers continued to write pamphlets, including the famous manifesto, in which the party leaders once again clarified their demands and resolutely dissociated themselves from the Diggers who advocated not only political, but also universal social and economic equality:

... we declare that we have never thought to equalize the conditions of the people and our highest aspiration is such a situation in the republic, when everyone uses his property with the greatest possible security.

We consider distinctions in rank and dignity necessary because they stimulate virtue and are also necessary to maintain power and government. We think that they never seek to support the ambition or oppression of the people, but only maintain due respect and obedience among the people, which is a prerequisite for better enforcement of laws.

- Lilburn J. Pamphlets. M., 1937.S. 99

In May, a mutiny broke out in the army. It was caused by the following events: the soldiers who did not want to go on the Irish campaign, not only were not paid their salaries, but they were not even given any promise of payment. General Fairfax ordered these regiments to be redeployed from London to a safer location. One of the regiments refused to obey the order. Only after the personal intervention of Cromwell and Fairfax was the excitement suppressed. 11 soldiers were found guilty of organizing the rebellion, 6 of them were sentenced to death, five - to expulsion from the army after a shameful execution. However, only one was executed - Robert Lockyer, a leveler. Several thousand people took part in the funeral of Lockyer. In addition to the mourning ribbons, the processions attached to their clothes ribbons of the color of the sea wave, which has been the color of levellers since the civil war. The funeral was held solemnly, with honors, which looked strange for the funeral of an ordinary soldier. This funeral was essentially a political demonstration against the policy of the army leadership and parliament, in support of the levellers.

In the same month, the last edition of the "People's Agreement" was drawn up. This document was the most complete constitutional draft, reflecting all the requirements highlighted in the leveller pamphlets.

At the same time, numerous petitions were submitted to parliament demanding the release of the levellers; women also filed petitions, but they were rudely refused. The situation grew more and more tense, which led to the famous May uprising in the army.

The outrage began in regiments sent to Ireland and soon engulfed most of the army. The development of the uprising was actively promoted by the work of rural levellers in a number of counties. The rebels adopted the "Unanimous Declaration" (eng. The Unanimous Declaration), which said that the army protects the rights of the people and will not allow a new tyranny. In Oxfordshire, during the uprising, a document was drawn up called "The Banner of England Raised" (eng. England "s Standard Advanced), in which the army expressed dissatisfaction with the policies of the parliament and the Council of State and called for an armed uprising, as a result of which a new parliament was to be formed on the basis of the "People's Agreement" of the levellers.

8. Suppression of levellers

After the release of John Lilburn from prison on bail, his pamphlet "Charge of treason against Oliver Cromwell and his son-in-law Henry Ayrton" (eng. An Impeachment of High Treason against Oliver Cromwel and his Son in Law Henry Ireton). In it, the policy of the Independents was criticized in an even more harsh form. In this and other pamphlets, the Levellers call for an open struggle against the established order.

September 28 "href =" / text / category / 28_sentyabrya / "rel =" bookmark "> On September 28, 1649, a declaration was adopted by parliament criticizing the policies of the Levellers and even revealing their connection with the Royalists. And in October the John Lilburn trial began, who was accused of high treason (under the "Treason Act"). The levellers began to look for ways to resolve the situation. Lilburn proposed a plan for the resettlement of levellers in the West Indies (this did not seem fantastic, since some religious movements and sects used such a practice). petitions were filed, but they were not accepted.Lilburn very successfully defended himself in court, showing outstanding legal knowledge, as a result of which he was acquitted on October 26, 1649. This event was met with a stormy popular demonstration.In honor of Lilburn's acquittal, a medal was even knocked out with his portrait and the names of the jurors.On November 8, thanks to persistent protests from the Levellers, Lilburn, Overton, Walvin and Prince were released.

In December, Lilburn was elected to municipal councilor, but refused to swear allegiance to the republic. Then the election was canceled and several Aldermen and Levellers were persecuted.

After these events, the levellers' activity declined sharply, although they continued to publish puffs and even tried to spread their ideas in France. A prominent figure in the movement during this period was Sexby, who in 1653 (with Waldman and Overton) and 1656 organized conspiracies against Cromwell. However, with the growth of Cromwell's power, the significance of the levellers as a progressive force in the revolution is lost.

Notes (edit)

In Russian-language literature, levellers are traditionally called a party. On the one hand, the levellers had a clear program, and they were actively involved in political struggle. On the other hand, the levellers did not have the structure, organization, or charter, which are the hallmarks of a political party. ^ 1 2 On the development of political and social ideas of levellers // Scientific notes (Leningrad Pedagogical Institute named after.)... - L .: LGPI, 1958 .-- T. 165 .-- S. 351-401. English bourgeois revolution of the 17th century. T. I. p. 204 Lilburn J. Pamphlets. S. 34. A remonstrance of many thousand citizens ... - www. constitution. org / lev / eng_lev_04.htm The Heads of the Proposals offered by the Army - www. constitution. org / eng / conpur071.htm The Agreement of the People, as presented to the Council of the Army - www. constitution. org / eng / conpur074.htm (eng.) The Bloody Project - www. strecorsoc. org / docs / project. html The humble Petition of Thousands wel-affected persons inhabiting the City of London, Westminster, the Borough of Southwark Hamblets, and places adjacent - www. bilderberg. org / land / petition. htm The Agreement of the People - www. constitution. org / eng / conpur081.htm England's New Chains Discovered - www. bilderberg. org / land / newchai1.htm (English) Lilburn J. Pamphlets. S. 47. The Second Part of England's New Chains Discovered - www. bilderberg. org / land / newchai2.htm (English) Lilburn J. Pamphlets. S. 67. A Manifestation ... - www. constitution. org / lev / eng_lev_11.txt (English) Lilburn J. Pamphlets. P. 94. An Agreement of the Free People of England - www. constitution. org / eng / agreepeo. htm Lilburn J. Pamphlets. S. 107. England's Standard Advanced - www. bilderberg. org / land / thompson. htm Socialism and Democracy in the Great English Revolution. S. 198-199. English bourgeois revolution of the 17th century. T. II. S. 85-88.

Literature

English bourgeois revolution of the 17th century / Edited by academician and candidate of historical sciences. - M .: Publishing house of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1954. - 10,000 copies. The Great English Revolution in the portraits of its leaders. - M .: Thought, 1991. - ISBN -2 Socialism and Democracy in the Great English Revolution. - M.-Pg .: State Publishing House, 1924. Overthrow every yoke. The Story of John Lilburn. - M .: Politizdat, 1977. - (Ardent revolutionaries). Democratic movement in the English bourgeois revolution. - L .: LGPI, 1973. Lilburn J. Pamphlets - www. ***** / books / 95/88 / john lilburne. html. - M .: State socio-economic publishing house, 1937. - (Tribunes of the revolution). English rebels. - M .: Progress, 1987. Lectures on the history of the English Revolution. - M .: State Socio-Economic Publishing House, 1937; 2001. - ISBN -X English Revolution - ***** / library / id_1202.html. - M .: State Publishing House of Foreign Literature, 1947. Levellers and the English Revolution - www. ***** / books / 94/85 / holorenshow_levellers and english revolution. html. - M .: State Publishing House of Foreign Literature, 1947.

". Parliament received its power from the people, but the people did not yield to the supreme power, that is, the power of parliament should be limited. Parliament "should not do what it wants, but what is useful for the good of the people and does not harm the people." At the same time, Lilburn did not allow the thought of the simultaneous existence of the House of Commons and the House of Lords. The lords were not elected, which means they are not invested with the trust of the people, their power is tyrannical, which means that their power must be destroyed along with the power of the king.

Lilburn also spoke out against privileges and feudal titles, for freedom of religious belief, inviolability of person and property, freedom of the press, etc. All these demands were aimed at destroying the feudal foundations that still reigned in England. In 1646, Lilburn was sentenced by the House of Lords to imprisonment and a hefty fine for his decisive actions. Lilburn was released only in 1648.

Richard Overton and William Walvin also actively defended the ideas of popular sovereignty, criticized the Presbyterians and their religious persecution, expressing in general ideas similar to Lilburn. They also advocated individual rights, primarily property rights.

Start of activity

At first, Lilburn, Overton, Walvin, Prince and their like-minded people acted separately, but by -1647 the Levellers separated from the Independents and began to represent an independent political grouping.

In July 1646, the "Reconstruction of Many Thousand Citizens" (Eng. A Remonstrance of Many Thousand Citizens ), probably composed by Overton and Walvin. Already in it demands are put forward for the abolition of the power of the king and the House of Lords, the supremacy of the House of Commons responsible to the people, the introduction of broad suffrage and the protection of natural human rights.

The first document written on behalf of the Levellers was a petition dated March 15, 1647, addressed to the "Supreme Power of the Nation" (eng. The large petition), which was sent to the House of Commons. In this document, the levellers say that "no government can be more legal than parliamentary" and that although the parliament has made many useful changes in the fight against feudal foundations, the country is still in a downtrodden position. This, in particular, is evidenced by the fact of the preservation of the House of Lords.

In this petition, moreover, economic claims were expressed. Levellers demanded the abolition of patents and monopolies that constrain the development of the economy. The petitioners also demanded the abolition of tithing, which was still charged at the time. The petition contains a proposal to create laws to help the poor, which in those days became more and more as a result of fencing.

The actions of the agitators were actively supported by the levelers. Overton declares in the pamphlet "A New Invented Trick ..." (Eng. A New Found Stratagem Framed in the Old Forge of Machivilisme ... ) that the plan to dissolve the army is the business of "a handful of deceivers, traitors and liars." The Levellers considered the army's refusal to disband a very important step in liberating the people from oppression and expected decisive action from the army.

Temporary alliance with Cromwell

At this time, Cromwell decides to take the king prisoner in order to prevent parliament from collusion with him. Having captured Charles, Cromwell was going to start negotiations with him himself, but first he wanted to isolate the supporters of the Levellers, who in any case would be against the deal. Then, at the beginning of June 1647, the All-Army Council (otherwise called the Council of the Army) was created, which included the top leadership of the army, soldiers-agitators and officers. At first, the Levellers welcomed its creation, believing that the administration in the army was acquiring a democratic character. However, they did not understand then that the General Army Council was created to control the agitators, that unity with the Independents could only be temporary.

In the same month, the General Army Council drew up the "Declaration of the Army" (eng. The Declaration of the Army), which was an attempt to put forward a political program that combined the ideas of levellers and independents. It said that the purpose of the army is to fight for the rights and freedoms of the people. Further, it was said that after a number of useful transformations were made, the Long Parliament should be dissolved, and after it a new one should be elected for three years. This requires proportionality between the amount of taxes received from the constituency and the number of representatives. In addition, the Declaration required freedom of the press and the filing of petitions. Many points of this document are concessions to the levellers, which subsequently were not implemented anyway.

Presbyterians began to prepare for the war for the king, forming military units and reorganizing the London militia, expelling the Independents from it. Then the leadership of the army announced the "New remontstration". In it, the Presbyterians were accused of using power for their own purposes and, in general, of leading the country to ruin. The army issued an ultimatum to parliament, talking about "emergency measures" that would be applied if what the army insisted on was not carried out. Charges were filed against the Presbyterian leaders in the House of Commons, but only a decision was made to allow them to remain in parliament or leave it for six months.

The Levellers considered this policy of the Independents to be extremely indecisive. The agitators demanded that the leadership of the army make a decision to attack London in order to prevent the Presbyterians "from gathering forces to stir up confusion and involve the unfortunate kingdom in a new and even more bloody war." They argued that this campaign was necessary for the well-being of the entire people, in this way it would be possible to prevent negotiations between the Presbyterians and the Royalists.

However, Cromwell was going to first reach an agreement with the king, and only then begin an active struggle with the Presbyterians. And although the campaign would have been in his hands, Cromwell did not want to strengthen the levellers, fearing that they would take power into their own hands. However, under pressure from agitators, the All-Army Council was forced to make a decision to march on London. After the fighting, London capitulated.

The conflict between the army and the "giants"

Cromwell begins negotiations with Charles I, which leads to an exacerbation of disagreements between the Levellers and Independents. In his pamphlets, John Lilburn condemns the actions of the army leadership, ignoring agitators and appropriating their powers. In the pamphlet "Exposing the Deceivers" (eng. The jugglers discovered) Lilburn writes that the grandees, as senior officers ironically began to be called, "are corrupt and have turned into enemies of the real and legal freedoms of England, becoming nobles and thinking only of themselves." In an anonymous pamphlet, "Calling the Free People of England to Soldiers," the author strongly condemns the officers for their suspicious relationship with the king. The pamphlet calls on the agitators to fight against the parliament and the grandees. Levellers also demand the release of Lilburn and Overton from prison.

Despite the fact that parliament banned leveler agitation in the army, many soldiers still supported levelers. At the call of Lilburn, re-election of agitators was held, since part of the old composition of agitators supported Cromwell, whom the Levellers openly accused of treason, which many soldiers did not like.

With the election of a new composition of agitators, the influence of levellers in the army increased. Sometimes the agitators even met separately from the General Army Council, consulted with civilian levellers. Under their leadership, the agitators drew up a document entitled "The Army Case, Correctly Grounded" (Eng. The Case of the Army Truly Stated ), which was a program of socio-political transformations. "The Army Case" was a kind of response to the "Proposal Items" - the Independents' program. One of its main compilers was the renowned leveler John Wildeman.

The compilers of the "Cause of the Army" pointed out that the rule of the Presbyterians is dangerous for the country, and the army is obliged to fight against oppression and injustice, but the leadership of the army has changed its obligations and prevents the people from gaining their rights and freedoms. The agitators emphasized that the army did not consist of mercenaries and should not have served with any ruler, but was an army that represented the interests of the people.

The authors criticized the "Sentence clauses" (eng. The Heads of the Proposals Offered by the Army ), according to which popular rights were to depend on the king. A number of proposals were put forward, including the purge of parliament, and then its dissolution, the creation of a permanent and basic law of the country - a constitution that was supposed to guarantee the right to elect parliament every two years "by all dragonborn 21 and older." At the same time, the authors of "Cause of the Army" denied the authority of the House of Lords. The authors also demanded judicial reform, revision of legislation, freedom of religion.

This document was met with discontent by the grandees. Oliver Cromwell gave a three-hour speech in parliament in which he condemned the "rebel regiments" and said that he was seeking to restore the monarchy. The agitators were accused of slandering the army. It was decided to consider the "Case of the Army" at a special expanded meeting of the Army Council on October 28, 1647.

"People's Agreement" of 1647

For this meeting, the Levellers presented the first edition of their constitutional program, known as the "People's Agreement" (eng. The Agreement of the People). According to the creators, the adoption of this document should have been carried out through a popular poll.

At the meeting of the General Army Council in Putney, which was, in fact, a conference of independents and levellers, an active discussion of the "People's Agreement" began. It became finally clear that the positions of the Independents and the levellers are very different. Although the conciliation commission, created from the leaders of both groups, developed several proposals that were concessions to the levellers (for example, on the electoral system, on the functions of the House of Commons), the document created was only slightly modified "Proposal Points". Levellers demanded further discussions. Then Cromwell dissolved the Army Council, intending to begin decisive action against the Levellers.

Levellers, on the other hand, were preparing for an uprising in the army. On November 15, not seven, but nine regiments arrived for the review of the troops. Soldiers of the regiments of Harrison and Robert Lilburn (brother of the Leveler chief, who continued to sit in the Tower) attached the text of the People's Agreement to their hats. The most prominent leveler in the army, Colonel Rainsborough, went to Fairfax to hand him one copy of the leveler project, but was pushed aside. Fairfax and Cromwell began to bypass the shelves demanding that they sign the oath and remove the People's Agreement. However, the regiments of Harrison and Lilburn refused to obey. Then Cromwell, realizing the danger of the situation, himself, with a sword in his hand, crashed into a crowd of soldiers, tearing off the sheets from their hats, after which he arranged a demonstrative execution over the three most active army levelers.

Following the civil levelers, the army also began to file petitions demanding the trial of Charles I. The Independent top of the army reacted negatively to these requirements, but Ayrton took into account the mood of the army and was able to persuade the command to support some of the levellers' demands, including the trial of the king. Therefore, the command did not interfere with the transfer of petitions, on the contrary: Cromwell and Ayrton actively participated in the preparation of petitions. With such steps, the Independents took power in the army into their own hands and were not at all going to take care of all the other requirements of the levellers, except for the demand for the trial of the king. As a result, after the “Pride Purge” of parliament, which was a coup that transferred power into the hands of the Independents, the king was tried and executed. The Levellers criticized this court, which they, with good reason, denounced as violating the democratic principle of equality before the law.)

The fight against the "new chains of England". May uprising

At the same time, active measures were taken to neutralize levellers in the army. The officers passed a resolution asking the House of Commons to create a law according to which everyone who brings confusion to the army should be hanged. The officers decided to ban soldiers' rallies and submit petitions only through officers or a general.

Title page of the pamphlet "The second part of the exposure of the new chains of England"

In these conditions, the levellers continued to fight, demanding the restoration of the institution of agitators and the Council of the Army. This demand was rejected. In response to measures to suppress freedom in the army, the Levellers continued to write pamphlets. One of the most significant is John Lilburn's pamphlet "Exposing England's New Chains" (eng. England "s New Chains Discovered ). In it, Lilburn criticizes the warped version of the "People's Agreement" submitted to parliament. He criticizes MPs and officers, but does so carefully, hoping for justice. Lilburn sharply criticizes the existence of such a new governing body as the Council of State, which restricts the democratic rights of the population, taking over the functions of parliament. Lilburn expresses fear of the usurpation of power by senior officers.

Title page of the manifesto

Lilburn and his associates continued to publish pamphlets exposing the policies of the ruling circles of England, which was officially declared a republic in May 1649. The most significant work of this time was Lilburn's pamphlet "The Legal Fundamental Liberties of the English People, Tested, Approved and Protected." In this pamphlet, Lilburn criticizes the policy of the Independents, calls the "rump" of parliament left after the "Pride Purge" a parody of power and once again draws attention to the "People's Agreement". The author proves the illegality of the actions of the Long Parliament, confirming his innocence with references to the Holy Scriptures and the works of reputable lawyers. Lilburn also does not recognize the legality of such coercive measures as the "Pride Purge" and the extraordinary trial of the king.

Suppress levelers

After the release of John Lilburn from prison on bail, his pamphlet "Charge of treason against Oliver Cromwell and his son-in-law Henry Ayrton" (eng. An Impeachment of High Treason against Oliver Cromwel and his Son in Law Henry Ireton ). In it, the policy of the Independents was criticized in an even more harsh form. In this and other pamphlets, the Levellers call for an open struggle against the established order.

Memorial plaque to the levellers who died during the uprising in Oxford

In September 1649, a soldier uprising began in Oxford. The mood of the soldiers was fueled by the levellers. The rebels demanded the dissolution of parliament and new elections on the basis of the "People's Agreement", the restoration of the All-Army Council, the destruction of church tithes, the abolition of the excise tax (taxes had grown very much by that time) and the payment of wage arrears. But this uprising, along with the ensuing performance in Worcestershire, was suppressed.

This was followed by a new series of repressions against the levellers. So on September 28, 1649, a declaration was adopted by parliament, in which the policy of the Levellers was criticized and even revealed their connection with the royalists. And in October, the trial of John Lilburn began, who was accused of high treason (under the "Treason Act"). Levellers began to look for ways to resolve the situation. Lilburn proposed a plan for the resettlement of levellers in the West Indies (this did not seem fantastic, since some religious movements and sects used such a practice). Levellers filed petitions, but they were not accepted. Lilburn very successfully defended himself in court, showing outstanding legal knowledge, as a result of which he was acquitted on October 26, 1649. This event was greeted with a stormy popular demonstration. In honor of Lilburn's acquittal, a medal was even knocked out with his portrait and the names of the jury. On November 8, thanks to persistent protests from the Levelers, Lilburn, Overton, Walvin and Prince were released.

In December, Lilburn was elected to municipal councilor, but refused to swear allegiance to the republic. Then the election was canceled and several Aldermen and Levellers were persecuted.

After these events, the levellers' activity declined sharply, although they continued to publish puffs and even tried to spread their ideas in France. A prominent figure in the movement during this period was Sexby, who in (along with Waldman and Overton) and 1656 organized conspiracies against Cromwell. However, with the growth of Cromwell's power, the significance of the levellers as a progressive force in the revolution is lost.

Notes (edit)

1. In Russian-language literature, levellers are traditionally called a party. On the one hand, the levellers had a clear program, and they were actively involved in political struggle. On the other hand, the levellers did not have the structure, organization, or charter, which are the hallmarks of a political party.
2. Levin G.R. On the development of political and social ideas of levellers // Scientific notes (Leningrad Pedagogical Institute named after A. N. Herzen)... - L.: LGPI, 1958 .-- T. 165 .-- S. 351-401.
3. A remonstrance of many thousand citizens ... (eng.)
4. The Heads of the Proposals offered by the Army
5. The Agreement of the People, as presented to the Council of the Army
6. The Bloody Project
7. The humble Petition of Thousands wel-affected persons inhabiting the City of London, Westminster, the Borough of Southwark Hamblets, and places adjacent
8. The Agreement of the People (eng.)
9. England's New Chains Discovered
10. Lilburn J. Pamphlets. P. 47.
11. The Second Part of England's New Chains Discovered